Suchergebnisse

To what extent should developing countries eschew conventional command and control regulation that is increasingly seen as inefficient and rely instead on economic incentives to control industrial air pollution? The article discusses the advantages and disadvantages of various economic incentive instruments; presents in-depth case studies of their application in Sweden, the United States, China, and Poland; and proposes policy guidelines. The authors argue that both design deficiencies and pervasive constraints on monitoring and enforcement impede the effectiveness of economic instruments in developing countries. The latter are difficult to rectify, at least in the medium term. Therefore, tradable permits are generally not practical. Suitably modified, however, emissions fee policies probably are appropriate. They can provide a foundation for a transition to an effective economic incentive system and can raise revenue for environmental projects and programs. If political opposition can be overcome, taxes on goods associated with pollution constitute a second-best regulatory instrument.

With an introduction to the overall underdevelopment of higher education in China compared with the American counterpart, this article briefly examines the main trends of over two decades of development of the governance and financing systems of China's higher education sector. This article analyzes the resource allocation from governments and revenue generation in institutions under the reform policies of administrative decentralization and financing diversification. The new "Great Leap Forward" in higher education in 1999 and beyond, i.e., the radical and, to a certain extent, desperate mass higher education policy and practice of expanding enrollments in order to spur domestic consumption, is critically analyzed. By examining the ongoing institutional merging and "co-building" and the most recent enrollment expansion, the writer points out the economic significance for higher education of overcoming diseconomies of scale and inefficiencies. However, the long-range outcomes of the seemingly exciting investment in and consumption of mass higher education are difficult to predict.

With an introduction to the overall underdevelopment of higher education in China compared with the American counterpart, this article briefly examines the main trends of over two decades of development of the governance and financing systems of China's higher education sector. This article analyzes the resource allocation from governments and revenue generation in institutions under the reform policies of administrative decentralization and financing diversification. The new "Great Leap Forward" in higher education in 1999 and beyond, i.e., the radical and, to a certain extent, desperate mass higher education policy and practice of expanding enrollments in order to spur domestic consumption, is critically analyzed. By examining the ongoing institutional merging and "co-building" and the most recent enrollment expansion, the writer points out the economic significance for higher education of overcoming diseconomies of scale and inefficiencies. However, the long-range outcomes of the seemingly exciting investment in and consumption of mass higher education are difficult to predict.

The end of the Cold War dismantled the rigid framework within which relations among East Asian powers took place. This essay surveys the current security situation among East Asian countries & between them & the US. It is argued that the fundamentals of American foreign policy in East Asia & the Pacific have not changed since the Cold War. Through a series of bilateral alliances, the US is still the guarantor of peace & security in East Asia. Absent the Soviet threat, this situation is unsustainable in the long run. East Asian nations must share with the US the initiative to create a multilateral security arrangement to guarantee their own peace & security. Four such security regimes are suggested here, all of which depend on the postures of the People's Republic of China, which, absent a new security framework, might in the future replace American hegemony in the Asia-Pacific area. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper investigates the relationship between economic reforms and constitutional transition, which has been neglected by many transition economists. It is argued that assessment of reform performance might be very misleading if it is not recognized that economic reforms are just a small part of large scale of constitutional transition. Rivalry and competition between states and between political forces within each country are the driving forces for constitutional transition. We use Russia as an example of economic reforms associated with constitutional transition and China as an example of economic reforms in the absence of constitutional transition to examine features and problems in the two patterns of transition. It is concluded that under political monopoly of the ruling party, economic transition will be hijacked by state opportunism. Dual track approach to economic transition may generate very high long-term cost of constitutional transition that might well outweigh its short-term benefit of buying out the vested interests.

This study examines the factors that account for patterns of economic aid distribution by authoritarian donors. The aid allocation decisions of four types of authoritarian political systems—Soviet Union, Eastern European countries, People's Republic of China, and members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries—are compared with those of the United States for the period 1976–1989. A model of donor decision‐making incorporating political, trade, and developmental objectives is applied to the aid activities of each donor type, using a pooled cross‐sectional time series design. The results indicate substantial variation in the objectives underlying the economic aid activities of different types of authoritarian donors, as well as some similarities between types of authoritarian donors and the US. These differences make it difficult to generalize about the aid allocation behavior of authoritarian regimes and pose a challenge to cumulation of research about the bilateral aid allocation process.

AS EARLY AS FEBRUARY 1972, TOKYO SECRETLY RENEWED RELATIONS WITH HANOI IN ORDER TO PAVE THE WAY FOR "VIETNAM'S POST-WAR ERA," A MOVE THAT WOULD SET JAPAN APART FROM THE UNITED STATES. THIS APPROACH WAS IN RESPONSE TO A POPULAR CURRENT OF OPINION WHEREIN "ASIAN SOLIDARITY" FOSTERED SYMPATHY FOR THE "LITTLE VIETNAMESE" PEOPLE. A FACILITATING FACTOR WAS THE EXISTENCE OF ANTI-AMERICAN ELEMENTS AMONG THE CONSERVATIVE ELITES. IN 1979, THE INVASION OF CAMBODIA FROZE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES. WITH THE END OF THE COLD WAR, JAPAN ONCE AGAIN BECAME A MAJOR PARTNER OF VIETNAM. ITS POLICY IS BASED ON MULTIFACETED DEVELOPMENT AID, IN ASSOCIATION WITH NGOS. TOGETHER WITH THE BACKING MAJORITY OPINION, THE POLICY IS BOLSTERED BY A VERITABLE ECONOMIC BOOM IN VIETNAM. BUT BEHIND THIS EXERCISE OF SOFT POWER, THERE HAS BEEN SINCE THE BEGINNING A VERY "REALISTIC" MOTIVE: VIETNAM'S IMPORTANCE FOR TOKYO IS IN PROPORTION TO THAT COUNTRY'S ABILITY TO CONTAIN CHINA IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.

"Die dramatische Entwicklung der Bevölkerungen der Dritten Welt wird die globale Lage entscheidend verändern; mit den demographischen Gewichten werden sich auch die ökonomischen und politischen verlagern. Die Methoden der Vorausberechnungen haben sich in einer Weise verfeinert, daß künftige Problemlagen wie unkontrollierbare Ballungsgebiete, ethnische Konflikte, Knappheit natürlicher Ressourcen und Binnenwanderung bzw. Migration sich abschätzen lassen. Die Entwicklungsaussichten werden unter dem Gesichtspunkt des jährlichen Bevölkerungszuwachses geprüft, ohne in die Monokausalität des nur Demographischen zu verfallen; daher werden auch kulturelle und allgemeine dynamische Entwicklungsbedingungen mit einbezogen. Die günstigen Aussichten Ostasiens haben in der politischen und industriellen Entwicklung Chinas ihren Unsicherheitsfaktor. Zentralasien wird von der Rivalität zwischen dem islamischen Pakistan und Indien bestimmt, das bis 2050 China an Bevölkerungszahl übertreffen wird. Die ungelösten Macht- und Ressourcenfragen werden Westasien und Lateinamerika dominieren. Die Tendenz zur Verdoppelung ihrer Bevölkerungen bedeutet einen entsprechend hohen Investitionsdruck, nicht zuletzt in 'menschliche Ressourcen', um schneller an eine verwissenschaftlichte Weltzivilisation Anschluß zu finden. Der Westen zeigt eine der Dritten Welt entgegengesetzte demographische Entwicklung; wie er diese mit seinen ebenfalls absehbaren Folgen meistern wird, ist bis heute unklar. Europa gerät in ein 'Bevölkerungsdilemma': anhaltende Geburtendefizite mit der Folge fortgesetzter Schrumpfung der Nachwuchsgenerationen und Anstieg der Lebenserwartung entsprechend den steigenden Kosten der Alterssicherung. Das Einwanderungspotential liegt aber in fremdkulturellen Kontinenten und ist in dem gewünschten Umfang nicht in eine Hochtechnologiegesellschaft zu integrieren. Der Bevölkerungsdruck auf den Westen wird gleichwohl unvermindert anhalten. Die aus dem Entwicklungsprozeß stammenden Konflikte in den neuen Großstaaten wie Nationalismus, ethnische Abspaltungen und Sezessionskriege sowie territoriale Ansprüche werden die industrialisierte Welt mehr erschüttern, als dies heute vielfach vermutet wird." (Autorenreferat)

Making a Success of Europe: an Ongoing Necessity, by Javier Solana
If Europe is to be able to progress and meet the current challenges, we should not be theorizing but implementing concrete proposals. Europe must first ensure the prosperity of the European Union and its members. It also has a duty of far-reaching solidarity, both internally and with its near neighbours and the rest of the world. Lastly, it has to become a fully-fledged player in international relations and thus play an important role in crisis prevention and settlement. To do so, it must have a capacity for action supported by credible military forces and become a genuine partner of the major international players : United States, Russia, China and Japan. In this way the EU will be able to act as a moderator and genuine partner in order to promote stability, prosperity and development, particularly as the international community needs a strong Europe.

The Art of War, by the ancient Chinese military theorist Sun Tzu, is the most famous work on military operation in ancient China and the books have been repeatedly translated, investigated and discussed. Today, Sun Tzu's The Art of War remains a compulsory text in major military schools around the world and its influences on twentieth century military thinking is undisputed. Also in recent times, the use of military strategies in the business and management contexts is increasing. This paper proposes a set of criteria based on Sun Tzu's philosophy for evaluation of business management strategies against the world class business excellence models. The total quality management models of the European Quality Award and the Malcolm Baldrige National Quality Award are used to compare with Sun Tzu's business management strategy model developed under the quality function deployment (QFD) methodology. The results of the QFD methodology can be used as performance indicators showing organisations' improvement priorities for self‐assessment.

THE UNRAVELLING OF THE EAST ASIAN ECONOMIC MIRACLE ASTONISHED THE WORLD WITH ITS SUDDENNESS. WHAT STARTED IN 1996 AS A PROPERTY BUBBLE IN BANGKOK AND A RELATED MALAISE IN THE THAI BANKING SYSTEM HAD, WITHIN A YEAR, ENGULFED MUCH OF SOUTHEAST ASIA AND SOUTH KOREA IN A VICIOUS CYCLE OF CURRENCY DEPRECIATION, THREATENED NATIONAL INSOLVENCY, SEVERE FISCAL AUSTERITY, AND ECONOMIC SLOWDOWN OR RECESSION. OVER THE PREVIOUS DECADES OF ECONOMIC GROWTH, ECONOMIC SELF-CONFIDENCE HAD GIVEN RISE TO POLITICAL ASSERTIVENESS AND THE BELIEF THAT THERE WAS SOMETHING SPECIAL ABOUT ASIAN MODES OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AND OF INTRA-REGIONAL DIPLOMACY. THUS, SOUTHEAST ASIA'S ECONOMIC DISASTER WILL HAVE FAR-REACHING POLITICAL, IDEOLOGICAL, AND STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS. THESE ARE CERTAIN TO INCLUDE DOMESTIC POLITICAL CHANGE, INCREASED INTRA-REGIONAL TENSION, A RECOGNITION OF DEPENDENCY ON THE UNITED STATES IN THE SHORT TERM, AND THE POSSIBILITY OF A NATIONALIST BACKLASH AND A GREATER ROLE FOR REGIONAL POWERS LIKE CHINA AND JAPAN.

Most people in Pakistan look towards the West for models of
economic development, and some even look to the Islamic past. But in
recent decades, the more spectacular cases have been much closer to
home, and towards the East. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are already
in the ranks of the developed, while China, Malaysia, Indonesia, and
Thailand are making good progress. Despite the recent setbacks, their
progress over the last three decades has been enviable. On the other
hand, the countries in South Asia have lagged behind. Four decades ago
there was little to choose between most of these countries, but by the
seventies, the paths of some had clearly diverged, while others were
beginning to diverge. Today, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka
are amongst the poorest in the world, and on certain measures, they are
the poorest! What happened in the last four decades? This is the issue
that Omar Noman tackles in this book.