Suchergebnisse

Despite the growing attention gained among local and international observers since the 2015 "waste crisis", the issue of solid waste management (SWM) in Lebanon has exacerbated, particularly after the closure of one of the country's largest landfills in Naameh and the abrupt halt in waste collection led to rubbish piling up in the streets of Beirut and Mount-Lebanon. This situation triggered a series of protests, clashes and heated debates around the need to re-arrange the sector since 2015. This study sheds light on two key concepts "decentralisation" and "bottom-up cooperation" that will help Lebanon in improving SWM. While providing an overview of the different municipal experiences in sorting, recycling, landfilling, composting and, most recently, the interest in waste-to-energy,1 this study treats closely the question of how these technologies can be adapted to local contexts. Securing funding, negotiating contracts, constructing facilities, involving citizens in the process and institutionalising best practices are new experiences for most municipal authorities. The report aims to close the existing knowledge gap by documenting local efforts to manage solid waste, analysing the limitations of the strategies pursued, and presenting conclusions that can inform integrated and decentralised SWM policies in Lebanon. The report identifies two key dynamics underpinning local management of solid waste in Lebanon. The first is the emergence of a "new waste capitalism" different from what has been observed in the 1990s. During that time, a so-called "waste capitalism" existed, which outsourced waste collection and landfilling to politically connected businesses ignoring local needs and demands. Since 2015, complex technologies and treatment methods have been favoured that include recycling, composting and waste-to-energy. But due to their complexity, local authorities are unable to design, monitor and regulate the terms of the contracts awarded to private companies. Some local authorities have conducted public campaigns on issues such as sorting-at- source and recycling, but are still unable to mainstream and institutionalise citizen participation in an inclusive SWM system. Based on 22 semi-structured interviews with municipal officials and executives, representatives of facilities, donor agencies, NGOs, and a database on the distribution of SWM facilities across Lebanon, the study draws lessons and policy recommendations from four case studies of local authorities that have dealt with SWM.

Background In the business literature, the term "corporate political activity" (CPA) refers to the political strategies undertaken by corporations to protect or expend their markets, by influencing, directly or indirectly, the policy process. There is evidence that food industry actors use such political practices, which poses a significant threat to public health. Our study objective was to identify the political practices of the food industry in Chile. Results In Chile, food industry actors supported community initiatives, particularly those targeted at children and those focused on environmental sustainability. Food industry actors also funded research through prizes, scholarships, and by supporting scientific events. Food industry actors lobbied against the development and implementation of a front-of-pack nutrition labelling policy, including with support from the Ministries of Economy, Agriculture and Foreign Affairs. Food industry actors, for example, claimed that there would be unintended negative consequences for society and the economy, and that the policy would breach trade agreements. The same arguments were used against a proposed tax increase on sugar-sweetened beverages. Food industry actors stressed their crucial role in the Chilean economy and claimed to be part of the solution in the prevention and control of obesity, with a particular focus on their efforts to reformulate food products, and their support of physical activity initiatives. Interviewees noted that the political influence of the food industry is often facilitated by the neo-liberal and market-driven economy of Chile. Nevertheless, this system was questioned through social protests that started in the country during data collection. Conclusions In Chile, food industry actors used numerous action- and argument-based CPA practices which may influence public health policy, research, and practice. Despite strong influence from the food industry, Chile adopted a front-of-pack nutrition labelling policy. While the country has some measures in place to manage the interactions between government officials or public health professionals, and the industry, there is still a need to develop robust mechanisms to address undue influence from corporations. ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) 2017/24744-0 Faculty of Health Sciences (FHS) at the American University of Beirut (AUB) - International Development Research Centre (IDRC) National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) 309514/2018-5

Aim: Much has been written about the toxicity of narghile (hookah, shisha) smoke. However, it is seldom mentioned that narghile smoke is actually far less complex than that of cigarettes. In spite of being a much simpler object to research, there has been a world of avoidable and preventable confusion due, to a great extent, to the inappropriate use of the narghile smoking machine designed at the US-American University of Beirut that now is considered to be "standardised". This machine has allowed the claims of high yields of tar, CO, PAH, heavy metals and, lastly, volatile aldehydes. Consequently, any public health intervention against narghile (hookah, shisha) use requires a long overdue critique of this machine on which a large amount of the peer-reviewed "waterpipe" literature uncritically relies. Public health policy makers should be aware of the unprecedented degree of confusion in this field. Methods: The analysis is twofold. On one hand, the classical FTC (Federal Trade Commission) regime applied to cigarette testing (and behind the official figures printed on cigarette packs) is presented, whereby it is recalled that a 35-ml puff is drawn each minute for only a few minutes. On the other hand, a discussion follows about the relevancy of the narghile smoking machine based on averaging a complex human and social activity to a puff relentlessly drawn every 17 s over a full hour, with, marginally, the heating source (coal) in the same position over the smoking mixture (contrary to common practice). It is assumed that such stress-strain conditions result in abnormal perturbations in the chemical reactions at stake. The case of aldehyde generation is taken as an example. Results: The narghile smoking machine was modelled after the one for cigarettes, which not only is an inappropriate reference, but also is totally irrelevant for a kind of tobacco use that is different from all points of view. The narghile smoking machine and its underlying smoking topography represent a biased toxicological model of the related practice. Human-centered alternatives are presented. Conclusion: Against the background of a public health epidemic, a recommended research avenue is to focus on biological measurements of human subjects (urinary carcinogens, chemical or biological markers) carried out in a natural environment in realistic conditions and coupled with a puff-by-puff smoke analysis.

The paper speaks of there being everywhere a sharp rise in talks and seminaries on the subject of the habitability of the city and discusses the reasons for this phenomenon, venturing that it might be that 80% of Europe's population live in such places and then going on to wonder if, after decades of denigration for urban civilization as the root of every kind of evil, many have not now woken up to the threat of its disappearance. It argues that attacks made on cities such as Beirut and Sarajevo could now be understood to be aimed against the very heart of a society and then that city pollution not only threatens to-days people and their constructs but likewise those of the past and the future. The paper however sees all this new interest as heartening after so many years of vituperation on the part of moralizers, urbanists and architects, heartening and a cause for optimism given that the city from times remote is that which has made man democratic, that has withstood the tides of History and made away with kingdoms and empires, is that which has given rise to fewer accidental deaths than traffic on the highways. Quite contrary to the opinions of those architects, planners and social reformers that have advocated a flight from the city, the paper urges an attempt to develop a project for it grounded upon what its history can suggest, on sociology and such a continuing democratic political debate as will establish its future. ; La ciudad resiste, es sostenible, si es el resultado, a la vez, de una impregnación del pasado y de un proyecto concebido y desarrollado democráticamente. Pero, ¿por qué hay que "salvar" la ciudad? Porque da acceso a la diversidad y es, por tanto, productora de una fuerza de negociación que se enriquece con solidaridades contractuales. Para dar su fruto, la ciudad debe ser querida como organización de la complejidad funcional en los edificios, en las manzanas y en los barrios. Debe vivirse también como un lugar de encuentro de la diversidad, basándose en una antropología que vea en el otro a un amigo más que un enemigo. Mas, para ser "sostenible", la ciudad debe ser también un actor del desarrollo de la riqueza.

The book offers a critical map to navigate the field of media governance. A thread of cosmopolitan critique connects the fourteen chapters to enhance media governance literature beyond the West and regional foci. The first part addresses the epistemological and ontological flaws in the use and adaptation of media governance. The second part opens pathways for critique and provides a thorough understanding of the ambivalences that scholars encounter when addressing media governance as a field of study. The third part highlights shortcomings like geographical narrowness and tensions in the use of media governance concepts. The scholarly contributions show that media governance as a field of study is far from being established: its conceptualizations are in flux and need scholarly self-reflection, and ongoing discussions need to leave behind universalist conceptualizations and methods of analysis. The chapters reflect on hegemony, power, sovereignty, and identity as conceptual center points in media governance research. The book uniquely breaks with self-referential Western academia and is part of ongoing collaborative scholarly efforts towards epistemic transformation through dialogue. Sarah Anne Ganter is Assistant Professor of Communication and Cultural Policy in the School of Communication at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver. Her work is influenced by a cosmopolitan approach to academic work, integrating scholarly work from different cultural, linguistic and geographical academic settings She has published widely on media governance, digital policy and regulation, and journalism, and analyzes media and digital policy transformations from a theoretical perspective that focuses on the dynamics and interactions shaping institutional fields. Her work is published in scholarly journals, international book projects, including the co-authored book "The Power of Platforms: Shaping Media and Society." Hanan Badr is Professor for Public Spheres and Inequalities at the Department of Communication, University of Salzburg, Austria. Her work focuses comparing media systems, diversifying communication research, globalization and digitization transform journalism and She held positions at Freie Universitat Berlin, Cairo University, Gulf University for Sciences and Technology and Orient-Institut Beirut. Her work was published in Digital Journalism, International Communication Gazette, Media & Communication and Media, War & Conflict. Hanan won awards including the Kluge Fellowship at the Library of Congress and the DAAD Scholarship Award. She was elected as a Vice-Chair for the Activism, Communication and Social Change at the International Communication Association and serves as Regional Liasion Coordinator for AEJMC International Communication Division ICD.

Abstract
Background
Since 2019 Lebanon has faced multiple compounded crises. Political and social instability, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Beirut Port explosion, alongside the influx of refugees related to the ongoing Syrian conflict, have resulted in a nationwide economic emergency. In the context of the humanitarian response to the Syrian conflict, the UN and government-led gender-based violence (GBV) task force has coordinated the sub-sector since 2012. The compounded crisis, however, created new challenges for GBV coordination and service delivery, which we explore in this paper. We highlight lessons for strengthening GBV coordination in Lebanon and other complex emergencies.

Methods
We conducted 29 remote in-depth interviews, reviewed key policy documents and observed seven GBV task force meetings. We analysed and presented our findings across three key themes: context-relevant and adaptable coordination mechanisms; coordination to support GBV service delivery; and stakeholders' roles, legitimacy and power.

Results
Parallel response frameworks developed to address the multiple crises, created a complex humanitarian architecture within an increasingly challenging operating context, with some perceived inefficiencies. Positively, coordination was integrated under the established government-UN interagency system and the GBV task force maintained GBV sub-sector coordination. The task force was commended for effectively adapting to the evolving context, including working remotely, maintaining essential GBV services, assessing the compounded crises' impact on programming and adjusting accordingly, and harmonising guidance, tools and approaches. The importance of ensuring a government co-led response was highlighted by both UN and government informants, who pointed to examples where marginalising government leadership compromised coordination effectiveness and sustainability. The participation of local actors had become increasingly important but more difficult, with the impact of the various crises, and remote modalities, challenging service delivery and staff wellbeing.

Conclusion
Experiences from Lebanon highlight the essential role of government leadership in coordination; the value of investing in local GBV capacity; the significance of effective national, subnational and intersectoral coordination to support service delivery and address cross-cutting GBV issues; the importance of targeted interventions to support marginalised populations; and the need to prioritize the well-being of front-line staff during crisis response. In Lebanon, and other complex crises, donors are encouraged to increase flexible, multiyear funding for GBV coordination and services, while women-led organizations should be at the forefront of recovery efforts, contributing to a more equitable society.

On August 4, 2020, a massive explosion in the Port of Beirut (PoB) devastated the city, killing at least 200 people, wounding thousands, and displacing around 300,000. A Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment (RDNA), prepared by the World Bank in cooperation with the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU), estimated damage to the port at about 350 million dollars. This Note was prepared by the World Bank to provide guidance to policy makers in Lebanon on the crucial additional requirements to be undertaken in the rebuilding of the PoB in terms of both improving its resilience and addressing the underlying governance concerns that are broadly acknowledged to have contributed to the tragedy. The Note summarizes global best practices in port management and border management reforms. The PoB is the main gateway for the external trade of Lebanon, but it has failed in the key role as an enabler of economic development in the country. Despite the growth in volumes and revenues in the port over the last 10-15 years, the PoB has evidently failed to guarantee safe and efficient operations, and to undertake the necessary long-term planning for the benefit of the port and the country. More importantly it has underperformed in its key role as an enabler of economic development at a national level and has made a limited contribution to fostering socio-economic development more broadly. These failures are a direct result of the current governance framework of the PoB. Lebanon adheres to a port management system that arguably reflects the complex political-economic realities, and which as a result run counter to many recognized good practices. The governance of the sector is a patchwork of ad-hoc institutions, structures, laws and regulations that preclude the development of a coherent integrated strategy. The current framework inhibits efficiency as several key government agencies for transport, trade, and border management have overlapping mandates, divergent strategies, often operate under outdated processes and regulations and do not coordinate among themselves. Since 1990, the PoB has been managed by a temporary administrative committee, established in a legal vacuum. This has resulted in serious governance, transparency, and accountability issues. The Lebanese Customs is not structured to perform its mission properly. Its two parallel institutions, the Higher Council for Customs and the Customs Directorate have proven to be inefficient and subject to political exploitation and power struggles. The tragic explosion in PoB clearly illustrates the evident shortcomings of the current institutional set-up as well as the risks emanating from the no-reform scenario.

Please refer to the published version for quotations ; The question of the circulation of municipal knowledge has benefited in the last decade from a renewed historiographical attention. In a Mediterranean context, the stake is mainly to reconsider our perception of the circulation of ideas that enabled (or constrained) the modernisation of societies during the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The subliminal starting point (but sometimes enounced very explicitly) is that circulations occurred from North to South and West to East. The "Mediterranean Crossings" hypothesis I will explore in this chapter, and illustrate with the case of the urban reforms in the Ottoman Empire, is that circulations were more complex, while modernity, even when imported in its exact form, was interacting dynamically with societies in which processes of change were already in action. The study of circulations in a Mediterranean case is a minefield. It provides opportunities not only to understand the circulation of ideas between different cultures, but also to confront the impact of colonialism and imperialism. The very vision of modernity being prejudiced by these issues, the stake of the promotion of a renewed global history involves a reconsideration of two centuries of unequal circulations and, ultimately, a different reading of the fate of modernity in "subaltern" societies. The study of the Ottoman Empire shows that circulations were more complex than a translation of knowledge from 'export' to 'import' societies. It is only with a discussion of ideas on circulation that the complexity of these societies can undo this conventional "reception" mode. The Ottoman Empire is particularly adapted to such a historiographical programme. On the one hand, the concept of Empire has recently aroused new developments in global and imperial history. These have revisited the canonical empires, or developed comparative imperial questions between the Russian, the Habsburg and the Ottoman, bringing about new insights into the ...

As the coronavirus ravages the globe, its aftermaths have brought gender inequalities to the forefront of many conversations. Countries in the Middle East and North Africa have been slow to prepare for, adapt to, and mitigate the COVID-19 health crisis and its impacts on governance, economics, security, and rights. Women's physical well-being, social safety nets, and economic participation have been disproportionately affected, and with widespread shutdowns and capricious social welfare programs, women are exiting the workplace and the classroom, carrying the caregiving burden. With feminist foregrounding, Rita Stephan's collection COVID and Gender in the Middle East gathers an impressive group of local scholars, activists, and policy experts. The book examines a range of national and localized responses to gender-specific issues around COVID's health impact and the economic fallout and resulting social vulnerabilities, including the magnified marginalization of Syrian refugees; the inequitable treatment of migrant workers in Bahrain; and the inadequate implementation of gender-based violence legislation in Morocco. An essential global resource, this book is the first to provide empirical evidence of COVID's gendered effects

The little-known history of public school teachers across the Arab world—and how they wielded an unlikely influence over the modern Middle EastToday, it is hard to imagine a time and place when public school teachers were considered among the elite strata of society. But in the lands controlled by the Ottomans, and then by the British in the early and mid-twentieth century, teachers were key players in government and leading formulators of ideologies. Drawing on archival research and oral histories, Teachers as State-Builders brings to light educators' outsized role in shaping the politics of the modern Middle East.Hilary Falb Kalisman tells the story of the few young Arab men—and fewer young Arab women—who were lucky enough to teach public school in the territories that became Iraq, Jordan, and Palestine/Israel. Crossing Ottoman provincial and, later, Mandate and national borders for work and study, these educators were advantageously positioned to assume mid- and even high-level administrative positions in multiple government bureaucracies. All told, over one-third of the prime ministers who served in Iraq from the 1950s through the 1960s, and in Jordan from the 1940s through the early 1970s, were former public school teachers—a trend that changed only when independence, occupation, and mass education degraded the status of teaching.The first history of education across Britain's Middle Eastern Mandates, this transnational study reframes our understanding of the profession of teaching, the connections between public education and nationalism, and the fluid politics of the interwar Middle East

Soll sich eine linke Stiftung mit Islamismus beschäftigen? Die terroristischen Anschläge des «Islamischen Staates» (IS) in Paris, Beirut und Istanbul sowie die sexuellen Übergriffe in Köln durch «nordafrikanische Männer» in der Silvesternacht 2015 haben das Thema Islam und Muslime einmal mehr in den Vordergrund gerückt. Aber auch ohne diese extremen Negativbeispiele sind Muslime und der Islam mittlerweile fester Bestandteil des politischen Diskurses in Deutschland. Die Debatte währt bereits mindestens zwei Jahrzehnte. Auffällig ist, dass sie immer noch von starker Stereotypisierung und von Vorurteilen geprägt ist. Die Tendenz zur Verallgemeinerung mag zwar psychologisch verständlich sein, da Identitätsfindung immer auch über Abgrenzung funktioniert. Sie muss aber von Institutionen der politischen Bildungsarbeit hinterfragt werden. Gerade in Zeiten, in denen extreme Gefühle wie Angst (vor dem Islam, vor Terror, vor «zu vielen» Flüchtlingen) den politischen Diskurs in Deutschland bestimmen, sollte eine kritische linke Stiftung Analysen und Positionen anbieten, die einen rationalen und differenzierten Zugang zum Thema ermöglichen. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema ist unerlässlich, sowohl im Hinblick auf die sogenannte Wertedebatte in Deutschland als auch in Bezug auf die Lösung von Konflikten in anderen Ländern der Welt. Wer hier den Austausch und gewaltfreie internationale Beziehungen sucht, muss notwendigerweise bereit sein zum Gespräch mit Akteuren, die ihrerseits friedlich agieren und um Verständigung bemüht sind. Problematisch ist dabei, dass die in Deutschland kursierenden Informationen über «den» Islam sehr oft von Menschen verfasst werden, die diesen ablehnen. Die Positionsfindung zu den vielfältigen Aspekten des Themenkomplexes «Politischer Islam» ist nicht einfach. Sie befindet sich noch in der Entwicklung, auch innerhalb der Linken in Deutschland. Die Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, als Institution der politischen Bildung, will zu dieser Positionsfindung beitragen. Dabei müssen nicht alle Meinungen, die wir heute und in der Zukunft vorstellen werden, von allen in der Stiftung geteilt werden. In Nordafrika und Vorderasien (zum Teil auch in Westafrika) gibt es, insbesondere nach den letzten Anschlägen, vermehrt Versuche, die Ursachen für die Stärke und Anziehungskraft von terroristischen Organisationen wie dem IS insbesondere auf Jugendliche zu analysieren und entsprechend wirksame Gegenmaßnahmen zu entwickeln. Die Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung ist daher an Studien interessiert, die ergründen, warum islamistische (militante) Organisationen wie der IS, Al-Qaida oder allgemein salafistische Gruppen (auch wenn diese nicht unbedingt militant auftreten) attraktiv für junge Menschen sind. Von einigen Auslandsbüros der Stiftung werden zurzeit Konferenzen zu diesem Thema durchgeführt, deren Ergebnisse auch in Deutschland vorgestellt werden sollen. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass bei freien Wahlen in Nordafrika und Vorderasien diejenigen Parteien, die sich politisch auf den Islam berufen, sehr erfolgreich sind. Gesellschaftliche Identitäten und die Vereinbarkeit von Religion und Demokratie sind daher Schlüsselthemen, die gegenwärtig in Nordafrika und Vorderasien verhandelt werden. Als Organisation, die in der Region arbeitet, können wir diese Debatten nicht ignorieren, wenn wir uns glaubwürdig mit den dortigen Entwicklungen auseinandersetzen wollen. Im Kontext der Beschäftigung mit dem moderaten politischen Islam sollen DenkerInnen und WissenschaftlerInnen vorgestellt werden, die sich um erkenntnistheoretische Annäherung oder philosophische (Neu-)Interpretationen islamischer Grundsätze bemühen. Im vorliegenden Materialienband sollen zwei Beiträge vorgestellt werden: Ersterer ist ein Interview mit dem libanesischen Wissenschaftler Karim Sadek, der sich generell mit den Überschneidungen von Kritischer Theorie, Demokratietheorien und islamischem politischem Denken befasst. In diesem Zusammenhang beschäftigt er sich auch mit den Schriften von Rached al-Ghannouchi, dem Präsidenten und Vordenker von al-Nahda. Sadek veranschaulicht die Bedeutung von Ghannouchis Werk für Diskussionen um die Vereinbarkeit von Demokratie und Islam. Es spiegelt die Kontroverse innerhalb der arabischen Welt wider, die nach einem friedlichen Ausweg aus der Polarisierung zwischen «säkularen» und «islamischen» Akteuren sucht. Der Beitrag «Mit Islamisten reden! Über die Notwendigkeit von kritischem Dialog und programmatischer Einbeziehung» von Ivesa Lübben, Heidi Reichinnek und Julius Dihstelhoff vom Centrum für Nah- und Mittelost-Studien (CNMS) an der Philipps-Universität Marburg ist eine Reaktion auf den Materialienband «Dialog mit dem politischen Islam», der von Tanja Tabbara und Wilfried Telkämper im Dezember 2014 herausgegeben wurde. Hier präsentierte die Stiftung mit Texten von Peter Schäfer und Werner Ruf das Für und Wider eines solchen Dialogs. Die AutorInnen des aktuellen Beitrags, die sich in ihrer Forschung mit moderaten islamistischen Akteuren befassen, setzen sich für eine differenzierte Betrachtung des politischen Islam ein. Sie weisen auf die Kontexte hin, die die verschiedenen Ausprägungen des politischen Islam beeinflussen. Sie legen die Notwendigkeit zum (kritischen) Dialog mit Islamisten dar, allein schon wegen der wichtigen gesellschaftlichen Stellung und Verankerung ihrer Organisationen in den arabischen Ländern. Vor allem stellen sie heraus, dass moderate islamistische Akteure und Linke gerade in Fragen sozialer Gerechtigkeit durchaus gemeinsame Werte haben, auf deren Basis ein kritischer Dialog möglich ist.

Introduction / Cyrus Schayegh and Andrew Arsan -- The mandates and/as decolonization: preliminary thoughts / Cyrus Schayegh -- Part I. The mandate states in the world: international institutions, transnational linkages -- Introduction to Part I / Andrew Arsan -- Globalisation, imperialism, and the perspectives of foreign soldiers in the Middle East during World War I / Leila Fawaz -- Between communal survival and national aspiration: Armenian genocide refugees, the League of Nations and the practices of interwar humanitarianism / Keith David Watenpaugh -- Compassion and connections: feeding Beirut and assembling mandate rule in 1919 / Simon Jackson -- Exporting obligations: evolutionism, normalization, and mandatory anti-alcoholism from Africa to the Middle East (1918-1939) / Philippe Bourmaud -- Education for real life: pragmatist pedagogies and American interwar expansion in Iraq / Sarah Pursley -- The mandate system as a style of reasoning: international jurisdiction and the parcelling of imperial sovereignty in petitions from Palestine / Natasha Wheatley -- Citizens from afar: Palestinian migrants and the new world order, 1920-1930 / Nadim Bawalsa -- French mandate counterinsurgency and the repression of the great Syrian revolt / Michael Provence -- Part II. Mandate states: governance, discourses, interests -- Introduction to Part II / Cyrus Schayegh -- Colonial gender discourse in Iraq: constructing non-citizens / Noga Efrati -- Mapping the cadastre, producing the fellah: technologies and discourses of rule in French mandate Syria and Lebanon / Elizabeth Williams -- Suspect service: prostitution and the public in the mandate Mediterranean / Camila Pastor -- The successful failure of reform: police legitimacy in British Palestine / John L. Knight -- The social origins of mandatory rule in trans-Jordan / Tariq Tell -- Colonial cartography and the making of palestine, lebanon, and syria / Asher Kaufman -- Rashid rida & the 1920 syrian arab constitution: how the french mandate undermined Islamic liberalism / Elizabeth F. Thompson -- The nation as moral community: language and religion in the 1919 King-Crane Commission / Lori Allen -- Part III. Mandate state-society interactions and societal action: politics, culture, economy -- Introduction to Part III / Cyrus Schayegh -- Development and disappointment: Arab approaches to economic modernisation in mandate Palestine / Jacob Norris -- Throwing trans-Jordan into Palestine: electrification and state formation, 1921-1954 / Fredrik Meiton -- Abu Jilda, anti-imperial anti-hero: banditry and popular rebellion in Palestine / Alex Winder -- A massacre without precedent: pedagogical constituencies and communities of knowledge in mandate Lebanon / Nadya Sbaiti -- Hebrew under English rule: the language politics of mandate Palestine / Liora R. Halperin -- Divinely imprinting prints: or, how pictures became influential persons in mandate Lebanon / Kirsten Scheid -- Jews in an imperial pocket: northern Iraqi Jews and the British mandate / Orit Bashkin -- Sanctity across the border: pilgrimage routes and state control in mandate Lebanon and Palestine / Toufoul Abou-Hodeib -- Rebels without borders: southern syria and Palestine, 1919-1936 / Laila Parsons -- Was there a mandates period? Some concluding thoughts / James L. Gelvin

Foreword : translating violence: reflections after Ayodhya /rMeena Alexander -- Lament to the spirit of war (Sumerian poem) / Enheduanna (Sumeria, 2300 B.C.) -- To Waris Shah (Punjabi poem) / Amrita Pritam (India, 1948) -- Intimations of anxiety (Arabic poem) / Laila al-Saih (Palestine, 1984) -- On the road to Solomon's pools (Arabic short story) / Samira Azzam (Palestine, 1960) -- Where is my mother? (Hindi short story) / Krishna Sobti --tBlackout : Calcutta 1971 (English poem) / Chitra Divakaruni -- Do you remember the color of the sea at Dair Yasin? (Arabic poem) / Siham Daud (Palestine, 1978) -- Night patrol (an Israeli soldier on the West Bank) (English poem) / Hanan Mikhail Ashrawi -- Beirut nightmares (Arabic novel) / Ghada Samman -- No man's land (English poem) / Meena Alexander (India, 1989-1900) -- One cannot kill a baby twice / Dahlia Ravikovitch (Israel, 1982) --tAuschwitz from Colombo (English poem) / Anne Ranasinghe -- Our daily bread (Arabic short story) / Emily Nasrallah (Lebanon, 1990) -- Genocide (English poem) /rJean Arasanayagam (Sri Lanka, 1970) -- Colossus (Malayalam poem) / B. Sugathakumari (India, 1940s) -- A new wait (Arabic short story) / Aliya Shuaib (Kuwait, 1992) -- Meditation of Mahakali (Indian Sanskrit hymn to the Goddess) -- For her brother (Arabian poem) / Al-Khansa (sixth century C.E.) -- Indigo (Bengal: 1779-1860) (English poem) / Chitra Divakaruni (India, 1987) -- From Inner recesses outer spaces (English memoirs) / Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay (India, 1986) -- From memoirs of an unrealistic woman (Arabic novel) / Sahar Khalifa (Wst Bank, Israel, 1986) -- From Farewell communism "Long live Jewish-Arab friendship!" (Hebrew memoirs) / Nessia Shafran (Israel, 1981) -- Where Did She Belong? (Urdu short story) / Suraiya Qasim (India, 1960s) -- Two faces, one woman (Arabic short story) / Nuha Samara (Palestine/Lebanon, 1980) -- Draupadi (Bengali short story) / Mahasweta Devi (India, 1978) -- A short hike (Farsi short story) / A. Rahmani (Iran, 1981) -- The future (Arabic short story) / Daisy al-Amir (Iraq, 1980) -- Testimony (Pushto) / Anonymous Afghan woman (Afghanistan, 1987) -- The morning after (Hindi short story) / Mridula Garg (India, 1988) -- Interview with Nand Kaur Singh : Gadar Indian nationalist poetry in America (Punjabi and English interview, songs, and poems) / Jane Singh -- From Of blood and Fire (Bengali diary) / Jahanara Imam (Bangladesh, 1989) -- Greening (Arabic short story) / Aliya Talib (Iraq, 1988) -- Iremember I was a point, I was a circle (Arabic poem) / Huda Naamani (Syria, 1980) -- The gull and the negation of the negation (Arabic poem) / Fadwa Tuqan (West Bank, Israel, 1987) -- The sound of leaves (Bengali poem) / Razia Hussain (Bangladesh, 1970s) -- After the storm (English short story) /rAttia Hosain (India, 1953) -- Tears of joy (Pushto short story) / Shukria Raad (Afghanistan, 1989) -- Two hands (Urdu short story) / Ismat Chugtai (India, 1960s) -- Aboud's drawings (Farsi short story) / Ghodsi Ghazinur (Iran, 1981) -- The peace game (English poem) / Yasmine Gooneratne (Sri Landa, 1970s)-- Song of becoming (Arabic poem) / Fadwa Tuqan (West Bank, Israel, 1969)