Suchergebnisse

This article focuses on the moral assumptions underpinning the notion of social responsibility implied in the above slogan. It critically examines arguments that derive obligations to meet needs from shared moral agency & from social relations of reciprocity. Obligations to contribute according to ability are established by a series of arguments that justify regarding undeserved natural abilities & socially produced abilities as common assets, & that demonstrate that under certain conditions the maxim "ought implies can" is reversible as "can implies ought." The problem of motivation & voluntary action is tackled by arguing that there are intrinsic & extrinsic incentives to contribute unconnected with special rewards & that moral incentives replace material incentives to produce. The notion of responsibility is an essential concept for social life, but since its justification & adoption depends on an inclusive moral community with overlapping ends & purposes, it is not surprising that the duty to contribute is absent from liberal theory, & had no positive connotations in liberal society. Politicians of every hue are increasingly appealing to the responsibilities citizens are expected to fulfill; yet they fail to account for the conditions for their development & exercise. For this reason, the assumptions expressed in the socialist slogan are an important corrective to liberal perspectives. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

A political accountability model is developed to explain how the accountability of incumbent democratic leaders to domestic political opposition influences the diplomatic and military policies of governments. The model is situated within the democratic peace literature and compared with existing theoretical work. Empirically, the hypotheses are tested on a new data set of 348 territorial disputes for the period from 1919 to 1995. Each dispute is divided into three separate stages so that hypotheses about the initiation and outcome of both negotiations and military confrontations, and opposing patterns of war and dispute settlement, can be tested. Results provide strong support for a number of hypotheses concerning the importance of electoral cycles and the strength of opposition parties in explaining patterns of both conflictual and cooperative behavior by democratic states.

A review essay on books by (1) Bruno Coppieters, Federalism and Conflict in the Caucasus: Perspectives for the South Caucasus (London: Royal Instit International Affairs, 2001); (2) Bruno Coppieters, David Darchiashvili, & Natella Akaba (Eds), Federal Practice: Exploring Alternatives for Georgia and Abkhazia (Brussels, Belgium: Free U Brussel Press, 2000); (3) Svante E. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus (Richmond: Curzon, 2001); & (4) Tim Potier, Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia: A Legal Appraisal (The Hague, Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, 2001). These works examine the processes at work in former Soviet countries attempting to resolve conflicts in the Caucasus, looking specifically at efforts toward peace & the potential of federalism as an instrument of conflict resolution. The works by Coppieters center on the specific advantages that federalism brings to the peace process. Cornell's book takes a geopolitical approach to the recent evolution of conflict in the Caucasus, focusing specifically on the conflicts' internal dynamics. Potier's work details the constitutional debates & negotiations surrounding the conflicts, & the place of self-determination within them. D. Weibel

Examines techniques in elite interviews for political science research in postcommunist countries by providing lessons from interviews with political elites in Russia. The research design, sampling, & gaining access to respondents are discussed. Suggestions for securing elite interviews & obtaining respondent confidence are presented. The importance of open-ended interviews in elite research & awareness of sociocultural factors in postcommunist regions is affirmed. 1 Table, 53 References. L. Collins

Considers the definition of political community & political belonging in the context of globalization, focusing on the strategies of belongingness & identification at the local & national level. In this light, two versions of cosmopolitanism are distinguished as alternatives for the expression of political community & belonging, in search of another route somewhere between these accepted options. Jeremy Waldron (1992) underpins a notion of "strong or hard" cosmopolitanism wherein the role of culture in choice & identity is central. Next a dual conceptual/empirical critique of liberal universalism ensues to suggest ways other than that to live while accepting some of the premises of cosmopolitanism, taking GB as an example. It is argued that the current context calls for a sort of vernacular cosmopolitanism that is aware of its limitations with respect to adherence to a single culture or identity. How to express such a situation in political terms is addressed in closing. J. Zendejas

Considers the definition of political community & political belonging in the context of globalization, focusing on the strategies of belongingness & identification at the local & national level. In this light, two versions of cosmopolitanism are distinguished as alternatives for the expression of political community & belonging, in search of another route somewhere between these accepted options. Jeremy Waldron (1992) underpins a notion of "strong or hard" cosmopolitanism wherein the role of culture in choice & identity is central. Next a dual conceptual/empirical critique of liberal universalism ensues to suggest ways other than that to live while accepting some of the premises of cosmopolitanism, taking GB as an example. It is argued that the current context calls for a sort of vernacular cosmopolitanism that is aware of its limitations with respect to adherence to a single culture or identity. How to express such a situation in political terms is addressed in closing. J. Zendejas