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Debates regarding the possible taxation of ?shund? content and the ?return of
tax on shund? from the period of the former SFRY, are opened every few years
in the national public media space. In order to see the scope of such
debates more clearly, this paper provides an overview of different notions
of ?shund? and kitsch in the humanities, points out the permeation of
cultural and tax policy in the context of modern public policy and provides
a historical and juridical overview and assessment of ?tax on shund? from
the socialist period. The goal is to shed light on the most prominent
theoretical problems via an interdisciplinary analytical apparatus and using
a comparative, historical, inductive and descriptive method and try to
answer the questions of the formulation and possible operationalization of
the ?tax on shund?. In the end, the only thing left is the judgment that the
introduction of the proposed form of taxation would not find its foundation
in the science of taxes, that the cost-effectiveness and fiscal abundance of
such measures would be uncertain, and that, in the absence of a
scientifically based definition of ?shund?, the bodies entrusted with public
authority would face the problems of the so-called indefinite notion and
arbitrariness in evaluation.

Eighteenth-century Spain was haunted by a sense of decadence. Consequently,
intellectual innovation developed in its attempt to recover its lost
grandeur while keeping its Catholic culture. In such a context, politicaleconomic
reflection focused in a remarkable way on a scientific approach to
social habits. Reception of foreign developments was adapted to a framework
that fostered the enhancement of individualism but not of individual self-determination.
The first part of the article shows that the approach to customs
initially elaborated on the concept of emulation as a moral sentiment
for overcoming collective passions that precluded cooperation. The second
part shifts the focus to a discussion of education as an antidote against traditional
prejudices but also as a bulwark to both modern moral hazards derived
from commercial society and republicanism.

<p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 24pt 36pt;"><span style="color: #131413; font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">This paper critically analyzes how youth mentorship discourse in North America supports hegemonic and normative values of patriarchy, gender role expectations, and negative youth stereotypes. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, I identify and make explicit the additional agendas present in youth mentorship programs. Through an examination of the language and rhetorical devices used to promote youth mentorship programs, multiple elements of discourse are identified as supporting the inculcation of youth with neoliberal values such as competition, entrepreneurism, and self-regulation. The implications of this analysis suggest the continual and increasing presence of neoliberal and corporate capitalistic values in the once publicly funded welfare state.</span></p>

The article is devoted to personality intercourse between writer and reader in Belles-Lettres. The intercourse between the self of the writer and the self of the reader realizes itself in the processes of writing and reading belles-lettres texts that serve as specific mediators between the two selfs. The article shows the free and personal nature of the intercourse. In the article, the author singles out and gives descriptions of stages/levels of involvement into belles-lettres personality intercourse. The author distinguishes five conventional stages: superficial or shallow stage, contradiction or conflict stage, identity or emotional stage, transcendental stage and supersensitive stage. Degree of openness of selfs to each other and degree of willingness on the part of the participants to express their own selfs serve as criteria of separating one stage from another. Degree of openness of selfs to each other is represented as a degree of the reader's openness to the writer's influence. While degree of willingness to express one's own self is perceived as a degree of the writer's or reader's readiness to reveal their self. The author argues that at each stage of intercourse its participants demonstrate a different degree of their involvement into it, which leads to misinterpretations of texts on the part of the reader and on the whole to misunderstanding between the reader and writer. The reader's transition from one stage to another can have a gradual character. However, the reader's transition to the writer's stage of intercourse can also be instantaneous, which depends on the reader's individual ability of perception as well as the writer's skill. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that understanding or misunderstanding between writer and reader as well as different interpretations of the writer's belles-lettres work by the reader lie at different stages in a degree of the reader's involvement into the intercourse suggested to him/her by the writer. In cases when both parties find themselves at one and the same stage of personal involvement the intercourse between them results in agreement of the written text and its interpretation by the reader. Thus, the writer acquires their readership while the reader discovers the writer who responds to his/her individuality.

Analyses of care work typically speak of three necessary roles of care: the care worker, the care recipient, and an economic provider who makes care materially possible. This model provides no place for addressing the difficult political questions care poses for liberal representative democracy. I propose to fill this space with a new caring role to connect the care unit to the political sphere, as the economic provider connects the care unit to the economic sphere. I call this role that of the "care claimant." The labor of claiming care consists in the development, expression, and advancement of the interests of the care unit. The argument for employing this fourth care role begins by comparing Nel Noddings's phenomenological care unit to Sara Ruddick's family‐based analysis. It then moves to discuss the way Eva Kittay emphasizes the dependency of the charge and its political ramifications to illustrate the need for a care claimant. After distinguishing the care claimant from the other roles of care, I examine the power relationships in the care unit and the position of the care claimant in the public sphere.