Suchergebnisse

Presidential agenda success is usually accounted for through measures of interbranch cooperation, such as bill approval rates, participation rates, and roll-call data of support from presidential initiatives. These measures do not provide an accurate picture of presidential agenda success because they cannot capture the ability of presidents or Congress to shape the substance of legislation. To overcome this limitation, this paper proposes a combination of two measures of influence on legislative outcomes: the Legislative Input Score for partisan involvement in lawmaking, and the Barrett and Eshbaugh-Soha Scale for legislative substance. To illustrate the potential of these measures, it puts them to work in analyzing the ability of presidents to control the substance of their proposed legislation in Argentina between 1999 and 2007. Preliminary results show that when agenda success is measured with these scores, presidents can consistently shape legislative substance regardless of popularity, coalition size, and honeymoon periods. (GIGA)

The UK coalition government's recent White Paper 2010 places GPs at the centre of the commissioning process through the establishment of GP consortia by April 2010 (DH, 2010a, 2010b) where GP consortia will be responsible for commissioning primary care services. In the past, the commissioning authorities and responsibilities were given to the PCTs (DH, 2010c). It has been noted that under these reforms public health responsibilities will be divided between local authorities and the new national public health service (DH, 2010a,b,c). It is claimed that local GP commissioning will bring high-quality and cost-effective care to local communities by 'patient empowerment, local professional judgement and greater provider dynamisms' (Steven, 2010, p.231). Making ". services more directly accountable to patients and communities" is the key aim of the NHS reform (Great Britain. Parliament. House of Common, 2011, p.x). But is that often the case? This paper will attempt to further discuss this question.

The article analyzes the European Union's influence on the political participation of ethnic minorities in first and second European elections held after Lithuania's accession to the EU in 2004 and 2009. The author provides a brief theoretical overview of the EU's influence on Member States regarding ethnic minority policy, representation of ethnic minorities and ethnic minority participation in the politics. Analysis of the programs and strategies to attract voters in European Parliament elections of political parties representing ethnic minorities finds that the European issues and European values hadn't significant effect (with exceptions in 2009) on electoral programs and patterns of political participation. However, Polish and Russian ethnic minority political parties in shaping the strategies of the coalition or joint electoral list in 2004 and 2009 EP elections were not directly intended to win seats in the EP, but testing these strategies for the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2004 and municipal council elections in 2011.

The article analyzes the European Union's influence on the political participation of ethnic minorities in first and second European elections held after Lithuania's accession to the EU in 2004 and 2009. The author provides a brief theoretical overview of the EU's influence on Member States regarding ethnic minority policy, representation of ethnic minorities and ethnic minority participation in the politics. Analysis of the programs and strategies to attract voters in European Parliament elections of political parties representing ethnic minorities finds that the European issues and European values hadn't significant effect (with exceptions in 2009) on electoral programs and patterns of political participation. However, Polish and Russian ethnic minority political parties in shaping the strategies of the coalition or joint electoral list in 2004 and 2009 EP elections were not directly intended to win seats in the EP, but testing these strategies for the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2004 and municipal council elections in 2011.

The article analyzes the European Union's influence on the political participation of ethnic minorities in first and second European elections held after Lithuania's accession to the EU in 2004 and 2009. The author provides a brief theoretical overview of the EU's influence on Member States regarding ethnic minority policy, representation of ethnic minorities and ethnic minority participation in the politics. Analysis of the programs and strategies to attract voters in European Parliament elections of political parties representing ethnic minorities finds that the European issues and European values hadn't significant effect (with exceptions in 2009) on electoral programs and patterns of political participation. However, Polish and Russian ethnic minority political parties in shaping the strategies of the coalition or joint electoral list in 2004 and 2009 EP elections were not directly intended to win seats in the EP, but testing these strategies for the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2004 and municipal council elections in 2011.

Under Indonesia's authoritarian New Order regime, the continued existence of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) was meant to demonstrate the ostensibly democratic character of the regime. In essence, this small nationalist-Christian coalition was meant to rfill the role of pliant state corporatist party. From the later 1980s, however, the PDI became more openly critical of government policies and came to stand out as the major proponent of reform within the formal politica system. The govenrment responded in 1996 by engineering the removal of the populat Megwati Sukarnoputri as PDI leader, a move that significantly damaged the popular legitimacy and moral standing of the regime. Against this background, the book assesses broader questions of political culture, political participation, regime maintenance and opposition in the late Suharto era. The political culture perspective provides a fresh understanding of politics under the New Order and its influence on the systems of power and political relations in post-Suharto Indonesia.

The purpose of this article is to analyse the conditions under which referendum campaigns have an impact on voting choices. Based on a model of opinion formation that integrates both campaign effects and partisan effects, we argue that campaign effects vary according to the context of the popular vote (size and type of conflict among the party elite and intensity and direction of the referendum campaign). We test our hypotheses with two-step estimations for hierarchical models on data covering 25 popular votes on foreign, European and immigration policy in Switzerland. Our results show strong campaign effects and they suggest that their strength and nature are indeed highly conditional on the context of the vote: the type of party coalition pre-structures the patterns of individual voting choices, campaign effects are higher when the campaign is highly intense and they are more symmetric when it is balanced.

The article analyzes the European Union's influence on the political participation of ethnic minorities in first and second European elections held after Lithuania's accession to the EU in 2004 and 2009. The author provides a brief theoretical overview of the EU's influence on Member States regarding ethnic minority policy, representation of ethnic minorities and ethnic minority participation in the politics. Analysis of the programs and strategies to attract voters in European Parliament elections of political parties representing ethnic minorities finds that the European issues and European values hadn't significant effect (with exceptions in 2009) on electoral programs and patterns of political participation. However, Polish and Russian ethnic minority political parties in shaping the strategies of the coalition or joint electoral list in 2004 and 2009 EP elections were not directly intended to win seats in the EP, but testing these strategies for the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2004 and municipal council elections in 2011.

Индия получила общемировое признание как крупнейшая демократия, накопила уникальный опыт проведения на протяжении более 60 лет выборов депутатов парламента, законодательных собраний штатов и местных органов власти. В статье анализируются особенности электоральных процессов в Индии на рубеже XX-XXI вв. В контексте существующих институциональных механизмов показано, что объективные условия предопределяют становление в этой стране не двухпартийной политической системы, а двухполюсной системы многопартийных коалиций. ; India has gained a widely-recognized reputation of the largest democracy in the world with a unique experience over a period of more than 60 years of elections to the parliament, state assemblies and local bodies. This article is a result of studying and analyzing the electoral processes in India at the turn of the 20th 21st centuries with the view to show how the existing institutional framework provides an objective basis for a bipolar system of multiparty coalitions to be established in the country instead of a two-party political model.

After the 2009 elections, the German coalition government promised to work within NATO to ensure that US nuclear weapons in Germany are withdrawn. This position has broad public support and is backed by a joint Bundestag resolution from March 2010 urging the government »to work vigorously« toward the implementation of that goal. But the proposal to withdraw nuclear weapons came both too early and was too ambitious for a 28-nation NATO, which has not yet answered the questions of how to maintain 21st century deterrence with concepts and techniques from the Cold War and how to reconcile deterrence and disarmament. However, the proposal could be turned to advantage if there were to be new negotiations with Moscow that further reduced nuclear arsenals. Such an approach would also fulfill President Barack Obama's obligation to start talks about a reduction of substrategic nuclear weapons before February 2012 by combining deep cuts for all types of nuclear weapons

Presidential agenda success is usually accounted for through measures of interbranch cooperation, such as bill approval rates, participation rates, and roll-call data of support from presidential initiatives. These measures do not provide an accurate picture of presidential agenda success because they cannot capture the ability of presidents or Congress to shape the substance of legislation. To overcome this limitation, this paper proposes a combination of two measures of influence on legislative outcomes: the Legislative Input Score for partisan involvement in lawmaking, and the Barrett and Eshbaugh-Soha Scale for legislative substance. To illustrate the potential of these measures, it puts them to work in analyzing the ability of presidents to control the substance of their proposed legislation in Argentina between 1999 and 2007. Preliminary results show that when agenda success is measured with these scores, presidents can consistently shape legislative substance regardless of popularity, coalition size, and honeymoon periods.

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between multidimensional child advocacy campaigns and the enactment of Ghana's Human Trafficking Act (2005). I argue that while child advocacy has a rich history, the diffuse labor-oriented advocacy characteristic of the 1990s failed to articulate an achievable goal. Child labor advocacy was impotent because the diverse agencies involved adopted different positions about the permissibility of child labor. By contrast, the anti-trafficking initiatives of the early 2000s focused narrowly on legislative remedy and formulated a discourse of "crisis." An anti-trafficking coalition built on an international regulation model that emerged from the cocoa industry. As agents of social and political change, domestic, regional, and foreign nongovernmental organizations and intergovernmental organizations played important roles in shaping debates and framing new law. The Ghanaian law, however, is of limited effectiveness because it ignores autochthonous social practices with historically rich traditions, and it enjoins a narrow, economic model for the proliferation of trafficking.

The study of party unity and its determinants is conceptually confusing, with terms such as 'party discipline' and 'party cohesion' used to denote both dependent and independent variables. Moreover, while the literature recognizes both anticipated sanctions and homogeneity of preferences as pathways to party unity, it ignores possibilities such as party loyalty and the division of labour within parliamentary parties. The article examines these different pathways to party unity on the basis of five waves of interviews with nearly all members of the Lower House of the Dutch parliament. The article finds least evidence for sanctions as a major determinant of party unity, with the possible exception of parties in the governing coalition. Homogeneity, loyalty and division of labour all seem to play an important role. Party unity might seem over determined, but the more likely explanation offered is that it is a case of 'different horses for different courses'.

The "party paradox" thesis claims that in the context of the legal corporate governance reforms of the 1990s, which aimed at adjusting national corporate governance systems to the "finance capitalism" of the Anglo-American type, center-left parties promoted proshareholder corporate governance reforms, whereas center-right parties opposed such reforms. Based on case studies of Switzerland, Sweden, and the Netherlands, this article shows that this thesis does not apply to two of these cases: In Sweden and the Netherlands a broad coalition uniting center-right and center-left parties opposed— with considerable success—proshareholder reforms. Therefore, the author argues that firm-level explanations of the "party paradox" are insufficient to understand the variance in center-left preferences across different cases. Instead, the historical role of labor in different countries is critical in the formation of center-left preferences. Where labor was not excluded from the formation of corporate governance structures, center-left support for proshareholder reform was weak.

In 1959, the four largest political parties in Switzerland's Federal Assembly established a broad coalition government with a specific allocation of the seven cabinet seats among them. This assignment continued unaltered for 44 years up to 1999. It is, therefore, phrased the 'Magic Formula'. The underlying political paradigm appears to be essentially egalitarian, with a Rawlsian concern for minorities. We thus ask whether the Magic Formula can be implemented by the nucleolus of a weighted voting game for the Swiss government. We provide results over real-valued and integer-valued imputation sets, and for all regular election periods from 1959 to date. It turns out that the Magic Formula is contained in eight out of 11 nucleoli over integer domains between 1959 and 1999, and that it comes very close to the nucleolus in two of the three remaining cases. The game solution likewise predicts in part a major modification of the Magic Formula adopted in 2003.