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This book offers a detailed investigation of naval diplomacy, past and present, and challenges the widely accepted Anglo-American school of sea power thought. Despite the acknowledgement of the importance of the threat or use of force in the pursuit of policy since the dawn of strategic thought, the utility of seapower in operations other than war is poorly understood and articulated. Theorists have invariably viewed seapower in peacetime through the lens of hard power effects such as coercion and deterrence. Commentaries on engagement, interoperability and the forging of friendships are largely conspicuous by their absence. This book considers how all these strands of international politics can be better understood for use in the 21st century. The book explains and defines naval diplomacy, with existing theoretical frameworks being critically analysed. It reviews over 500 incidents from the post-Cold War era, drawing on this empirical evidence to determine that naval diplomacy remains a potent means of 21st century statecraft. It finds that existing understanding of naval diplomacy is insufficient and offers an alternative model, drawing on basic communication and stakeholder theories. The implications of the book relate directly to national security: naval deployments could be more effectively targeted; foreign activity at sea could be better understood and, if necessary, countered; finally, the ability of non-state actors to support national interests from the sea could, potentially, be better harnessed. This book will be of much interest to students of naval power, maritime security, strategic studies and International Relations.

Most work on foreign policy and media influence focuses on Western media but the increasing prominence of central and eastern European countries in global politics (as members of the EU and NATO) means that the media—foreign policy relationship in these countries is assuming greater importance. This article addresses this gap by revisiting the question of media influence on foreign policy and the CNN effect debate from a non-US/UK, eastern European perspective, using some evidence from the Iraq War. The author builds on previous work on Kosovo where the media were shown to play a rather small role in foreign policy formation in these countries. However, the US-led invasion of Iraq is notable for the number of post-communist countries getting involved, and the widespread unpopularity of the campaign. This article re-examines the debate in light of the new foreign policy environment and asks to what extent the post-9/11 era has seen a transformation of the media—foreign policy relationship in eastern Europe.

"Das suggestive Potential von Performanzen beruht ganz allgemein darauf, den Eindruck beim Publikum zu erwecken, die jeweilige Darbietung, selbst wenn sie im metaphorischen oder auch tatsächlichen Sinne in luftiger Höhe auf dem Drahtseil erfolgt, sei insofern das 'Natürlichste auf der Welt', wenn durch die bruchlose Perfektionierung der expressiven Form deren letztendliche Konstruiertheit in Vergessenheit gerät. Gelungene Performanzen verwandeln so gesehen Helmuth Plessners anthropologisches Grundgesetz 'natürlicher Künstlichkeit' in 'künstliche Natürlichkeit', sie stiften in ihrer emotional vereinnahmenden und rational nur schwer dechiffrierbaren Ästhetik gleichsam selbstevidenten Sinn und beendigen damit Kontingenz. Der Kniefall Willy Brandts im Jahre 1970 vor dem Warschauer Ghetto-Denkmal kann als eine der entscheidenden politischen Performanzen nach 1945 gewertet werden, deren symbolische Legitimität spätestens im Jahre 2000 von der deutschen Presse einstimmig bestätigt wurde, als der polnische Ministerpräsident Jerzy Buzek und Bundeskanzler Gerhard Schröder auf dem Areal des ehemaligen Ghettos, direkt gegenüber des Ghetto-Denkmals, ein 'Willy-Brandt-Denkmal' einweihten, das auf einer Relieftafel den knienden Brandt zeigt. Eine entscheidende Frage lautet daher, wie es zu erklären ist, dass Brandts Geste, die gemessen am diplomatischen Protokoll des ursprünglich vorgesehenen Kranzlegung-Rituals im Grunde einen Störfall darstellte, dennoch nicht als solcher, sondern als geradezu auratisches Ereignis gewertet wurde. Eine andere, ebenso entscheidende Frage lautet wiederum, wie es gelingen kann, die an der Konkretheit von Zeit, Ort und Person haftende Authentizität von Performanzen massenmedial zu transportieren, ohne das Erlebnis des Auratischen zu zerstören. Die Analyse des Kniefalls zeigt, dass die Symbolik der Performanz gerade nicht durch den Umweg über die Medien Schaden erlitt, sondern dass dem Kniefall überhaupt erst durch die narrative Interpretationsschlaufe der Presse sein eigentlicher Symbolwert zuerkannt wurde. Symbolizität und Performanz einerseits und mediale Narrativierung andererseits sind hier als zwei Kommunikationskanäle zu begreifen, deren jeweilig spezifisches Vermögen der Sinnproduktion sich reziprok dynamisierte." (Autorenreferat)

Atkins, G. P.: Reorienting U.S. policies in the new era. - S. 1-18 Cohen, I.: Economic questions. - S. 19-34 Martz, J. D.: Democracy and human rights. - S. 43-55 Meissner, D.: Immigration and refugee policy. - S. 63-76 Bagley, B. M.: Narcotics traffic. - S. 81-106 Woerner, F.: Military questions. - S. 119-134 Policy prospects and alternatives. / P. S. Cleaves ... - S. 143-157

Zagoria reviews 'Power Competition in East Asia: From the Old Chinese World Order to Post-Cold War Regional Multipolarity,' by Suisheng Zhao. A book review is presented of Power Competition in East Asia: From the Old Chinese World Order to Post-Cold War Regional Multipolarity by Suisheng Zhao.

The Politics of Military Force examines the dynamics of discursive change that made participation in military operations possible against the background of German antimilitarist culture. Once considered a strict taboo, so-called out-of-area operations have now become widely considered by German policymakers to be without alternative. The book argues that an understanding of how certain policies are made possible (in this case, military operations abroad and force transformation), one needs to focus on processes of discursive change that result in different policy options appearing rational, appropriate, feasible, or even self-evident. Drawing on Essex School discourse theory, the book develops a theoretical framework to understand how discursive change works, and elaborates on how discursive change makes once unthinkable policy options not only acceptable but even without alternative. Based on a detailed discourse analysis of more than 25 years of German parliamentary debates, The Politics of Military Force provides an explanation for: (1) the emergence of a new hegemonic discourse in German security policy after the end of the Cold War (discursive change), (2) the rearticulation of German antimilitarism in the process (ideational change/norm erosion) and (3) the resulting making-possible of military operations and force transformation (policy change). In doing so, the book also demonstrates the added value of a poststructuralist approach compared to the naive realism and linear conceptions of norm change so prominent in the study of German foreign policy and International Relations more generally.