Work Package 4: National Case Studies of Challenges to Tolerance in Political Life ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
Рассмотрены вопросы использования коммуникативно оправданных спо собов словоупотребления в речи носителей современного русского языка, проанализированы взаимосвязи и различия понятий политкорректности, толерантности и языкового такта. ; The paper deals with the issues of employing ways of word usage justified in terms of communicationby modern Russian native speakers. Interrelations and differences of political correctness, tolerance and language tact are analysed.
Based on the dual premise that nations need to learn from how immigration issues are handled in other modern democracies, and that adaptation to a new era of refugee and emigration movements is critical to a stable world, Marilyn Hoskin systematically compares the immigration policies of the United States, Britain, Germany, and France as prime examples of the challenges faced in the twenty-first century. Because immigration is a complex phenomenon, Understanding Immigration provides students with a multidisciplinary framework based on the thesis that a nation's geography, history, economy, and political system define its immigration policy. In the process, it is possible to weigh the influence of such factors as isolation, colonialism, labor imbalances, and tolerance of fringe parties and groups in determining how governments ultimately respond to both routine immigration requests and the more dramatic surges witnessed in both Europe and the United States since 2013.
AbstractAn enduring question for the social sciences is whether increasing contact and exposure between in-groups and out-groups enhances prospects for social tolerance and cooperation. Using dictator experiments with ethnic Serbs in post-war Kosovo, our research explores how norms of altruism are impacted by proximity to former rivals. In the aftermath of violence, proximity appears to amplify solidarity with the in-group but also increases empathy toward former adversaries. Based on a March 2011 study of 158 ethnic Serbs from regions across Kosovo with varying degrees of contact and separation from ethnic Albanians, we find that both out-group bridging and in-group bonding norms increase with exposure to the out-group. The inclusion of extended controls and matching for displacement by violence and other forms of victimization helps alleviate concerns about sorting and selection driving our results.
Introduction. Social Capital and Subjective Well-being: Towards a Conceptual Framework -- Learning to Trust: Trends in Generalized Social Trust in the Three Baltic Countries from 1990 to 2018 -- Emigration and Trust: Evidence from Eastern Europe and Central Asia,- Cultural Transition of Human Values – A Longitudinal Study on East-West Migration in Germany -- The Impact of Economic Insecurity on Social Capital and Well-Being: An Analysis across Different Cohorts in Europe -- Rainbows in Latin America: Public Opinion and Societal Atti-tudes Towards Homosexuality -- Antecedents of Religious Tolerance in Southeast AsiaSotheeswari -- Formal and informal institutions as drivers of life satisfaction in European regions -- The Effects of Democracy and Trust on Subjective Well-being: A Multilevel Study of Latin American Countries -- Degree of Benefit? The Interconnection Among Social Capital, Well-Being and Education -- Occupation and Subjective Well-being: A Knowledge Economy Perspective -- Social capital and loneliness in welfare state regimes before and after the Global Financial Crisis: results based on the European Social Survey.
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This book explores the activism and solidarity movements formed by contemporary European citizens in opposition to populism, which has risen significantly in reaction to globalization, European integration and migration. It makes the counterforces to neo-nationalisms visible and re-envisions key concepts such as democracy/public sphere, power/empowerment, intersectionality and conflict/cooperation in civil society. The book makes a theoretical and empirical contribution to citizenship studies, covering several forms such as contestatory, solidary, everyday and creative citizenship. The chapters examine the diverse movements against national populism, othering and exclusion in various parts of the European Union, such as Denmark, Finland, the UK, Austria, Germany, France, Bulgaria, Slovenia and Italy. The national case studies focus on counterforces to ethnic and religious divisions, as well as genders and sexualities, various expressions of anti-migration, Romanophobia, Islamophobia and homophobia. The book's overall focus on local, national and transnational forms of resistance is premised on values of respect and tolerance of diversity in an increasingly multi-cultural Europe.--
This paper attempts to bring the consideration of some new ideas and new research in the area of psychology and politics into a perspective helpful in our quest for a better world order. The notion of value relativism, for which it pleads, is relatively new within intellectual history, and the notion of value relativism based upon differentiated human personalities is much newer still. The idea of moving beyond a passive tolerance of different peoples toward an active consideration of the role of differentiated contribution, a kind of psychological interfunctionality within the organic whole of man, should now be able to make a contribution to world order. Just as the element of human psychology has become increasingly relevant to so many intellectual considerations, so too in the quest for a more justly ordered world there is need to explore the psychological dimension in the context of the principal balances of human society. The principles of value relativism, along with an understanding of the full range of the authoritarian model, should be helpful in this quest.
Several studies have shown that there are populist attitudes associated with voting for these parties, across left‐ and right‐wing ideologies. As political attitudes and opinions are rooted in people's personal values, this study analyzes the commonalities in the values priorities of populist supporters. The values underlying the vote for populists are reflected in the ideological core of populism, the antagonistic divide between "us"—the people—and "them"—the foreigners and the elite. This article theorizes that voting for populist parties is linked with lower support for self‐transcendent values, as they express altruism, tolerance, and pluralism, contradicting the populist claims of exclusionist power of the "people" over "the others." Evidence of this relationship is found using European Social Survey data. The study applies logistic multilevel and multinomial regression models. Findings confirm that voting for populist parties is associated with lower support for self‐transcendent values and high support in conservation values, across left and right ideologies.
AbstractPalmyra's capture and destruction by ISIS resonated widely with an international audience. Drawing on Lefebvre's theory of the production of space and affect theory's key insights on object attachment, this article argues that the attachment to Palmyra manifests desire for a particular "good life" of an idealized liberal multiculturalism: a virtuous cycle of trade and tolerance represented by aesthetic flourishing. This widely circulated representation is grounded on excisions of power and inequality. I analyze the political stakes of such excision through the invisibility of Tadmor, positioned as a neighboring town rather than an afterlife of Palmyra in this representation. Through Tadmor, we see Palmyra as entangled in economic inequality and consolidation of power and complicit in their elision through its aesthetic representation as a multicultural haven. At stake is the question of what it means to attach the desire for coexistence to this representation of Palmyra at the detriment of places like Tadmor. While this paper makes its key intervention into the affective terrain and limits of a current global political moment, my argument also contributes to discussions of the global production and circulation of affect, bringing into view its attachment to sites and spaces.
Исследование Дж.П. Фельдмана "Memories before the State: Postwar Peru and the Place of Memory, Tolerance, and Social Inclusion" (Rutgers University Press, 2021) посвящено процессу создания Места памяти, терпимости и социальной интеграции (LUM) в столице Перу Лиме. На основании аналитических материалов автора книги в статье рассмотрен его нетривиальный подход к проблеме конструирования коллективной памяти. Особое внимание уделяется международной составляющей коммеморативной деятельности и ее влиянию на внутриполитические процессы, сопровождающие инициативы в сфере меморизации. На примере анализа деятельности Комиссии по установлению истины и примирению (КИП) рассматривается динамика концептуализации дискурса постпамяти. Авторы приходят к выводу, что перуанский кейс, включающий в себя не только Место памяти, но и ряд иных проектов в сфере меморизации, позволяет проследить такие аспекты коммеморативной политизации, как опора на дискурс прав человека, вовлеченность в подобные проекты НПО и международных акторов, связь проблематики коммеморации и постпамяти с политикой идентичности.
Faith has divided men. Religion, as cultural instrument, allows humans to understand their uncertain place in creation. However, the element that is supposed to unite has become a dissociative aspect, to the extent a high number of political conflicts are rooted in religious disputes. In this regard, due to an apparently insurmountable confessional antagonism, the Islamic world and the West have become increasingly polarized. This situation demands us to rethink the issue of tolerance. Thus, this essay analyzes the conflict between "religious freedom and state laïcité" as a challenge for peaceful coexistence and dialogue among religions. This dilemma does not only refer to the mystical, but also affects the social integration of immigrants. The first part of this document refers to the basic aspects of the right to religious freedom. A second section examines the ideology behind state laïcité. Lastly, a study on the problems that have arisen in France and Germany in relation to the use of the Muslim veil has been included. ; La fe ha dividido a los hombres. La religión como instrumento cultural permite al ser humano entender su incierto lugar en la creación. No obstante, aquello que debería unir se ha tornado elemento disociador, al punto que un elevado número de conflictos políticos encuentra su origen en disputas religiosas. En ese sentido, el mundo islámico y el mundo occidental se polarizan cada vez más mediante un antagonismo confesional, en apariencia insuperable, obligando con ello a repensar el tema de la tolerancia. En este trabajo analizaremos una de las manifestaciones del conflicto "libertad religiosa-laicidad estatal" como desafío a la política de convivencia pacífica y diálogo entre religiones. Este dilema abarca no sólo lo místico, sino que incide en los programas de integración social de los inmigrantes. En un primer momento, abordaremos las líneas básicas del derecho a la libertad religiosa, posterior- mente analizaremos la ideología presente en la laicidad estatal y por último, estudiaremos algunos de los problemas que han tenido lugar en Francia y Alemania con ocasión de la polémica por el uso del velo.
Roger Williams (1604-1683) is considered one of the main authors who paved the way for the basic ideas of modern political life, such as freedom of conscience, tolerance, and neutrality of the State in religious matters. Several of them are reflected in his famous work The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution for Cause of Conscience (1644). However, what is distinctive about Williams is not only his modernity, but also that he elaborated these ideas from the breadth of biblical tradition as well as Christian thought. Therefore, this essay seeks to turn to the Christian dimension of Williams and to show how it has continuity with the political thought of Saint Augustine of Hippo regarding order and peace in the city. This will be done through a comparison of both thinkers in key subjects. To do this, I will define the contours of the religious tolerance proposed by Williams in relation to the problem of freedom of conscience in The Bloudy Tenent,comparing this with some general features of Augustinian thought contained in The City of God. Finally, this notion of tolerance will be contrasted with propositions of liberal origin, specifically taking John Locke's Letter on Tolerance as an example. Through this it will be possible to see the differences between a Christian position and a liberal one. ; Roger Williams (1604-1683) es considerado uno de los principales autores que fundamentó el camino para ideas constitutivas de la vida política moderna como la libertad de conciencia, la tolerancia y la neutralidad del Estado en materia religiosa. Varias de ellas quedaron plasmadas en su famosa obra El sangriento dogma de la persecución por causa de conciencia (1644). Sin embargo, lo distintivo de Williams no reside únicamente en el hecho de su modernidad, sino en que sostuvo estas ideas recurriendo a la amplitud de la tradición bíblica como de pensamiento cristiano. Por lo anterior, la propuesta de este ensayo consiste en rescatar la dimensión cristiana de Williams y mostrar su continuidad con el pensamiento político de San ...
