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Describes political obstacles which will prevent it from rejoining the Australia, New Zealand, US alliance in the near future, including the Left's anti-Americanism, nationalism, and a growing unease about American power in the aftermath of the Iraq War; argues in favor of normalizing relations with the US.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, China-Russia relations have demonstrated a significant and consistent progress on a number of issues advancing to the strategic alliance. However, the existing explanations of such progress have rarely gone beyond simple recognition of the continuous deterioration of relations between these countries and the West, particularly the United States. However, such explanations seem insufficient since they do not reveal the key determinants of the Russian-Chinese alignment and cannot help assess the sustainability of this trend. In order to provide a comprehensive and methodologically consistent assessment of the main drivers of the China-Russia relations within the framework of the post-Cold War international system evolution, this paper draws on the latest findings in the theory of international alliances. To this end, the author harnesses the epistemological potential of the three main approaches to the root causes of interstate strategic alliances, namely the 'balance of power', the 'balance of threat' and the 'balance of interests'. The paper examines the Russian-Chinese cooperation both within the framework of each of these three balances separately and in their interrelatedness and interdependence. The author shows that trend towards a closer strategic cooperation between China and Russia in the post-Cold War period stemmed from the inner dynamics of all of these balances. This strategic alignment is based on a complex of shared views on the United States as the main source of threats for national security and the commitment of both states to the idea of a multipolar world. The author concludes that not only will the trend towards strengthening Russian-Chinese cooperation continue, at least in the medium term, but it can receive a new impetus to evolve into a full-fledged alliance.

This dissertation studies the political economy of cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As) from two angles, namely, compatibility of national security interests and political uncertainty around national elections. Using the presence of military alliance as a proxy for the compatibility of security interests between countries, this study finds that the presence of military alliance between two countries is positively associated with the intensity of cross-border M&A activity. This result is robust to different measures of M&A volume and using colonial contiguity before World War II to instrument for the presence of alliance. The positive effect of military alliance on cross-border M&As is greater when the alliance includes a defense commitment, the allied acquirer country is a major power nation, and the legal environment of the target country is weaker. What's more, the presence of military alliance reduces the premium offered and increases the probability of a bidder obtaining full control of the target firm. These findings suggest that compatible security interests act as a facilitator in the international market of control by reducing transaction costs associated with cross-border deals. This study also examines the effect of political uncertainty around national elections on outbound cross-border M&As in 47 countries between 2001 and 2010. The results show that the year before a national election is associated with greater volume of outbound cross-border M&As. An acquisition deal is more likely to be cross-border and increase acquirer's announcement returns in the year before a national election. Across countries, this relation is stronger in countries with lower checks and balances and lower level of shareholder protection. Within countries, this relation is weaker when elections with high likelihood to reappoint incumbent leader and stronger when a new leader is more likely to win. In addition, firms doing outbound cross-border acquisitions in the year before national election tend to choose targets from different industries with them. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that firms strategically time cross-border acquisitions and diversify political uncertainty abroad before national elections. ; published_or_final_version ; Economics and Finance ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Retrospective consideration of US relations with Latin America during the 1960s has focused on the Alliance for Progress and the Cuban missile crisis. Few attempts have been made to understand the origins of the policy, much less to assess its impact on the hemisphere and inter-American relations. This is an error. This paper attempts to understand both episodes, and others that occurred during the decade, in the broad context and historical dynamics of inter-American relations. This context should include a consideration of the elements that led to the formulation of the Alliance for Progress and the global concerns of the North American government that shaped policy toward Latin America. ; La consideración retrospectiva de las relaciones de los EEUU con América Latina durante la década del 60 se ha centrado en la Alianza para el Progreso y la crisis de misiles de Cuba. Se han efectuado pocos intentos para entender los orígenes de la política, mucho menos para evaluar su impacto sobre el hemisferio y las relaciones interamericanas. Este es un error. El presente trabajo intenta comprender ambos episodios, y otros acaecidos durante la década, en el amplio contexto y la dinámica histórica de las relaciones interamericanas. Este contexto debe incluir una consideración de los elementos que condujeron a la formulación de la Alianza para el Progreso y a las preocupaciones globales del gobierno norteamericano que configuraron la política hacia América Latina.

Abstract
Career narratives among the Danish power elite often include the facilitating presence of an elite superior. We explore the role patrons play in the mobility narratives of the Danish power elite. Drawing from a highly select group identified in the core of elite networks, we interviewed 37 individuals selected for maximal variation in career paths, networks and positions within the power elite. We referenced the concept of patrimonialism to understand the relations between patrons and protégés in building an elite career and develop a typology identifying three kinds of patrimonial relations described by elites, intra-organizational relations to mentors and patriarchs and inter-organizational relations to sponsors. We then empirically explore the three types of patrimonial relations. Finally, we argue that each of these patrimonial relations reinforce elite cohesion, even in the supposedly critical case of good governance in Denmark. Hence, patrimonial relations present a crucial perspective for understanding contemporary power structures.

ABSTRACT Purpose: In this study, the notion of absorptive capacity (AC) and its configurations were adopted as a reference with the general goal of understanding the development stage of processes and routines of the acquisition, transformation and application of knowledge in the context of a public research company. Originality/value: One of the mobilizing factors in the agricultural sector in Brazil is the generation of new products and processes. In this case, the Brazilian Agricultural Research Agency (Embrapa) has played a role, especially in the absorption, internalization and generation of agricultural knowledge and innovations. In its processes, it involves its decentralized units and scientific and technological partners through research and development (R&D) processes. Identifying and systematizing the most effective forms and configurations in processes and routines associated with the dynamic of knowledge appropriation in a diverse and dynamic environment such as Embrapa constitutes a major challenge for scholars. However, recent studies have highlighted the growing diffusion of the debate on the AC construct. Design/methodology/approach: For this purpose, a case study was conducted involving Embrapa and three of its R&D projects. The study found evidence of intra-organizational and interorganizational alliances, as well as resulting important innovations. Findings: The principal contribution was identifying, in a public research company, the presence of routines and processes similar to those observed in the configurations of AC analyzed in the literature and the consolidation of routines and processes of knowledge absorption at the intra-organizational and interorganizational levels.

This book provides an integrated treatment of blockmodeling, the most frequently used technique in social network analysis. It secures its mathematical foundations and then generalizes blockmodeling for the analysis of many types of network structures. Examples are used throughout the text and include small group structures, little league baseball teams, intra-organizational networks, inter-organizational networks, baboon grooming networks, marriage ties of noble families, trust networks, signed networks, Supreme Court decisions, journal citation networks, and alliance networks. Also provided is an integrated treatment of algebraic and graph theoretic concepts for network analysis and a broad introduction to cluster analysis. These formal ideas are the foundations for the authors' proposal for direct optimizational approaches to blockmodeling which yield blockmodels that best fit the data, a measure of fit that is integral to the establishment of blockmodels, and creates the potential for many generalizations and a deductive use of blockmodeling

Collaborative governance is a crucial approach to addressing cross-jurisdictional environmental problems. With the ample water resources across China, lack of coordination for water governance however has become a severe barrier to regional development. Taking the largest freshwater lake in east China – Lake Tai as an example and drawing upon intergovernmental collective action theory, issue salience theory, and resource dependence theory, this research explores how the combination of contextual factors and intra-alliance factors contribute to the formation of stable collaborative water governance. Specifically, we applied a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis to examine the 32 collaborative water governance cases in Lake Tai basin from the year of 2010 to 2019, and found that the presence of governmental intervention is a necessary condition for shaping collaborative water governance in China, and two configurational pathways represent the issue-oriented model and path-dependence model, which provides possible insights for promoting inter-governmental collaborative governance in the future.

Cet article analyse l'évolution de l'électorat républicain à l'ère Trump. En prenant le Wisconsin et l'Arizona comme cas d'études, il démontre que, sous Trump, le Parti républicain a vu son électorat traditionnel se disloquer. Il montre que si cette dynamique est commune à l'Arizona et au Wisconsin, elle ne suit pas forcément les mêmes ressorts. Dans le Wisconsin, Trump apparaît comme un phénomène exogène au Parti républicain, menaçant une alliance rurale-suburbaine qui l'avait porté au pouvoir. Dans l'Arizona, Trump s'inscrit directement dans les lignes de clivage intra-républicain qui divisent le Parti depuis plusieurs décennies. Il engendre un renforcement de ces clivages dans les centres de pouvoir suburbains du parti tout en approfondissant son ancrage rural. Le parti fait donc globalement face à une ruralisation accrue de son ancrage territorial, mais l'évolution du comportement électoral des banlieues diffère d'un État à l'autre, compliquant sa stratégie électorale.

The EU project is at an inflection point. Intra-EU alliances are altering following the UK's departure, the EU's financial markets remain segmented, and there is limited appetite for completing the Banking Union. The second stage of Brexit negotiations also collided with the Covid-19 pandemic, which has strained economies around the world. These issues amount to a 'polycrisis' for the EU, raising existential questions about its future. This article focuses on one strand of the debates generated within this polycrisis: future UK/EU policy cooperation with respect to financial governance. The article discusses the importance of the financial services sector to the UK and the EU, and examines potential institutional options for future cooperation. In particular, it advocates harnessing dexterous aspects evident within precedents, including existing EU/third country association agreements, to develop a functional arrangement for future financial governance cooperation, which could also lead to closer UK/EU cooperation than currently appears likely.

The EU project is at an inflection point. Intra‐EU alliances are altering following the UK's departure, the EU's financial markets remain segmented, and there is limited appetite for completing the Banking Union. The second stage of Brexit negotiations also collided with the Covid‐19 pandemic, which has strained economies around the world. These issues amount to a 'polycrisis' for the EU, raising existential questions about its future. This article focuses on one strand of the debates generated within this polycrisis: future UK/EU policy cooperation with respect to financial governance. The article discusses the importance of the financial services sector to the UK and the EU, and examines potential institutional options for future cooperation. In particular, it advocates harnessing dexterous aspects evident within precedents, including existing EU/third country association agreements, to develop a functional arrangement for future financial governance cooperation, which could also lead to closer UK/EU cooperation than currently appears likely.

This paper seeks to understand the peculiarity of the Trudeau government's decision to withdraw Canadian fighter jets from Iraq and Syria. Most studies have focused on electoral turnover to account for early withdrawal from coalition operations. Yet no study offers a plausible explanation for why a centrist challenger, such as Trudeau, favoured early withdrawal despite public support and alliance pressure for continued involvement, and committed when in power to a bolder and riskier mission while withdrawing valued military assets from coalition operations. Building on foreign policy role theory, we argue that role conflict best explains the particularity of the Trudeau government's withdrawal decision. In the wake of the 2015 federal election, the Liberal Party of Canada witnessed an intra-party conflict over which role to perform between that of a faithful ally and a good international citizen. The party leader finally proposed a compromise mission making Canada more involved on the frontlines.

The seeming entrenchment of a two-coalition system in Malaysia solidifies the centrality of strongly institutionalised parties in the polity. The primary parties in Malaysia reach deeply into society and nest within dense networks of both intra-party and external organisations. Given this order - which differentiates Malaysia from its neighbours in the region - political liberalisation, if it happens, should be expected largely via electoral politics, and, specifically, through inter-party challenges. Indeed, the ideological and material premises of the emergent Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance) differ substantially from those of the long-standing Barisan Nasional (National Front), even as both pursue the same broad swathe of voters. This distinction reflects and furthers transformation in Malaysian politics, including not just a shift in the salience of communal identities and in policy proposals and issues, but also in patterns of political engagement both within and outside of parties, regardless of which coalition controls parliament. (JCSA/GIGA)

International audience ; Un cas parmi tant d'autres à Madagascar, l'ensemble des sociétés lignagères Antakarana ne fait pas exception quant à l'incursion de facteurs exogènes dans l'efflorescence et le durcissement des superstructures identitaires locales, cela au sein du berceau de l'avancée de la modernité et de la post-modernité. Les phénomènes accentués de migration instaurent et dynamisent des contextes relatifs de cohabitation interculturelle. D'où semblent découler tensions intra et interlignagères, constitution de groupes de pression informels, rejets et alliances politiques, course au statut de leadership, amenuisement du statut d'appartenance de caste, changement de fonction du concept d'ethnicité, d'inter-ethnicité… Les sociétés lignagères ne perdent pas pour autant leur équilibre sociétal en termes d'unité, de solidarité et d'harmonie. Au-delà des contradictions dans la base économique, elles ont une faculté rationnelle d'auto-organisation sur le plan interculturel dans la résolution des problématiques culturelles inter-identitaires et dans l'horizontalisation des objectifs de celle-ci avec ceux des initiatives organisationnelles exogènes.

International audience ; Un cas parmi tant d'autres à Madagascar, l'ensemble des sociétés lignagères Antakarana ne fait pas exception quant à l'incursion de facteurs exogènes dans l'efflorescence et le durcissement des superstructures identitaires locales, cela au sein du berceau de l'avancée de la modernité et de la post-modernité. Les phénomènes accentués de migration instaurent et dynamisent des contextes relatifs de cohabitation interculturelle. D'où semblent découler tensions intra et interlignagères, constitution de groupes de pression informels, rejets et alliances politiques, course au statut de leadership, amenuisement du statut d'appartenance de caste, changement de fonction du concept d'ethnicité, d'inter-ethnicité… Les sociétés lignagères ne perdent pas pour autant leur équilibre sociétal en termes d'unité, de solidarité et d'harmonie. Au-delà des contradictions dans la base économique, elles ont une faculté rationnelle d'auto-organisation sur le plan interculturel dans la résolution des problématiques culturelles inter-identitaires et dans l'horizontalisation des objectifs de celle-ci avec ceux des initiatives organisationnelles exogènes.