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AbstractDespite the recent advances in the field of protection of the rights of disabled people in Uzbekistan, their right to work and be protected from unemployment is not fully implemented. The reported levels of disability employment remain significantly low. The findings of this pilot qualitative study reveal that the current institutional framework which takes its roots in the Soviet disability policies coupled with environmental and attitudinal barriers is restricting disabled people's right to work. Based on the lived experiences of disabled people in Tashkent city and the Tashkent region this study calls for the removal of all the barriers.

Trade secrets in a business activity must be kept confidential by either the licensee or the person receiving the license. Producing a product for business continuity is not an easy thing. Research and experiments are repeatedly done to achieve the desired thing to run the business. The problem is that if a product is successful and widely used by the public, then the problem arises that many people want to imitate or steal the product to achieve personal gain, without permission or legal procedure applicable to use the trademark of the concerned owner of the trade secret license . Settlement of the case can be done by way of consensus or through the court. In principle how the licensee can be legal protection from the government, so its business sustainability can be run in the presence of legal protection. ; peer-reviewed

From a brief review of Constitutional Jurisprudence, this article presents a descriptive and critical analysis of the limits of the autonomy of tribal peoples in Colombia in the development of electoral debates. The purpose of this research is to know the legal system that grants autonomy to these peoples, as well as the norms and principles that limit those powers. Likewise, it establishes the limits of the aforementioned Jurisdiction in electoral matters in Colombia. Finally, establish that in electoral material the members of the indigenous communities act on equal terms with the rest of the citizens. The methodological system that will be implemented in this research work will be of a qualitative nature with a critical approach, with emphasis on the bibliographic review of the corresponding Jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court since 1991. ; Desde una breve revisión de la Jurisprudencia Constitucional, este artículo presenta un análisis descriptivo y crítico sobre los límites de la autonomía de los pueblos tribales en Colombia en el desarrollo de los debates electorales. El propósito de esta investigación es conocer el ordenamiento que les concede autonomía a dichos pueblos, como también las normas y principios que limitan esos poderes. Así mismo, establecer los límites de la Jurisdicción mencionada en materia electoral en Colombia. Finalmente, establecer que en material electoral los miembros de las comunidades indígenas actúan en igualdad de condiciones al resto de los ciudadanos. El sistema metodológico que se implementará en este trabajo de investigación será de carácter cualitativo con enfoque crítico, con énfasis en la revisión bibliográfica de la Jurisprudencia correspondiente de la Corte Constitucional desde 1991.

Malta's quest to become a full member of the European Union, offers a challenge to the island's industrial base - a challenge that involves a shift from a labour intensive, highly protected manufacturing industry to a knowledge-based capital intensive industry, open to fierce global market competition. One major implication of this shift is that the attraction of more foreign and local investment will no longer be based on an abundant, hard working and cheap labour force but on a multi-skilled, polyvalent human resource that is capable of adapting itself to continuous rapid changes in product development and international market requirements. This implication involves the provision of a different training system that caters for the development of a human resource that will be treated by operating organisations as a valuable asset to be continuously invested upon rather than as a factor of production whose cost should be kept at a minimum. ; peer-reviewed

В статье рассматриваются проблемные вопросы практического применения норм о разграничении подсудности мировых судов и общих судебных установлений при рассмотрении дел о нарушениях торговых уставов после принятия Судебных уставов 20 ноября 1864 г. В 1845 г. в Российской империи в результате переработки и кодификации уголовно-правовых норм было создано Уложение о наказаниях уголовных и исправительных, во многом предопределившее последующее проведение судебной реформы. Ответственность за нарушения постановлений о торговле приобрела систематизированный характер, но часть норм была рассредоточена по разным разделам и главам Уложения. Торговые уставы относились к административным, и поэтому, согласно книге третьей Устава уголовного судопроизводства, некоторые составы правонарушений в области торговли изымались из общего порядка уголовного судопроизводства. Исследование выполнено на основе методологических принципов объективности и историзма. Помимо этого, в работе используются традиционные общенаучные методы системного анализа и синтеза, частнонаучные методы формально-юридический, метод интерпретации права. Проведенные в ходе судебной реформы систематизация законодательства и коренная перестройка уголовного судопроизводства имели для России огромное значение. В то же время не были преодолены многие проблемы, существовавшие в уголовном процессе: отсутствие точных критериев, разграничивающих подсудность мировых судей и окружных судов при рассмотрении дел о нарушениях в области торгового предпринимательства, неопределенность некоторых санкций, наличие многочисленных отсылок, которые также затрудняли применение соответствующих норм; объединение разнородных правонарушений в рамках одной главы, что проанализировано на примере конкретных уголовных и уголовно-процессуальных норм. ; The article covers the issues of practical application of rules of separation of judicial jurisdiction of magistrates' courts and general judicial institutions while considering cases of trade charter violations following the enactment of the judicial charters on November the 20-th, 1864. As a result of elaboration and codification of criminal legal rules in 1845 in the Russian Empire there was created the Code of Criminal and Correctional Penalties which had a dramatic sustained impact on the implementation of the judicial reform. The liability for violating trading regulations acquired a consistent character, but certain rules were scattered within various parts and chapters of the Code. Trade charters used to be attributed to administrative ones and therefore, under Book 3 of the Criminal Procedural Charter, certain cases belonging to trading offences were excluded from the general order of the criminal procedure. The research is performed on the basis of methodological principles of objectiveness and historism. Apart from these, the author employs traditional general scientific methods of comprehensive analysis and special scientific methods the formal legal method and the method of legal interpretation. Systematization of legislation and dramatic reconstruction of criminal judicial procedure that had been carried out in the course of the judicial reform proved to be very beneficial for Russia. Nevertheless, the reform failed to solve many problems which had existed in criminal procedure: the absence of precise criteria discriminating between the judicial jurisdiction of the magistrates' courts and circuit courts while considering violations in the area of trading entrepreneurship, the ambiguity of a number of sanctions, the abundance of various references which have hindered the application of corresponding rules; the uniting of offences, having different legal nature, within the same chapter that has been demonstrated and exemplified by the analysis of certain criminal and criminal procedural rules.

The Hague Conferences that produced the Conventions of 1899 and 1907 closed the nineteenth century and opened the twentieth. They established an agenda for negotiation, in the parliamentary-diplomatic mode, for the next hundred years; elevated the development of mechanisms of dispute resolution to new prominence; tried to order many areas of armed conflict with new international law; and, perhaps unintentionally, set parameters for the future diplomacy of international conferences.Subsequent international lawmaking efforts grappled with many of the themes debated at The Hague, even as the political landscape of international law was completely transformed by the breakup of empires and the advent of almost two hundred new states; the founding of international organizations and regional organizations that could scarcely have been imagined in 1899, and the establishment of a truly permanent international judicial institution, followed by the creation of many other judicial institutions with more focused jurisdictions. Despite these changes, much of the style of the Hague Conferences left a deep imprint on international law. The mixture of lofty rhetoric, prophetic international legal vision, and narrow political interest of the Hague Conferences became a characteristic, even an expected feature, of collective international lawmaking efforts in this century.

Social workers play a vital role in making violence-stricken communities into safer places for human development. However, research examining the experiences of community practitioners in political conflicts is scarce. Using a place-making analytical framework, this study addresses this gap exploring community practitioners' practices around outbreaks of violence in Israeli Jewish-Arab mixed cities. Based on 50 semi-structured interviews, the findings reveal three modalities of place-making: place-developing, place-protecting, and place-remaking. The study highlights community practice's significant role in constructing spaces in light of practitioners' sense of place. It encourages the inclusion of place-making as a framework to understand social work within conflict zones.

This article examines the relationship between spirituality and the environment and the changing values required as we move toward a new politics of social work where commitment to social and political involvement is integral to spirituality, most notably surrounding environmental change. The ecospiritual perspective recognizes human interests are inextricably bound with planetary well-being. It serves not only to broaden social work beyond a preoccupation with the social, but also to shift professional thinking away from the pre-eminence of individualism and dualism, and the unquestioned acceptance of progress and uncontrolled growth that make it difficult for social workers to fulfil their role as agents of social and environmental justice.

{A taxonomy of social deviance theories is presented on the basis of dichotomisiny and crosstabulating two variables central to the study of human behaviour and social action: the nature versus nurture and the individual versus system notions. The result ing four types of social deviance theories — theories attributing deviance to individual versus group heredity and to personal versus systems shortcomings, respectively — suggest that there is considerable similarity among theories which often goes unnoticed and unnecessarily complicates the understanding of social deviance. Recommended cures for social deviance implied by the (meta)theoretical assumptions of these theories are identified. Recommended cures are found to be at loggerheads with implied causes of social deviance.

Esta investigación pretende contribuir a la comprensión de la política de seguridad internacional de Canadá. Para cumplir con dicho objetivo, esta investigación plantea dos propósitos específicos: a) ofrecer una revisión crítica del estado de conocimiento sobre esta política; y b) interpretar los discursos realistas y liberales que configuraron la política canadiense de seguridad internacional durante los gobiernos de Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) y Stephen Harper (2006-2008). Los discursos liberales son entendidos aquí como complejos de creencias que precisan la obligación moral de comprometerse con proyectos cosmopolitas, tales como la promoción de los derechos humanos, la estabilización de los denominados Estados frágiles y fallidos o la contribución a los valores democrático-liberales. Los discursos realistas son entendidos como complejos de creencias derivados del espíritu de la realpolitik. Estas creencias señalan que los Estados deben buscar sus intereses nacionales independientemente de consideraciones morales. ; This research attempts to contribute to the understanding of Canada's international security policy. In order to fulfill this goal, this research attempts to achieve two specific goals: a) to offer a critical review of the state of knowledge about this policy, b) to interpret the liberal and realist discourses, which shaped the Canadian International security policy during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper (2006-2008)'s governments. The liberal discourses are understood here as complex beliefs that specify the moral obligation to engage in cosmopolitical projects, such as the promotion of human rights, the stabilization of the so-called fragile and failed states or the contribution to the liberal-democratic values. The realist discourses are conceived as complex beliefs derived from the realpolitik spirit. Those beliefs specify that states must pursue its national interests regardless of moral considerations.

The main strategy of this article is to consider liberalism in contrast withdemocracy. Many critics of liberal democracy argue that there is no necessaryrelation between two distinct traditions but only a contingent historicalarticulation. The main ideas of liberalism are the rule of law, the defense ofhuman rights and the respect of individual liberty. Democracy, by contrast,relies on substantial equality, identity between governing and governed, andpopular sovereignty. In other words there is a tension between democratichomogeneity and liberal heterogeneity or pluralism.Mainly because of liberal assumption of an autonomous rights bearingindividual, liberalism is very skeptical on the issue of democracy. Liberalsstress the protection of freedom against potential oppressive democraticmajorities. Equality in the liberal tradition is reduced to equal liberty. Theabstract liberal conception of equality postulates that every person is, as aperson, morally equal to every other person. The substantial democratic conception of equality, however, requires the possibility of inequality, i.e. thepossibility of distinguishing who belongs to the demos and who is exterior toit. Equality is only valuable politically so long as it has substance or concretepolitical context.John Rawls's theory of political liberalism accents formal and proceduralaspects of liberal democracy. The main cause is that Rawls's theory is deontological.He draws the distinction between the "right" and the "good" – between a framework of basic rights and liberties, and the conceptions of the good that people may choose to pursue within this framework. Rawls's priority of the right over the good is presented as the principle of neutrality.But the problem is that political liberalism can provide a consensus onlyamong reasonable persons who are persons who accept the principles ofpolitical liberalism. Thus Rawls's allegedly neutral public reason is derivedfrom the fundamentals of liberalism or the specific concept of good.Communitarian political philosophy criticizes liberalism for itsatomism, concept of negative liberty and the priority of human rights. Deontological liberalism, it is said, is excessively individualistic, abstract and universalistic. Challenging the liberal commitment to individualism and to human rights, communitarians insist that democratic community cannot be justified without reference to common purposes and ends. To be a citizen is to interpret oneself as a member of the polity. Democratic homogeneity requires the identity between governing and governed. So, democracy rests not on individual rights, but essentially on the general will of the community.The model of deliberative democracy argues that the essence of democracy is deliberation itself, as opposed to voting, interest aggregation, constitutional rights, or self-government. Deliberative democracy concerns the degree to which democratic control is substantive and engaged by competent citizens. The influence of informal public opinion formation, it is claimed, has to be transformed into "communicative power" and accordingly into "administrative power". But in essence deliberative theory accepts the key tenets of political liberalism. Some deliberative theorists argue that the priority of liberal rights is necessary for deliberative democracy itself.The agonistic model of democracy says that the dimension of antagonism is inherent in human relations. The ineradicability of antagonism, it is argued, is constitutive of the political. The main task of this model is to establish us/them discrimination in a way that is compatible with pluralist democracy. On the one hand, agonistic democracy criticizes neutral and procedural aspects of liberal democracy, on the other hand, both agonistic and liberal models accepts the priority of pluralism and individual rights.In summary, the processes of liberalization and democratization are conceptually contradictory. The ethos of liberalism, especially the ideal of negative liberty, reduces the substantial concept of equality to indifferent equal liberty. The principle of moral equality is gradually transformed to the principle of moral individualism. The deontological liberalism ignores the main democratic question – how to establish the democratic community with both the autonomy of persons and the shared understanding of the good? In this way political liberalism negates the ideal of democracy – the identity between governing and governed. ; Straipsnio tikslas – parodyti, kaip skirtingos politinės filosofijos koncepcijosapibūdina įtampą tarp demokratijos ir liberalizmo. Teigiama, kad politinioliberalizmo koncepcijoje pabrėžiami formos, o ne turinio aspektai. Liberalizmoraida, teikianti pirmenybę liberalizmo, o ne demokratijos idealams, atskleidžiavienpusišką tendenciją. Pirmenybę teikiant individo teisėms, įtampa tarp liberalaus laisvės ir demokratinio lygybės idealų redukuojama į abstraktų lygių laisvių postulatą. Norint aiškiai skirti liberalizmo ir demokratijos įtakos sritis, svarbu grįžti prie filosofinių diskusijų prielaidų lygmeniu. Čia svarstomi klausimai lyginamuoju aspektu tęsia Alvydo Jokubaičio nagrinėtą liberalizmo ir demokratijos santykį kaip gilų konfliktą tarp dviejų skirtingų filosofijų bei raginimą skirti liberalizmo ir demokratijos įtakos sritis.

The Outlaw Ocean is a riveting, adrenalin-fuelled tour of a vast, lawless and rampantly criminal world that few have ever seen -- the high seas. The oceans are some of the last untamed frontiers on our planet. Too big to police, and under no clear international authority, these treacherous waters play host to the extremes of human behaviour and activity. From traffickers, smugglers and pirates to vigilante conservationists, stowaways and seabound abortion-providers, Ian Urbina introduces us to the inhabitants of this hidden world and their risk-fraught lives. Through their extraordinary stories, he uncovers a globe-spanning network of crime and exploitation that emanates from the fishing, oil and shipping industries - but to which all of us are connected

Emotions constitute an integrated part of crime trials, but the evaluation of these emotions is dependent on broader cultural norms rarely addressed by legal practitioners. Previous research on emotions in the judiciary has also tended to underemphasize this cultural dimension of judges' assessment of defendants' emotional expressions. This article presents an ethnographic study of Danish judges' considerations when they encounter defendants in court and get an impression of their behaviour, emotional state and physical appearance. Combining theories about emotions with intersectionality approaches, the article highlights the processes in which social categories are dynamically shaped through emotions. Judges' assessments of emotions are mediated through their own cultural understandings, and what counts as 'appropriate' emotion is dependent on how the defendant is culturally and systemically situated.