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Comprising three volumes of contributions from expert authors from around the world, The SAGE Handbook of Political Science aims to frame, assess and synthesize research in the field, helping to define and identify its current and future developments.

Emails received by the authors since the publication of "The
Political Science 400: A 20-Year Update" (Masuoka, Grofman, and Feld
2007) called attention to mistakes in the
citation counts of a number of scholars. Corrections to the citation
counts are posted in an EXCEL file at www.socsci.uci.edu/∼bgrofman/. Once we have
entered all corrections, an erratum will appear in a later issue of
PS. Please address any corrections to that article to
BGrofman@uci.edu.

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Part 1 Establishing Benchmarks -- 1 Introduction: The Comparative Turn in Canadian Political Science -- 2 A Quantitative Analysis of the Comparative Turn in Canadian Political Science -- Part 2 Multiculturalism, Diversity, and Rights: Canada's Comparative Advantage -- 3 Is Canadian Multiculturalism Parochial? Canadian Contributions to Theorizing Justice and Ethnocultural Diversity -- 4 Canada as Counternarrative: Multiculturalism, Recognition, and Redistribution -- 5 Canada's Contribution to the Comparative Study of Rights and Judicial Review -- 6 Marketing Canadian Pluralism in the International Arena -- Part 3 Federalism and Multilevel Governance: Canada's Comparative Resurgence -- 7 Is the Secret to Have a Good Dentist? Canadian Contributions to the Study of Federalism in Divided Societies -- 8 Working around the American Model: Canadian Federalism and the European Union -- 9 Empirical Evidence and Pragmatic Explanations: Canada's Contributions to Comparative Federalism -- Part 4 Political Parties and Public Policy: Canada's Comparative Potential -- 10 What's So Bad about Cultivating Our Own Theoretical Gardens? The Study of Political Parties in Canada -- 11 Canadian Voting Behaviour in Comparative Perspective -- 12 Policy Networks and Policy Communities: Conceptualizing State-Societal Relationships in the Policy Process -- 13 How Can Comparative Political Economy Explain Variable Change? Lessons for, and from, Canada -- Conclusion: Are We on the Right Track? -- Notes -- References -- Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

(Originally published in the International Social Science Bulletin, 1951, 3, 2.) Discusses the contributions of sociology & political science to the study of international relations, suggesting that, in the context of a rapidly changing global political evolution, the world especially requires the wisdom of the disciplines. Of particular importance in this regard is the growing evolution of national political problems into international problems. Through comparative work across contexts, eg, in the field of electoral systems, sociologists & political scientists promise to shed much light on these kinds of problems. In appealing to these disciplines for assistance, UNESCO does not intend for them to sacrifice their objectivity, but rather to forge a global view in consultation with the world's intellectual leaders. In this way, they may contribute not only to the world's store of knowledge, but also to human wisdom about itself, & thus to human freedom. D. Ryfe

This report is based upon a survey of research in progress in political science departments of American universities in the spring of 1950. Undertaken jointly by the Committee on Research of the American Political Science Association and the Division of Higher Education of the United States Office of Education, the survey was essentially an analysis of questionnaires sent to the chairmen of 112 departments of political science believed to be in a position that would enable them particularly to emphasize research. Seventy-five of the 112 chairmen replied to the questionnaire, fourteen merely to state that no research was being conducted in their departments. Although several leading institutions did not reply, it is a fair guess that at least seventy-five per cent of the research being conducted by or in departments of political science was reported and subsequently analyzed.

1. Introduction : the culture debate-- political culture and comparative politics -- 2. The long debate over political culture -- 3. Cultural anthropology : a precursor to political culture -- 4. National character studies - 5. "The civic culture" and the revolution in survey research -- 6. Criticisms of the political culture approach -- 7. The Renaissance of political culture -- 8. Non-western theories of development / with Leah L. Carmichael -- 9. Political culture in other fields : identity politics and constructivism -- 10. Conclusion.

This report is concerned with the contribution of political science to the instructional needs of those who are preparing to teach, and of those now teaching, the social studies in elementary and secondary schools. How can political scientists in colleges and universities maximize the contribution which they, as specialists in one large field of human knowledge, can make to enrich the teaching of the social studies? Before offering suggestions which, if applied generally, should provide at least a partial answer to the question, the Committee on the Social Studies states two assumptions. First, most political scientists can do more than they have done in the past. Second, reverse lend-lease is anticipated. Political scientists have much to learn from teachers of the social studies as to what methods are effective in enabling youth to learn the ways of democracy and what types of material are most useful in the learning process. The recommendations in this report are presented in the hope that coöperation between the two groups will become more extensive and regular. The recommendations are divided into four classes, according to the incidence of responsibility for carrying them into effect.

After the Brexit vote and the election of Donald Trump, a widespread perception emerged that the world was witnessing a crisis of liberal democracy. Not surprisingly, said crisis is at the core of a new batch of political science literature. This review article takes stock of some key contributions to the literature, namely Albright (2018), Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018), Norris and Inglehart (2018), Runciman (2018a) and Eatwell and Goodwin (2018). My key argument is that the reviewed books are fundamentally limited by problematic ontological assumptions stemming from artificial disciplinary boundaries. Privileging either individual traits of authoritarian leaders or the very specific experience of the USA or the UK, they fail to capture varied, yet deeply interconnected international expressions of contemporary authoritarianism. Following Justin Rosenberg's open invitation to place the concept of multiplicity at the centre of a renewed research agenda, I suggest that a more holistic take on the crisis of democracy requires a renewed attention to inter-societal dynamics.

In Yugoslavia, the younger generation shows strong interest in political science. Due to such factors as the dogmatic pressure of Stalinism, political science based on Marxism developed slowly. The critique of Stalinism, the introduction of self-management, & the creation of a political system based on self-management, organized around local communities, communes, republics, & the federation, gave a basis for political thought to evolve. The concept of the state as the absolute, omnipotent & sole political force, derived from Hegel, & that of the state as a monopoly of physical force, are being abandoned, with political power ceasing to be concentrated solely in state organs. Self-management means abandonment of any kind of monopoly. Common interest has to be understood not merely as the sum of interests but as the result of a process of democratic synthesis among them. What is now needed is a comprehensive theory of political processes to give a scientific basis for self-management efforts. To attain this result, political science needs to become self-managed itself, & to form an integral part of the self-management system. W. H. Stoddard.