Suchergebnisse

We tested the applicability of objectification theory to the prediction of disordered eating and depressed mood among Chinese undergraduate students. Participants (N = 430) completed measures of body surveillance, body shame, appearance anxiety, level of internal awareness, flow,
disordered eating, and depressed mood. Results of structural equation modeling revealed the model of objectification theory provided a poor fit to the data for both genders, but 2 exploratory models with good fit were generated after subsequent modification to the model. For women, body shame
and appearance anxiety mediated the relationships among body surveillance, disordered eating, and depressed mood. Furthermore, body surveillance indirectly influenced women's level of internal awareness and flow via body shame and appearance anxiety, which led to disordered eating and depressed
mood. This pattern of relationships was similar for men, except for flow, which was not related to the outcome variables. We concluded that objectification theory is applicable to women and men in China.

Discussions of cross-border marriages between women from developing countries and men from economically advanced countries often focus on the objectification of women, while the process through which men are presented as "marriageable entities" is rarely examined. In this article, I explore the case of China, where middle-aged, divorced women are seeking second-chance marriages with Western men via international cyber-dating agencies. Contrary to the stereotypical portrayal of Western men as rich and powerful in the Chinese media, many of the Western men enrolled at the cyber-dating agencies I am studying earn a modest income. I analyze the agencies' portrayal of their Western male clients as caring, family oriented, and worthy of marrying despite their lack of wealth. Results from this article show that masculinity is fluid, malleable, and continuously being reconstructed in accordance with the changing demographic and socioeconomic patterns of the globalizing world.

A crise financeira que eclodiu em 2008, acentuou uma tendência de declínio relativo do poder hegemônico dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) no moderno sistema mundial. Na estratégica região do Oriente Médio, a China vem aumentando sua presença, ao mesmo tempo em que Washington perde a sua importância. Tendo essa conjuntura como base, e a partir da metodologia de revisão bibliográfica, o objetivo do artigo é discutir a natureza desse contexto, analisando o aumento da presença chinesa no Oriente Médio, sobretudo as relações comerciais, em detrimento dos EUA. Amparado nas considerações teóricas arrighianas sobre hegemonia e ciclos sistêmicos de acumulação, procurar-se-á identificar se o referido cenário pode, de fato, contribuir para um possível declínio hegemônico estadunidense. Conclui-se que apesar do enfraquecimento político de Washington, e a perda de sua supremacia comercial junto ao Oriente Médio frente à Pequim, este aparenta não ter pretensões hegemônicas na região à curto prazo.

Racism reflects how we think and act as much as what. It manifests in terms of biology, geography, and culture but reflects an episteme that normalises Self and Other into a bordered binary. Here, a trialectical epistemology can help. It dissolves racialised realities by showing how opposites exist in each other, thereby constituting a three-ness – e.g. self-in-other and other-in-self – that links Self and Other despite mutual antagonisms. From such trialectics, epistemic compassion can arise. It enables learning from the Other through what Buddhists call 'interbeing' or the recognition that 'you are in me, and I in you'. Reciprocity thus becomes key. The Self cannot violate the Other without also violating itself; likewise, loving the Other effectively loves the Self. Flat, monochromatic binaries like 'black' versus 'white' cannot continue and colour revivifies world politics, both literally and figuratively. I apply trialectics to the 'border problem' between India and China as an analogy.

Despite having poured billions of dollars of aid into Pakistan's economy and its military over the years, there is a general acceptability among scholars and policymakers that the United States exercises limited leverage in Pakistan. Although India remains the centrepiece in US–Pakistan policy divergences, US frustrations often stem from the ineffectiveness of its aid-for-leverage policy, especially given Pakistan's dependence on US military assistance. The limited US influence in Pakistan can best be understood within the framework of patron–client relationship and arms dependence. If the theory suggests anything, it is that various factors including US and Pakistan's behaviour contribute in channelling the relationship towards its apparent demise. Most important within these is China's central role in helping Pakistan indigenize its military production and diversify its arms supply. In that sense, then, China has colluded with Pakistan in indirectly limiting US influence in Pakistan and the trend suggests that this collaboration will further reduce US leverage over Pakistan.

Despite the widespread application of the Symptom Check List-90-R (SCL-90-R) with Chinese middle-school students, there are currently no widely accepted national norms for mental health specifically for this group. In this study our aim was to establish mental-health norms for Chinese
middle-school students using the Chinese version of the SCL-90-R. A large sample (N = 20,862) of Chinese middle-school students completed the SCL-90-R. Their mean scores for the 9 subscales of the SCL-90-R ranged from 1.45 to 1.85. The mean General Symptomatic Index score was 1.61 ±
0.57. There were significant differences between these norms and the norms reported in a Chinese study conducted in 1986. The scores we recorded in this study can be used as new mental-health norms for this age group because the data were acquired directly through a survey using a large sample
representative of middle-school students in China.

El ciclo progresista surgió de rebeliones populares que modificaron las relaciones de fuerza en Sudamérica. Hubo mejoras sociales, conquistas democráticas y frenos a la agresión imperial, pero se acentuó el extractivismo exportador y la balcanización comercial. Los convenios de cada país con China ilustran fracturas en la integración que han facilitado el resurgimiento de los tratados de libre comercio. El progresismo fue afectado por ensayos neodesarrollistas fallidos que no lograron canalizar las rentas agroexportadoras hacia actividades productivas. Aunque el gasto social distendió la protesta, el descontento se extendió bajo los gobiernos de centroizquierda. Los conservadores ocultan la corrupción, el narcotráfico y la desigualdad que acosan a sus gobiernos. La caracterización del ciclo progresista como periodo posliberal omite las continuidades respecto a la fase previa e ignora los conflictos con el movimiento popular. Finalmente, puede afirmarse que los proyectos socialistas ofrecen el mejor desemboque para la etapa en curso.

This article explores the association between subjective well‐being (life satisfaction and happiness) and the importance of living in a democracy in 10 countries: Brazil, China, India, Russia, Rwanda, Singapore, South Africa, Sweden, Turkey, and the United States. We examine well‐being as one possible indicator of the likelihood of a society's commitment to democracy. We find that there is indeed a relationship between life satisfaction and the importance of living in a democracy. Countries with high levels of life satisfaction tend to be secure democracies, whereas countries with lower levels of life satisfaction tend to experience more political and economic challenges. We briefly discuss the unique socioeconomic realities and historical trajectories that may be responsible for varied levels of well‐being and diverse sentiments on the importance of democracy. We have deliberately selected a wide range of diverse case studies in order to analyse our results within varied political and socioeconomic contexts.

Los gobiernos de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández se destacaron por su creciente alejamiento de los Estados Unidos, su acercamiento a países de la región sudamericana y la apuesta por un nuevo orden regional, la profundización de los vínculos con China y con Rusia, la participación de alto perfil en diversos foros internacionales y la insistencia en el reclamo por la soberanía de las Islas Malvinas. Este artículo desarrolla las características de esa política internacional. Tiene como objetivo describir la política exterior de los gobiernos del Frente para la Victoria que se sucedieron entre 2003 y 2015, con la intención de inscribir dicha política en el marco de una serie de transformaciones económicas y políticas internas. Pretende entender la política exterior desde un enfoque histórico que permita relacionarlacon tensiones y debates en el seno de la sociedad civil y, por lo tanto, con expresión en el Estado.

Whereas "optimists" argue that military conflict in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly unlikely, "pessimists" warn that conflict remains a real option. The landslide victory for the pro‐independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of President Tsai Ing‐wen in the January 2016 presidential and legislative elections adds fire to the debate. The DPP win makes a peaceful unification on China's terms an ever‐distant prospect. Since the election, Beijing's strategy has rested on pressuring Taipei into accepting the "1992 consensus" as the precondition for constructive relations. However, this article argues that strategies of "coercion" are a double‐edged sword for China: its very success in deterring Taiwan from declaring formal independence has backfired as far as compelling the island from accepting unification on its terms. While pessimism about a new period of cross‐Strait tensions is premature, the Taiwan Strait remains a volatile regional flash point in East Asia.

AbstractThis article focuses on China's initial encounter with the African continent from the perspective of a select literature overview. It reflects on the very earliest contacts between dynastic China and ancient Africa and shows that the current contestation in the Western media as well as literature over this more recent contact is not new. Given the dearth and disparate nature of the information on these first encounters, it does this through the lens of what has been written on the subject of the speculated first contact in a selection of secondary English-language literature. It does so by considering the prevalence of such literature in three distinct periods: prior to 1949; from 1950 to 1990; and a selection of research published thereafter. It shows that China's encounter with Africa reaches far back into the history of the continent, but more importantly so does the volatile contestation surrounding the contemporary contact.

La Guerra Sino-Japonesa (1894-1895) fue un conflicto militar entre la dinastía Qing de China y el Imperio de Japón, que tuvo lugar durante el desarrollo de la era Meiji, y cuyo propósito era conseguir el dominio de Corea. Este acontecimiento histórico tuvo mucha repercusión en el arte, tanto es así que se produjeron grandes cantidades de estampas de guerra (sensō-e) durante los últimos años del siglo XIX, y que fueron compradas ya en el siglo XX por coleccionistas de todo el mundo. El interés llega hasta la actualidad, como por ejemplo Emilio Bujalance, coleccionista español que ha ido adquiriendo a lo largo de los años estos ukiyo-e y junto a otros de temas muy variados, ha ido formando su propia colección. El objeto de estudio del trabajo de investigación ha sido la catalogación de las estampas que narran la Guerra Sino-Japonesa de la Colección Bujalance.

In the context of current drives for the renewal and conservation of rural Chinese villages, socialist villages developed under Mao Zedong's tenure as Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (1949-1976) seem have been marginalized. This research selects one of Mao's model villages, Qinyong village in Ningbo, Zhejiang Province, as a case study. Through historical and on-site research, this article articulates and analyses the transformation of the village landscape from the early socialist period to the latest renovation in 2014. Focusing in particular on the transformation of the village's housing from the 1970s to the 1990s, the article tries to identify historical conditions of social, political and economic organization embedded in their physical forms. By juxtaposing the recent planning and renovation of the village with its past, the discussion of the village's architectural heritage is intended to cast some light on key aspects of village preservation and revitalization in rural China.

This article was developed through meetings of study groups and documentary research. The results were based on the UN Reports on Human Rights and Development and specifically on the main normative, institutional and political-economic advances and setbacks in the BRICS States (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) are discussed. Which have been adopted by them in accordance with the ideals of social progress and substantive freedoms, of the UN development agenda. The conclusions based on documentary research on the development of freedoms related to the expansion of social rights in BRICS countries. On the other hand, this report contains analyzes of the recommendations made to the five countries, in original documents in English, on the rights to health, pensions and social assistance, and the shortcomings they have not yet overcome in the fulfillment of these rights, as well as some normative advances, Institutional and political-economic in order to fulfill them.

The work analyses the demographic and migration situation in Ukraine, predicted the possible consequences for the state as a result of such losses of the human resource as it is today, the dependence of the birth rate on the economic development of the country is shown. It is pointed out the lack of strategic planning in the state, which was supposed to ensure sustainable social and economic development of the state for decades. Migration programs for repatriation, simplification of procedures for obtaining citizenship and obtaining labor visas in such countries as Poland, Hungary, Turkey, Russia are considered. The main directions for combating the demographic crisis and population aging in Japan are given. On the example of China, it is shown that the main constituent of public success, both internal and external, is its population. Conclusions and recommendations are made aimed at preserving and restoring the human resource by the state.