Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: A reflection on classes; a reflection on parties -- Chapter 3: Were social democratic parties really more working-class in the past? -- Chapter 4: The class basis of social democracy at the beginning of the twenty-first century -- Chapter 5: Parties' changing political projects and workers' political attitudes -- Chapter 6: Renewing social democracy by re-mobilising the working class.

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country's economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens' support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.

أن جميع الأنظمة السياسية في دول العالم لا تعمل بشكل عشوائي، بل لابد أن يكون له إطار أيديولوجي واضح وصريحا من المعتقدات والتوجيهات السياسية التي تفصح عنها صراحة، أو تتركها ضمنياً يكشف عنها شكل الفعل الاجتماعي الذي يصدر من الدولة، وينسحب هذا القول إلى النظم السياسية كافة بصرف النظر عن بساطتها وتعقيدها. فلأيديولوجية لها دور مهم في حركة الأنظمة السياسية وفاعليتها وقدرتها التأثيرية،
وهكذا حرص المؤسسون للنظام السياسي في المملكة العربية السعودية ، والجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية، على توظيف الأيديولوجية الدينية في الحياة السياسية من باب تقديس السلطة السياسية و اعطاء طابع الشرعية للسلطة السياسية، ليكون الدين محوري بالنسبة لمسألة الشرعية لأنه يوفر أساسا أخلاقيا وثقافيا من خلال استخدام لغة بسيطة ذات طابع ديني بهدف بناء الشرعية الأيديولوجية. غير ان هذا التوظيف في كلا النظامين يلتقي بنقاط معينه، ويتقاطع في أخرى، نظراَ لاختلاف المنطلق الأيديولوجي للنظامين الناتج عن الاختلاف المذهبي.

"Local Governments' Financial Vulnerability presents a conceptual framework developed to examine how vulnerable local finances were before and in the immediate aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis by mapping and systematising its dimensions and sources. The model is then applied to eight countries with different administrative models and traditions: Australia, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and the USA. Comparative results reveal not only that Covid-19 impacts and policy tools had a lot of similarities across countries, but also that financial vulnerability has an inherently contingent nature in time and space and can lead to paradoxical outcomes. The book shows that the impact of the crisis on local governments' finances has been postponed and that financial vulnerability is expected to increase dramatically for a few years following the pandemic, especially in larger and richer municipalities which are traditionally more autonomous and less financially vulnerable. The authors provide timely insights and analytical tools that can be useful for both academic and public policy purposes, to further appreciate local governments' financial vulnerability, especially during crises. This book is a valuable resource for practitioners and academics, as well as students of public policy, public management, financial management, and public accounting. Local governments can use the framework to better appreciate and manage their financial vulnerability, while oversight authorities can use it to help local governments become less financially vulnerable or, at least, more aware of their financial vulnerability. Financial institutions, advisors, and rating agencies may use this publication to refine or revise their models of credit risk assessment."

Until recently, weather talk was an easy filler for any awkward silence. But tragically for polite conversationalists everywhere, the weather is no longer mundane.Especially in summers like the one we just had in Sydney, weather talk has many of us breaking a surprising sweat — and not only from the heat. With climate change a hot-button issue globally (in spite and even because of its lack of mention in national budgets, or erasure from government websites), talk about the weather now has an unavoidably political tinge.

The article examines the political processes in Slovakia in 2022. It is noted that the past year has demonstrated the fragility and weakness of the ruling coalition, which, following a lengthy debate, was forced to resign. The author notes that the central reason for the collapse of the Cabinet was the personal hostility of the country's leading politicians – I. Matovič and R. Sulik. However, they demonstrated a keen desire to delay the collapse of the coalition, aggravating the internal political situation in the country as much as possible, since they realized the impossibility of participating in the formation of the next government following the results of early elections. The paper notes significant electoral changes in Slovakia since 2020: there has been a total decline in the popularity of the parties that formed the Cabinet, and an increase in the authority of the forces in opposition and promising the return of stable times. Meanwhile, early elections scheduled for September 30, 2023 do not yet guarantee the opposition a victory. The Slovak political tradition and the experience of neighboring Central European countries point to the possibility of liberal politicians uniting in various political alliances to prevent their ideological opponents from gaining power.

The paper discuss the application of qualitative and quantitative techniques in political studies. It describes the classical proposal of Johan Galtung, known as trilateral science, which invites to the permanent contrast to confirm, validate and accept facts and ideas; then it explores Grounded Theory as a mechanism to achieve and explore data in order to identify a possible dialogue with experimental methodology. Finally, it shows social capital as a case study to demon strate the relevance of multi methodological applications. ; El propósito de este texto es discutir la aplicación de técnicas cualitativas y cuantitativas en los estudios políticos. Para ello, se describe la propuesta clásica de Johan Galtung, conocida como trilateralismo, que invita al contraste permanente con el fin de confirmar, validar y aceptar hechos e ideas; luego, se busca explorar la Grounded Theory como mecanismo de consecución y exploración de datos con el fin de identificar un posible diálogo con la metodología experimental. Por último, se aborda el capital social como objeto de estudio que demuestra la pertinencia de aplicaciones multimetodológicas.

The purpose of this study was to find out the influence of electronic word of mouth on consumer interests which mediated by brand equity to Tokopedia Users in School of Social and Political Sciences' student on University of Lampung. This research was conducted on Tokopedia users with a total sample of 100 respondents. The sample technique used was simpel random sampling. The type of research carried out was quantitative explanatory and analytical techniques used by SmartPLS (Partial Least Square) 2.0 version. The results of this study indicate that electronic word of mouth has a significant influence on brand equity in Tokopedia, brand equity variables have four dimensions that have a significant effect on consumer interest in Tokopedia. For further research it is recommended to be able to develop in accordance with this research so that it can improve further research and for Tokopedia to be able to conduct in-depth interactions wisth brand tests to install perceptions related to a product that will be offered to consumers.

This controversial book rejects the view that the growth of Irish nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and Zionism was due primarily to issues of race, religion or language. Instead, drawing on a new analytical framework and close historical analysis, it shows how their ultimate success was the result of political, economic and organisational factors conditioned by sustained conflict with the existing state and other ethnic groups

This thesis proposes to establish a general theory of the amnesty of political leaders, by considering the legal rules and the constitutional litigation of South Africa, Latin America, the United States, Europe, as well as the international law and where necessary the history of law. Amnesty is a constitutional instrument of intervention in the judicial function, controlled by the other powers. Studying it allows a better analysis of the responsibility of these leaders. The amnesty of political leaders can be the consequence of the inadequacy of their rules of responsibility but it can also be the direct source of their irresponsibility. In the latter case, the new instruments of international law relating to amnesty do not recognize the legal effects of amnesty for particularly serious crimes, because of the function of the leader at the time of the commission of the crime but also of the nature of the last. ; Cette thèse se propose d'établir une théorie générale de l'amnistie des dirigeants politiques, en envisageant les règles juridiques et le contentieux constitutionnel d'Afrique du Sud, d'Amérique latine, des États-Unis, d'Europe, ainsi que le droit international et lorsque c'est nécessaire l'histoire du droit. L'amnistie est un instrument constitutionnel d'intervention dans la fonction judiciaire, contrôlé par les autres pouvoirs. L'étudier permet une meilleure analyse de la responsabilité de ces dirigeants. L'amnistie des dirigeants politiques peut être la conséquence de l'inadaptation de leurs règles de responsabilité mais elle peut également être la source directe de leur irresponsabilité. Dans ce dernier cas les nouveaux instruments de droit international relatifs à l'amnistie ne reconnaissent pas d'effets juridiques à l'amnistie de crimes particulièrement graves, en raison de la fonction du dirigeant au moment de la réalisation du crime mais aussi de la nature de ce dernier.

This thesis proposes to establish a general theory of the amnesty of political leaders, by considering the legal rules and the constitutional litigation of South Africa, Latin America, the United States, Europe, as well as the international law and where necessary the history of law. Amnesty is a constitutional instrument of intervention in the judicial function, controlled by the other powers. Studying it allows a better analysis of the responsibility of these leaders. The amnesty of political leaders can be the consequence of the inadequacy of their rules of responsibility but it can also be the direct source of their irresponsibility. In the latter case, the new instruments of international law relating to amnesty do not recognize the legal effects of amnesty for particularly serious crimes, because of the function of the leader at the time of the commission of the crime but also of the nature of the last. ; Cette thèse se propose d'établir une théorie générale de l'amnistie des dirigeants politiques, en envisageant les règles juridiques et le contentieux constitutionnel d'Afrique du Sud, d'Amérique latine, des États-Unis, d'Europe, ainsi que le droit international et lorsque c'est nécessaire l'histoire du droit. L'amnistie est un instrument constitutionnel d'intervention dans la fonction judiciaire, contrôlé par les autres pouvoirs. L'étudier permet une meilleure analyse de la responsabilité de ces dirigeants. L'amnistie des dirigeants politiques peut être la conséquence de l'inadaptation de leurs règles de responsabilité mais elle peut également être la source directe de leur irresponsabilité. Dans ce dernier cas les nouveaux instruments de droit international relatifs à l'amnistie ne reconnaissent pas d'effets juridiques à l'amnistie de crimes particulièrement graves, en raison de la fonction du dirigeant au moment de la réalisation du crime mais aussi de la nature de ce dernier.