Suchergebnisse

Retrospective consideration of US relations with Latin America during the 1960s has focused on the Alliance for Progress and the Cuban missile crisis. Few attempts have been made to understand the origins of the policy, much less to assess its impact on the hemisphere and inter-American relations. This is an error. This paper attempts to understand both episodes, and others that occurred during the decade, in the broad context and historical dynamics of inter-American relations. This context should include a consideration of the elements that led to the formulation of the Alliance for Progress and the global concerns of the North American government that shaped policy toward Latin America. ; La consideración retrospectiva de las relaciones de los EEUU con América Latina durante la década del 60 se ha centrado en la Alianza para el Progreso y la crisis de misiles de Cuba. Se han efectuado pocos intentos para entender los orígenes de la política, mucho menos para evaluar su impacto sobre el hemisferio y las relaciones interamericanas. Este es un error. El presente trabajo intenta comprender ambos episodios, y otros acaecidos durante la década, en el amplio contexto y la dinámica histórica de las relaciones interamericanas. Este contexto debe incluir una consideración de los elementos que condujeron a la formulación de la Alianza para el Progreso y a las preocupaciones globales del gobierno norteamericano que configuraron la política hacia América Latina.

An unacknowledged key feature of East Asian FTA diplomacy is the region's active cross-regional preferential trading relations. In sharp contrast to the Americas and Europe, where cross-regional initiatives gained strength after the consolidation of regional trade integration, East Asian governments negotiate trade deals with partners outside of their region at an early stage in their FTA policies. The book asks three main questions: Are there regional factors in East Asia encouraging countries to explore cross-regionalism early on? What are the most important criteria behind the cross-regional partner selection? How do cross-regional FTSs (CRTAs) influence their intra-regional trade initiatives? Through detailed country case studies from China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, we show the ways in which these governments seek to leverage their CRTAs in the pursuit of intra-regional trade integration objectives, a process that yields a much more permeated regionalism.

Disputes over water are central to the political economy of development in South Asia. This paper looks at the way that the allocation of water is mediated by different kinds of state-society relations in India, Bangladesh and Pakistan by examining common property resource management issues from three different spatial scales: international, intra-national and intra-community. By doing so, we can begin to appreciate the complexity of problems in the management of water and the likely trends throughout the region. We do this by examining the contestations over rivers, canals, dams and groundwater. The role of agricultural change in contributing to the intensification of water usage in the rural areas is emphasised. Despite some diversification into non-agricultural activities in the rural areas and limited industrialisation in the urban areas, 70-80 percent of the region's fresh water is utilised for agriculture at the present juncture.

English Globalization and its many faces have essentially changed the content and character of inter- and intra-societal relationships. A new kind of social work will have to embrace universalization of values, knowledge and skills that promote inclusive world citizenship and global coexistence. French La mondialisation et ses multiples visages ont essentiellement changé le contenu et le caractère des relations inter- et intra-sociétales. Une nouvelle forme de travail social devra se fonder sur des valeurs, des connaissances et des habiletés universelles qui mettent de l'avant des notions de citoyenneté mondiale inclusive et de coexistence globale. Spanish La globalización y sus muchas facetas han cambiado esencialmente el contenido y el carácter de las relaciones inter e intrasociales. Un nuevo tipo de trabajo social tendrá que abrazar la universalización de los valores, el conocimiento y las destrezas que promuevan una ciudadanía mundial y una coexistencia global inclusivas.

Through a multi-disciplinary approach, this volume studies the management and settlement of conflict and disputes in East Asia. Conflict and disputes exist everywhere in human society. The management and settlement of them has become an imperative. This volume is a significant contribution to a broader understanding of the complexities involved in managing and settling disputes and conflicts at regional, inter-state and intra-state levels in the East Asian region. Drawing on expertise in Peace and Conflict, International Relations, and International Law the volume presents to the reader a general picture of how conflict can be managed at the international and regional levels through various mechanisms, in particular, through prominent regional organizations such as ASEAN. It then moves on to case studies at the regional level including inter-state and intra-state conflicts and disputes. The last part of the volume highlights how states resolve their maritime disputes. This has drawn much attention from the international community due to various factors such as the increasing demand for natural resources from the oceans. These disputes disrupt the smooth development of international relations as well as trigger tensions and confrontation between states.

The objective of this article is to answer the state of provincial states and the challenges faced by them, and to show the constitutional provisions for coordination, cooperation and coexistence of inter-provincial relations of Nepalese new federal set up. The provincial governments are facing lots of challenge including resource, proper policies, devolution of power and bureaucratic accountability and lack of intra-provincial coordination. The constitution stands on tri-pillar theory (cooperation, coexistence and coordination) to operate the holding together federalism in Nepal. In this article, an empirical facts and field observation of Gandaki Province have been analyzed. The writer argues that other provinces throughout the country have been facing the similar kinds of problems. During the writing, the facts were collected by inter and intrapersonal relations with the civil servants, provincial assembly members and various interaction programs with provincial stakeholders. But the core study area is Gandaki Province. The major finding of this study is that provincial cooperation and coordination is an essential factor to implementing federalism in Nepal. If the provinces failed to cooperate with federal government as well as intra-provincial government, federalism is hardly likely to sustain in Nepal.

Since 1784, when the American ship Empress of China arrived in Guangzhou, Chinese-American relations have experienced advances and setbacks. As the Chinese economy rapidly expands, China assumes a more dominant position in world politics, and continued fruitful relations with the United States are a primary concern for both nations in the twenty-first century. This encyclopedia contains more than 400 descriptive entries of important events, issues, personalities, controversies, treaties, agreements, organizations and alliances in the history of Sino-American relations, from Chinese and America

"The conflict-ridden relations between Greece and Turkey have long occupied a problematic position in the western alliance, first in NATO then more dramatically within the context of the newly developing European Union and its defence initiatives. This book addresses crucial issues between Greece and Turkey from a crucial perspective." "Greek-Turkish Relations in an Era of Detente will be essential reading for students and academics in the fields of politics and international relations, and in particular, those interested in EU enlargement and Turkish and Greek foreign policy."--Jacket.

The article investigates the problem of Science and Technology impact on International Relations. Special attention was drawn to International Science and Technology Relations in Digital Era. They are developing within the context of Global Information Revolution and transition to Multipolar World. In the prospective part the article deals with transformation of International Science and Technology Relations and establishment of Global Technology Alliance. The latter could include creation of Global Technology Fund, renovation of Global Technology Transfer and broadening of Global Cloud Technology Resource.

Für die DDR war der Leistungssport eine zentrale Arena staatlicher und ideologischer Selbstdarstellung. Im Vorfeld und Verlauf der Olympischen Spiele in München im Jahr 1972 versuchte der ostdeutsche Staat auf verschiedene Weise, dem verhassten westdeutschen Gegenüber Schaden zuzufügen. Eine größere Anzahl an Medaillen zu erringen war ein zentrales Anliegen der DDR, gleichzeitig jedoch versuchte die SED, die Münchner Spiele mit einer propagandistischen Offensive zu desavouieren. Der Beitrag konzentriert sich auf die diplomatischen Ränke um den geplanten olympischen Fackel-Lauf. Die DDR scheiterte mit ihrer Absicht, eine Route durch die 'sozialistischen Bruderstaaten' zu verhindern. ; Sport was immensely important to the GDR because of its potential to symbolize ideological superiority. Prior as well as during the Olympic Games at Munich in 1972, the GDR tried in different ways to beat its hated West-German counterpart. Winning more medals than the FRG was one thing, but at the same time East Germany tried to obstruct the games in several propagandistic ways. The article centres on the GDR's failure to sabotage the planned route of the traditional torch relay through Eastern Europe.

"Today, globalisation has reached its peak not only due to economic integration, but also by the multiplier effect stemmed from digital communication technologies. The concept of 'global village', mentioned nearly half a century ago by Marshall McLuhan, confronts us as actual reality. Of course, this approach creates radical impact on all management practices. Public relations is one of the management instruments which is affected most by the emergent change in approach within this context. In this volume, the authors define public relations through an international perspective within the context of both theory and practice. Consisting of fifteen sections, the book describes what intra- and extra-organisational public relation theories and practices correspond to in the present day"--

China-ASEAN trade relations : a discussion on complementarity and competition -- Contents -- I. Introduction -- II. Literature Review -- III. Bilateral trade relations between China and ASEAN -- IV. Competition in the third market -- V. Analysis of the complementarity -- VI. Prospects of trade relations -- Appendix 1: commodity structure of the bilateral trade between china and asean-5 in 2003(%) -- Appendix 2: composition of the bilateral trade between china and asean-10 at sitc 1-digit and 2-digit levels (2003) -- Appendix 3: intra-industry trade indices and contribution of the bilateral trade between china and asean-5 at hs 2-digit level -- Appendix 4: revealed comparative advantage index (rca) of china and asean-5 countries (2001) -- Notes -- References -- The Authors.

Cricket is the favourite sport throughout South Asia. It can unite and divide polities, both internationally and intra-nationally. The history of bilateral cricket matches between India and Pakistan has always been closely connected to Indo-Pak relations; when diplomatic relations were at their lowest, the Test series were halted. However when bilateral relations were good enough for matches to be played, they were largely played in good spirit and the positive effects could be felt throughout both countries. Cricket has the ability to work on a multitude of 'tracks' through unofficial meetings with high level leaders, middle ranking elites, the media, business and the common man, to increase communications and break down negative stereotypes across the border.

The article examines the outcomes of Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkans from the moment of its intensification, designated as the "Erdogan era", up to date. As a period of development of Turkish-Balkan relations, it is characterized with the priority of economy over diplomacy and personal ties over institutional interaction. The article evaluates historiographical drift in the perception of Turkiye as an influencer in dependence on transformation of its general foreign policy and regional strategy. Negative assessments and connotations have prevailed in recent years: Turkiye has been analytically "separated" from the Western influential powers and referred to as a so-called Eastern power (along with Russia, China, and the Persian Gulf countries), recognized by western tradition as a nondemocratic force with malign influence in the region. The authors argue that this analytical construction does not correlate with the current Turkiye's state of affairs in the region and its self-positioning in the changing world order. They point out that the Turkish authorities see and interpret Turkiye's alleged challenge to the current international order as an intra-alliance opposition. Although often being called a "spoiler" of EU policy in the Western Balkans, indeed, Turkiye mostly remains in line with NATO, the EU and the US, still favoring Atlanticism and Europeanism in practical politics, despite severe criticism in public rhetoric used mainly for Turkish domestic consumption. The research pays special attention to Turkiye's vulnerabilities. It evaluates achievements in the region with a focus on: low entry points in economy and politics of Turkish-Balkan relations; lack of interest and motivation of Turkish private business to explore the markets of the Western Balkans; inability to compete with the EU dominance in the foreign trade sector; incomparable capabilities of Turkiye with those of the leading "quintet" of external actors (China, EU, Russia, UK, and US) in the Western Balkans.