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Cabinets in Eastern Europe is a comprehensive study which enables the reader to compare the origins, structure, composition and activities of these cabinets and to draw lessons from this comparison. Each chapter begins with a survey of the evolution of cabinets since the fall of communism at the beginning of the 1990s. The emphasis is then laid on the place of the cabinet in the constitution and on the role of presidents and prime ministers in the formation of the life of each cabinet. At a time when most Eastern European countries are candidates for membership in the European Union, this volume provides a unique comparative presentation of the way in which cabinets have been evolving in Eastern Europe since the end of communism

Abstract We study the transitions from career to gradual and permanent retirement by a sample of (Continental) European males aged 55 to 70 in the late 2000s. We find that only 14.6% of the workers in this sample moved from a career to a bridge job by the time of the interview, much less than in the United States, where this share is estimated at close to 60%. We use the cross country and time variation in employment protection legislation and minimum retirement age to study whether recent changes in these labour market institutions have had any effect on the transitions out of career jobs. We find that policies that have increased minimum retirement age and reduced the strictness of employment protection legislation have raised the hazard into gradual retirement in Northern and Central European countries and the permanence in career jobs in Mediterranean countries. JEL codes J26, J11, J21

Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future. This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc. For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The third part of the fifth ordinary session of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe was held in Strasbourg from September 15 through 26, 1953.The future position of the Saar: After considerable debate, the Consultative Assembly adopted a resolution submitted by Mr. van der Goes van Naters (Netherlands, Labor) on the future position of the Saar. In submitting a report on this question from the Committee on General Affairs, the rapporteur (van Naters) stressed the importance of finding a solution to the Saar question since the dispute between France and the German Federal Republic threatened to impede if not prevent progress toward European integration and cooperation. He emphasized that the problem was of concern to the whole of Europe and should be solved as a European problem rather than as a matter of concern only to Germans and French. During the debate, support of the van Naters' proposal came from representatives of the Saar, from Mr. Eugen Gerstenmaier (German Federal Republic, Christian Democratic Union), and Mr. Julian Amery (United Kingdom, Conservative). Mr. Amery, while unable to commit his government, announced his belief that the United Kingdom would not shirk its duties in this matter although unable to agree in advance to a particular time-table of action or to be bound to a particular procedure. Mr. Karl Mommer (German Federal Republic, Social-Democrat Party, SPD) felt that the question of the Saar was part of the larger problem of the reunification of Germany; the Saar, he argued, had not ceased to be a part of Germany.

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe met for its fifth session in Strasbourg on August 4, 1950 in anticipation of the second session of the Consultative Assembly opening on August 9. At its first meeting the committee discussed the proposed agenda of the Assembly and included on it the following items: 1) a European Charter of Human Rights; 2) a proposal for a convention granting reciprocal treatment of subjects of member states, physical and juridical; 3) uniform civil procedure for member countries; and 4) elimination of double taxation. After the final meeting of the committee on August 9, the chairman of the committee (MacBride, Ireland) announced at a press conference that the ministers had decided to defer until their October meeting decisions on three proposals of the standing committee as the ministers wished to have the further views of the Assembly on them. The General Affairs Committee proposals were: 1) the appointment by each member state of a minister for European affairs to handle Council of Europe matters as a step towards unification; 2) the right of members to accept decisions of the Committee of Ministers in principle but without specific endorsement, to avoid exercise of the veto because of unacceptable details; and 3) the creation of a channel for presentation of the views of the Assembly to the member parliaments for discussion. Mr. MacBride announced at the same press conference that the ministers had decided to hold interim meetings of deputies in order to maintain closer contact with Council proceedings.

The study of contemporary Europe has attracted growing attention in mainstream political science and international relations. Both studies of the European Union and cross-country comparisons of various political phenomena in different European countries are beginning to enrich our understanding of the process and limitations of integration. This growth of interest has also been stimulated by the opening up of central and eastern Europe which has encouraged scholars to address the issues of transformation using the tools of comparative politics. In addition, studies of Europeanisation are now being more systematically related to broader international developments and to the process of globalisation. British scholars, and British-based scholars, are making important contributions to the debates in political science and international relations. This review article traces some of the strands of this development.

The world requires global solutions. What is the right approach? Since the end of the Bush administration there has been an international debate on what kind of world will emerge. Where is Europe in this debate? Among American academics Europe plays only a marginal role. Their main concerns are the decline of America and the rise of China. Europe is not considered to be a major power factor in the new world. The "Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership" (TTIP) introduced a new element into the debate, however. For liberal internationalists the TTIP could provide a stable basis for market economies and liberal democracies to strengthen their global influence. Such an agreement could help to enlarge their standards to the emerging powers. On the one hand, it would pull them into the new system. On the other hand, it would push them towards it. The US and Europe would create an economic and politically unifying force that would integrate the new emerging actors such as China, India, Brazil, Russia and other established economic powers. Geo-strategists and Realists would argue that closer US - European ties, the TIPP together with the "Transpacific Partnership" (TPP), would enhance the West's leverage with China.

"This collection looks at transnational infrastructures, from the first ceremonial train of the European Coal and Steel Community to the new border signs replacing checkpoints along motorways, and how such infrastructural links are part of the long history of European unification"--

The EU faces the challenge of determining its role in the security dimension. It must institutionalize its relationship with NATO & redefine its relations with the US. The decisions adopted by the Nice European Council effectively undid the political division of Europe established at Yalta in 1945. The European economic space has been supplemented with new security institutions: the Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) & the European Security & Defense Policy (ESDP). The EU & the OSCE are irreplaceable in conflict prevention, crisis management, & resolution, & are critical for promotion of democratic change, market reform, & the rule of law. The transatlantic relationship covers three parallel processes: the emergence of Europe as a quasi-power; the shaping of a new type of relationship between the EU & the US within NATO; & the anchoring of democratic values & interlinking of vital interests that have enabled Europe to become a community of democracies. Adapted from the source document.

Over the last three decades the annual number of applications for asylum in the countries of the European Union has increased from about 15 000 to more than 300 000. This has sparked a political backlash, a revolution in policy, a lively academic debate

Over the last three decades the annual number of applications for asylum in the countries of the European Union has increased from about 15 000 to more than 300 000. This has sparked a political backlash, a revolution in policy, a lively academic debate

Der Verfasser fragt nach den Gründen für die Machtübernahme der Mehrzahl der Regierungen in Europa durch sozialdemokratische und sozialistische Parteien. Er nimmt dies zum Anlaß, um die historischen Unterschiede der sozialdemokratischen Strömungen in Westeuropa, Osteuropa und Rußland herauszuarbeiten und nach ihren Gemeinsamkeiten zu fragen. Letztere sieht er vor allem in der Entwicklung einer spezifischen politischen Kultur, die durch die Werte Freiheit, soziale Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität geprägt ist. Als gemeinsame Prinzipien sieht er insbesondere eine Ethik der Verantwortung, Kompromißbereitschaft, das Konzept gemäßigter Reformen und das "Prinzip Hoffnung" an. Die Zukunft der internationalen Sozialdemokratie wird nicht zuletzt von der Flexibilität abhängen, mit der sie den Herausforderungen der Globalisierung begegnet. (BIOst-Mrk)