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'States of Conflict: Gender, Violence and Resistance' edited by Susie Jacobs, Ruth Jacobson, and Jennifer Marchbank is reviewed.

This paper explores the topic of collaboration between diasporas and governmental and non-governmental actors in peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction initiatives. Its purpose is to identify key policy recommendations for external parties wishing to establish working relationships with diasporas specifically in these fields. The paper therefore mainly targets an audience of policy makers, however the considerations in the pages that follow will be of interest also to other practitioners in the development field as well as to diaspora groups themselves. The paper is based on data collected within the DIASPEACE research project, analysing how external actors and diaspora groups interact in peacebuilding initiatives. The results discussed in this paper derive from data collected in five European countries (Italy, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and Finland) and focus on the specific case-study of diasporas originating from the Horn of Africa.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. War and La Violencia in Todos Santos: Accounting for the Past -- 2. Localities in Conflict: Spaces and the Politics of Mapmaking -- 3. Histories and Silences -- 4. Reimagining Fiesta: Migration, Culture and Neoliberalism -- 5. After Lynching -- 6. Life and Death of a Rural Marero: Generations in Conflict -- Epilogue: Waiting after War -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

When and why do citizens living amid criminal violence pour into the streets to demand peace and justice, regardless of the risks that protesting in such a context may entail? While victimization experiences provide an initial motivation for participation in protests, this article finds that social networks play a fundamental role for mobilization against insecurity. At an emotional level, socialization within networks helps transform the feelings of individual fear that crime evokes into collective anger that represents potential for action. As individuals become more engaged with one another, their feelings are transformed from being exclusively self-oriented towards other-oriented. Additionally, denser network interactions insulate participants from coercion and generate support mechanisms for their members, creating a sense of security. Thus, networks have the power to transform perceptions of the risks and effectiveness associated with their collective action against crime. Supporting evidence for this argument is derived from original survey data collected in Mexico in 2012. Additionally, in-depth interviews with protest participants reveal the mechanisms through which social networks stimulate protest participation, among both victims and non-victims. This article contributes to the prevailing literature on victimization and political participation and provides new answers on when and how experience with violence can encourage involvement in politics and promote democratic accountability.