Suchergebnisse

The article is concerned with the peculiarities of the formation and development of legal regulation of cultural values according to the civil legislation of Ukraine and international law in the comparative legal aspect. There are identified main stages of development of the cultural values institution, the formation of concepts, types, clarification of cultural values features and classification as an object of civil rights.The author perform research of the special legislation of Ukraine in the field of protection of cultural values and draws appropriate conclusions about the need to improve it due to the fact that the civil legislation of Ukraine lacks unity in the use of definitions in the legal regulation of cultural values civil circulation, there are no requirements for the subjects of relations arising in the field of cultural values civil circulation, there is no classification of cultural values, etc.In article author draws attention to the history of the term "cultural values", which dates back to the epoch following the First World War, when the world community began to develop general rules and relations related to a certain category of objects, property rights to which differed slightly from similar rights for ordinary goods or real estate. Attention is drawn to the issue of restitution and further protection of cultural property.It is noted that the state of Ukraine is no longer the only subject of ownership of cultural values. At the same time, the legislator only allows the possibility of finding cultural values in private property, but establishes the priority of state and municipal ownership of these objects on the grounds of the need to preserve cultural values for posterity. And attention is drawn to the fact that the main number of civil law rules determining the regime of cultural values as objects of civil rights, is in the Civil Code of Ukraine. ; У статті розглядаються осо-бливості становлення та розвитку правового регулювання культурних цінностей за цивільним законодав-ством України та міжнародним правом у порівняльно-правовому аспекті. Визначені основні етапи розвитку становлення інституту культурних цінностей, формування понять, видів, з'ясування ознак та класифікації культурних цінностей як об'єктів цивільних прав. Автором проводиться дослі-дження спеціального законодавства України у сфері охорони культур-них цінностей та зроблені відповід-ні висновки щодо необхідності його удосконалення у зв'язку з тим, що у цивільному законодавстві Украї-ни відсутня єдність у використанні дефініцій у сфері правового регулю-вання цивільного обігу культурних цінностей, не визначено чітко обме-жень у правовому обігу культурних цінностей, не встановлено вимог до суб'єктів відносин, що виникають у сфері цивільного обігу культурних цінностей, відсутня класифікація культурних цінностей, тощо.Звертається увага на історію становлення терміна «культурні цінності», яка ведеться з епохи, яка слідувала за Першою світовою вій-ною, коли світова спільнота присту-пила до вироблення загальних пра-вил і відносин, пов'язаних із певною категорією предметів, речові права на які дещо відрізнялися від анало-гічних прав на звичайний товар або об'єкти нерухомості. Звертається увага на питання, що стосувалося реституції та подальшого захисту культурних цінностей. Зазначається, що держава Україна є вже не єдиним суб'єктом права власності на культурні цінно-сті. Водночас законодавець лише допускає можливість перебування культурних цінностей у приватній власності, однак встановлює пріори-тет державної та комунальної влас-ності на зазначені об'єкти з мотивів необхідності збереження культурних цінностей для нащадків. Та зверта-ється увага на те, що основна кіль-кість цивільно-правових норм, що визначають режим культурних цін-ностей як об'єктів цивільних прав, знаходиться у ЦК України.

The aim of the article is to analyze the essence of the civic and patriotic position of future officers and to outline approaches to its formation. The following research methods are used: a comprehensive comparative analysis of psychological, pedagogical and methodological literature on the research problem; interpretation of basic concepts; generalization, prognostic analysis to identify ways to ensure the effectiveness of promoting the formation of patriotic characteristics through different methods. In order to identify the essence of the civic and patriotic position of future officers, the concepts of «citizenship» and «patriotism» are considered. It is established that the origins of civic and patriotic education are contained in the peculiarities of social development at different stages of history. The importance of patriotism grows in those historical periods when the objective tendencies of development of a society are accompanied by increasing tension of forces of its citizens. Patriotism is a creative act of spiritual self-determination. This is a conscious civic position – a special focus on self-realization and social behavior of the citizen. Traditional approaches to the interpretation of patriotism among scholars and practitioners are presented. The article states that the Program of patriotic upbringing of children and students comprises the love for the Motherland of a Ukrainian patriot combined with faith in it. It is defined that the axiological approach as important one for studying the formation of the civic and patriotic position of future officers. Patriotism is a complex quality of a person that has a specific historical, socio-political, national character. Without national characteristics, patriotism becomes abstract-bureaucratic, most official. We defined the structure of patriotism, which consists of: a factor in choosing a military profession; the criterion of professional suitability; social responsibility for the protection of the interests of the Motherland and the peoples inhabiting it. The article states that it is necessary to have the appropriate knowledge and skills, as well as demanding, critical attitude to their own patriotic knowledge and skills. The criteria of patriotism are love, loyalty and service to the Motherland, concern for the integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, care for its constant development on the path of democratic national revival, promotion of harmonization of state, social and personal interests in everyday life. The educational environment of a higher military educational institution should promote the formation of these characteristics through the use of various forms and methods. The civic and patriotic position of future officers is manifested in loyalty to military duty, in selfless devoted service to the Motherland. A set of approaches to its solution is proposed: axiological, personality-oriented, historical, culturological. ; Метою статті є запропонувати комплекс підходів щодо її вирішення: аксіологічний, особистісно орієнтований, історичний, культурологічний. Використовуються наступні методи дослідження: комплексний порівняльний аналіз психолого-педагогічної та методичної літератури з проблеми дослідження; інтерпретація основних понять; узагальнення, прогностичний аналіз тощо. З метою виявлення сутності громадянсько-патріотичної позиції майбутніх офіцерів розглянуто поняття «громадянськості» та «патріотизму». Встановлено, що витоки громадянсько-патріотичного виховання містяться в особливостях суспільного розвитку на різних етапах історії. Значення патріотизму зростає у ті історичні періоди, коли об'єктивні тенденції розвитку суспільства супроводжуються підвищенням напруження сил його громадян. Патріотизм є творчим актом духовного самовизначення особистості. Це свідома громадянська позиція – особлива спрямованість самореалізації і соціальної поведінки громадянина. Критеріями патріотизму є любов, вірність і служіння Батьківщині, турбота про забезпечення цілісності і суверенітету України, піклування про її постійний розвиток на шляху демократичного національного відродження, сприяння гармонізації державних, суспільних та особистісних інтересів у повсякденному житті. Освітнє середовище вищого військового навчального закладу має сприяти формуванню цих характеристик через використання різноманітних форм і методів. Громадянсько-патріотична позиція майбутніх офіцерів виявляється у вірності військовому обов'язку, у самовідданій службі Батьківщині.

The European Union has a long history of relations with Africa and Africa has always been a strategic partner for the European Union. Today, however, the European Union's relations with Africa are at a crossroads and the partnership needs to undergo a profound and rapid change. In order to properly investigate this research problem and to address its research questions concerning the future of the EU-Africa partnership, it is demonstrated that the time has come for change and redefinition of the partnership. Therefore, the overall aim of the article is to provide an insight into the EU's new partnership with Africa, to explore its complex, fragmented nature and scope, actors, legal bases, constitutive elements and different ways both sides are going to present the new agreement to their respective constituencies. The way this research is pursued combines a number of methods. It involves textual analysis of primary sources – the instruments regulating the EU's relations with Africa, secondary sources, documentary analysis as well as comparative, contextual and historical analysis. The complexities facing the EU and its African partners encourage curiosity and reflection about the new partnership. The article strongly emphasizes that the EU-Africa partnership does not stand still. It is a process of ever closer partnership. It has evolved from a relatively limited scale into a comprehensive system of normative instruments and institutions. And it has bifurcated into EU-ACP and EU-AU partnerships and today both partnerships are being re-negotiated. The likelihood of the negotiations being completed successfully, optimistically, by the end of 2020, remains open. It is our overall conclusion and prediction that the EU-Africa partnership will be enhanced and move a step closer to an integrated, comprehensive partnership, an effective framework for EU-AU relations. ; Unia Europejska ma długą historię stosunków i strategicznego partnerstwa z Afryką. Dziś jednak stosunki Unii Europejskiej z Afryką są na rozdrożu, a ich partnerstwo musi ulec głębokiej i szybkiej transformacji. Aby właściwie zbadać ten problem badawczy i odpowiedzieć na pytania badawcze dotyczące przyszłości partnerstwa Unii Europejskiej z Afryką, artykuł dowodzi, że nadszedł czas na jego zmianę i redefinicję. Głównym celem tego artykułu jest identyfikacja nadrzędnych ram nowego partnerstwa UE z Afryką, analiza jego elementów konstytutywnych, złożonego charakteru i zakresu, aktorów, podstaw prawnych, i pozycji negocjacyjnych stron nowego partnerstwa. Badania prowadzono z wykorzystaniem wielu metod badawczych, przede wszystkim analizy tekstowej źródeł podstawowych – dokumentów regulujących stosunki UE z Afryką, literatury, analizy dokumentalnej, a także analizy porównawczej, kontekstualnej i historycznej. Trudności przed jakimi stoją negocjatorzy Unii Europejskiej i ich afrykańscy partnerzy, których oczekiwania są często dramatycznie rozbieżne, rodzą ciekawość i refleksję na temat nowego partnerstwa. Autorzy wychodzą z założenia, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką jest procesem i nie stoi w miejscu. Jest to proces coraz ściślejszego związku, który stopniowo przekształcił się w kompleksowy system instrumentów i instytucji i podzielił się na dwa równoległe partnerstwa – partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z państwami Afryki, Karaibów i Pacyfiku i partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską. Oba te partnerstwa są dzisiaj przedmiotem ponownych negocjacji, a prawdopodobieństwo pomyślnego zakończenia negocjacji do końca 2020 roku pozostaje zdaniem autorów pod znakiem zapytania. Niemniej jednak naszym ogólnym wnioskiem i prognozą jest, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką zostanie wzmocnione i zbliży się o krok do zintegrowanego, kompleksowego partnerstwa i skutecznych ram dla stosunków Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską.

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

Summary. Chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE) is a unique neurodegenerative tauopathy first described in boxers but more recently described in a variety of contact sport athletes, military veterans, and civilians exposed to repetitive mild traumatic brain injury. The aim of the study – to analyze the world experience of the last decade in the study of prevalence, risk factors, pathogenesis and diagnosis of chronic traumatic encephalopathy. Materials and Methods. Available resources in the Internet, foreign professional publications, MEDLINE/PubMed medical databases of the last ten years were analyzed. The method of information search and analytical-comparative method were applied. Results. Experimental and clinical works of the last decade were aimed at solving numerous problems such as defining the prevalence of СTE, risk factors, basic pathogenetic mechanisms, improving morphological and clinical criteria, attempts to classify СTE, search for biomarkers and specific neurovisual criteria. Clinically, there are characteristic progressive deficits in cognition (me­mory, executive dysfunction), behavior (explosivity, aggression), mood (depression, suicidality), and motor function (dys­arthria, dysgraphia, bradykinesia, tremor, rigidity, gait disturbance, falls, and/or other features of parkinsonism). The search for consensus on the clinical classification of СTE continues. Morphologically, СTE is characterized by a focal perivascular deposits of p-tau in the neocortex, microgliosis and astrocytosis, which leads to progressive neurodegeneration. The frontal, temporal and parietal lobes are often affected. The role of contact sports, the age the first traumatic brain injury was received (critically 9–12 years), the duration of a sports career has been determined. Conclusions. Despite the almost century-long history of studying СTE the number of issues to be addressed is growing. It is promising to search for diagnostic criteria that will not only confirm the diagnosis of CTE in life, but also to determine markers (neuronal, axonal and astroglial trauma) that will predict the risk of neurodegenerative pathology after traumatic brain injury. ; Резюме. Хронічна травматична енцефалопатія (ХТЕ) – унікальна нейродегенеративна таупатія – вперше описали в боксерів, а згодом, у спортсменів контактних видів спорту, військових ветеранів та цивільних, які піддавалися повторним легким черепно-мозковим травмам. Мета дослідження – проаналізувати світовий досвід останнього десятиліття у дослідженні поширеності, факторів ризику, патогенезу та діагностики хронічної травматичної енцефалопатії. Матеріали і методи. Здійснено аналіз доступних інформаційних ресурсів мережі «Internet», іноземних фахових видань, медичної бази даних MEDLINE/PubMed за останні десять років. Застосовано метод інформаційного пошуку та аналітико-порівняльний. Результати. Експериментальні та клінічні роботи останнього десятиліття спрямовані на вирішення численних проблем, зокрема встановлення поширеності ХТЕ, факторів ризику, основних патогенетичних механізмів, удосконаленні морфологічних та клінічних критеріїв, спробах класифікувати ХТЕ, пошуку біомаркерів та специфічних нейровізуальних критеріїв. Клінічно для патології властиві прогресуючі когнітивні (пам'ять, виконавча дисфункція, візуально-просторова дисфункція) й поведінкові (збудливість, агресія) розлади, зміни настрою (депресія, суїцидальність) та рухові порушення (дисфагія, брадикінезія, тремор, ригідність, порушення ходи, падіння тощо). Триває пошук консенсусу щодо клінічної класифікації ХТЕ. Морфологічно ХТЕ характеризується процесами накопичення фосфорильованого тау (р-тау) у верхівках і навколосудинних ділянках, мікрогліозу та астроцитозу, що призводить до прогресуючої нейродегенерації. Ураження зазнають в основному лобна, скронева та потилична частки. Встановлено роль контактних видів спорту, віку, в якому було отримано першу черепно-мозкову травму (критично 9–12 років), тривалості спортивної кар'єри. Висновки. Незважаючи на майже столітню історію вивчення ХТЕ, з часом кількість питань, які потребують вирішення, – зростає. Перспективним є пошук діагностичних критеріїв, які дозволять не лише прижиттєво підтвердити діагноз ХТЕ, але і встановити маркери (нейрональної, аксональної та астрогліальної травм), що прогнозуватимуть ризик розвитку нейродегенеративної патології після черепно-мозкової травми.

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

Introduction. The paper analyzes the strategies for the formation of European identity. The author examines how identity was conceptualized in political science through the history of the development of the concepts of nation and community. The constructivist interpretation of the nation as an "imaginary community" and the understanding of identity as a direct holistic understanding of oneself as a unique unit of the national political culture in relation to the rest of the world today form the basis of the political direction of European integration.Methodology and sources. In conducting the study, a comparative historical method, an analysis of sources (official documents, scientific and journalistic texts), a discourse analysis, and also data from opinion polls were used.Results and discussion. Political crises of the last two decades have shown that the dominant theories of European integration in the last century, focused on economic aspects, are not always able to give adequate answers to the political challenges of our time, which sometimes puts the construction of a united Europe in a precarious position. The question of what makes Europe common remains open and no less, and perhaps even more relevant than before. The political essence of united Europe remains abstract and is not fully understood by Europeans as the subjective component of an individual political culture. In this paper, an attempt is made to trace the transformation of a request for political identity. Promising for the sociocultural development of European identity and the formation of a collective sense of self is a guide to the deliberative activities of the population and elites to determine the vector of political integration. A constructivist approach in this direction allows us to make positive forecasts for relations between the EU and Russia.Conclusion. The obviousness of the ideological request for the construction of a European identity is manifested in the nature of current scientific discourse, broadcast through the media and mass culture products, and is also formulated in the system of priorities of Europeans. In fact, the 2010-ies became for the EU a period when the political component of integration processes began to come to the fore. ; Введение. В статье анализируются стратегии формирования европейской идентичности. Автор исследует, как идентичность осмыслялась в политической науке через историю развития понятий «нация» и «общность». Конструктивистская интерпретация нации как «воображаемой общности» и понимание идентичности как непосредственного целостного понимания себя в качестве уникальной единицы национально-политической культуры в отношении к остальному миру ложатся сегодня в основу политического направления европейской интеграции. Методология и источники. При проведении исследования использованы сравнительно-исторический метод, анализ источников (официальных документов, научных и публицистических текстов), дискурс-анализ, а также данные социологических опросов. Результаты и обсуждение. Политические кризисы последних двух десятилетий показали, что доминировавшие в прошлом веке теории европейской интеграции, сосредоточенные на экономических аспектах, не всегда в состоянии дать адекватные ответы на политические вызовы современности, что подчас ставит конструкцию объединенной Европы в шаткое положение. Вопрос, что делает Европу общей, остается открытым и не менее, а, возможно, и более актуальным, чем прежде. Политическая сущность единой Европы остается абстрактной и не до конца понимается европейцами как субъективная составляющая индивидуальной политической культуры. В настоящей работе предпринята попытка проследить трансформацию запроса на политическую идентичность. Перспективным для социокультурного становления европейской идентичности и формирования коллективного самоощущения является ориентир на совещательную деятельность населения и элит для определения вектора политической интеграции. Конструктивистский подход в данном направлении позволяет делать позитивные прогнозы для отношений ЕС и России. Заключение. Очевидность идеологического запроса на конструирование европейской идентичности проявляется в характере актуального научного дискурса, транслируется через медиа и продукцию массовой культуры, а также формулируется в системе приоритетов европейцев. Фактически 2010-е гг. стали для ЕС периодом, когда политическая составляющая интеграционных процессов стала выходить на первый план.

APPROVED ; This thesis has undertaken two main complementary lines of research: firstly, it has looked afresh at the evidence for urban fires in Rome as presented by the written sources and, secondly, it has reimagined the city as an urban fire regime. Using this new conceptual tool, the fires of Rome are a conduit through which to view the history, architecture, politics, economy, religion, and social and psychological well-being of the city. Each of the 88 fires recorded in the annalistic sources from 460 BC to AD 410 is re-examined. As first principle, the interrogation of the sources begins with the language. By looking at the vocabulary, in both Latin and Greek, of each source from different time periods for every fire, what has, and what has not, been recorded is identified. Previous translation and interpretation of that information has been challenged in a number of cases. Close reading of the language has also identified a vocabulary of destruction which fits precisely with what modern fire science tells us about the behaviour of fire in an urban context. The thesis argues that the Romans knew with great accuracy the predicted effect of fire on streetscapes, structures and building materials. Systematic close reading of the texts has highlighted a number of other interrelated factors: the cause, extent, location, and the frequency of fires in certain areas, are all collated under each fire and analysed further in a broad statistical analysis. How much or how little is really known, even in the case of fires where the sources appear to give substantial information, has been demonstrated under each fire and also represented graphically in case studies. The typology of a fire regime has been used to fill in the gaps between the recorded fires, and to reimagine fires as a continuum, a lived experience in the city. This has led to challenging assumptions about how flammable Rome actually was, and the extent our own view of fires, and how to deal with them, has coloured our interpretation of fires in Rome. The causes of fire, efforts to prevent and retard fire, have all been examined in detail using comparative data from more recently documented fires together with modern research in the field of fire science. Recent technological studies show that assumptions about the flammability of wooden structures, as well as the effect of fire on concrete and stone, must be re-evaluated. Evidence is presented that the Romans were acutely conscious of the causes and preventability of fires; they knew how to retard fire in terms of building materials, construction, legislation, civic responsibility and, of course, prayer. It is also argued that the role of water in fire-fighting in Rome must be reassessed, particularly in the work of the Vigiles. Our understanding of the Vigiles has been coloured by the modern view of a ?fire brigade? and this thesis has debated assumptions about their role among the other urban cohorts. Modern research has also been used to challenge the silence of our sources and to glimpse the human experience of fire in Rome in terms of loss, grief, and trauma; the attitude of a ruling elite to the victims of disaster is also explored. The ecological pattern of fire is cyclical: it destroys and regenerates. New buildings and districts rose out of the ashes of the old and reconstruction was then, as now, a political act imbued with ideological meaning. Fires acted as a catalyst for change, were used to shape the streetscape, and allowed leaders to build in their own image and likeness. Finally, it is contended that reconstruction after major fires provided much needed employment to the urban poor and, thus, had a positive socio-economic affect.

The purpose of this study is a textual analysis of a Russian translation of a Polish pamphlet, a parody of the prayer "Our Father", which was found among documents from 1671–1673 in the archive of the Ambassadorial Chancery (Posol'skii prikaz). The actual source of the translation was not found, but since any study of a translated text must include an analysis of its connection with the original, it was first of all necessary to pay attention to the known copies of the Polish pamphlet "Ojcze nasz krolu polski Janie Kazimierzu" ("Pacierz dworski"), since one of its now most probably lost copies was translated into Russian. "Ojcze nasz krolu polski Janie Kazimierzu" is a Polish political parody from the middle of the 17th century (probably 1665), directed against King John II Casimir Vasa. The article investigates the history of its creation, describes its form, content, and genre, discusses its literary value, the Polish tradition of parodying religious texts, and analyzes the versions of the pamphlet. As a result, it was possible to reveal some new details about the anonymous author and the time when the work was written, the number and character of the preserved copies, the correlation between manuscript variants and their later editions. A comparative analysis of seven different textual variants of the Polish pamphlet made it possible to find a version which is textually — and perhaps even genetically — close to the Russian translation (a copy of the family saga "Sylva rerum Szyrmów"). Particular attention is paid to the interpretation of Polish translation parody in mid-17th century Russian culture, the possible reasons why this Polish political pamphlet caught the attention of the Russian translator (reader), and the functional transformation of the occasional political pamphlet into a parody with a political theme and a more explicit humoristic component. The appendix provides a parallel publication of the Polish pamphlet from the family saga "Sylva rerum Szyrmów" and the Russian translation from the archive of the Ambassadorial Chancery. DOI:10.31168/2305-6754.2018.7.2.4 ; Цель исследования — текстологический анализ русского перевода польского памфлета-пародии на молитву «Отче наш», обнаруженного среди документов Посольского приказа 1671–1673 гг. Источник перевода в архивном деле не найден. Изучение сохранившихся списков польского памфлета "Ojcze nasz krolu polski Janie Kazimierzu" ("Pacierz dworski") показало, что именно он является оригиналом русского перевода. Эта польская политическая пародия на молитву, написанная «на случай» и направленная против короля Яна II Казимира Вазы, датируется серединой XVII в. (вероятно, 1665 г.). В статье реконструируется история ее создания, дается формально-содержательная и жанровая характеристика, обсуждается ее художественная ценность в контексте польской традиции пародирования религиозных текстов, анализируются редакции и варианты памфлета. В результате нам удалось пролить свет на новые данные, касающиеся вопросов авторства текста и времени создания сочинения, количества и характера сохранившихся списков, соотношения рукописных вариантов и позднейших их изданий. Сравнительный анализ семи вариантов польского памфлета позволил обнаружить версию, текстуально и, возможно, даже генетически близкую русскому переводу (список из домашней хроники Ширмов "Sylva rerum Szyrmów"). Особое внимание в статье уделяется осмыслению положения польской переводной пародии в русской культуре середины XVII в., а также возможных причин внимания русского переводчика (читателя) к польскому политическому памфлету. Результатом трансмиссии польского текста в Россию становится его функциональная трансформация из политического в «курьезный», с более выразительной смеховой доминантой. В приложении публикуется польский памфлет из домашней хроники Ширмов с разночтениями по другим шести спискам и русский перевод из архива Посольского приказа. DOI:10.31168/2305-6754.2018.7.2.4

Based on the comparative analysis of the results obtained by national historiography in the field of studying the spread of Magdeburg Law in Ukraine and cooperation with the Hanseatic League, the proposed researches were made. Ukrainian historiography on the expansion of Magdeburg Law and the links with the Hanseatic League paid attention to the following aspects: the nature of these phenomena, their development, their role in the history of Ukrainian cities. In general, most Ukrainian historians have noted their positive influence on economic and cultural traditions. It can be stated that the granting of Magdeburg Law to cities contributed to the economic development in Ukraine, providing the creation of guilds, the organization twice a year (for Lutsk, Volodymyr, and Kremenets – three times) a fair and the collection of taxes and duties, spent for the development of those cities. Gaining of Magdeburg Law by Volyn cities can be traced chronologically. So, the corresponding privilege was given, for example, in 1324 to Volodymyr, in 1353 to Peremyshl, in 1392 to Kholm, in 1432 to Lutsk, in 1507 to Rivne, in 1498 to Dubno, in 1518 to Kovel, in 1540 to Torchyn, in 1541 to Luboml, etc. The process of establishing trade links between the merchants of Hanse and Medieval Volyn has had documentary confirmation since the fourth quarter of the 13th century. In particular, in 1286, Prince of Kuyavia Vladyslav Łokietek, guaranteed the protection of the Torun burghers who went to Volyn. In August 1320 Prince Volodymyr Andriy Yurievych gave a protective act to the traders of Torun for the right of duty-free trade in Volyn. In that document Volyn prince emphasized the tradition of those trade links, pointing to the consistency of his economic policies with the policies of his father – the grandson of Danylo Halytskyi – Yuri Lvovych. Two stages of the evolution of relations between Volyn and Hanse in the 13th-17th centuries can be proposed: I(the fourth quarter of the 13th – 14th centuries) – a period of direct (without any agents) relations, when Volyn was a part of the Galicia-Volyn principality and during the first decades of the ruling family Gediminas. Hanse representatives had the same privileges as in other cities of the Hanseatic League. It was the period of the main influence of Hanse on Ukrainians and their culture. For example, we can mention the supply of Western European defense weapons (crossbows and various halberds) and technologies of military architecture, in particular, the Lubart's Castle in Lutsk, the spread of tower forms (donjon) in other fortresses, and so on; II(the 15th – first half of the 17th century) - a period of indirect (with Polish agents) relations, when Volyn was a part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland. The main flow of goods (grain, potash, ship timber) passed along the rivers of the Western Buh and the Vistula to Gdansk. ; У статті розглянуто особливості поширення Магдебурзького права на українських землях і його вплив на економічні зв'язки з містами Німецької Ганзи. Надання Магдебурзького права містам сприяло економічному розвиткові в Україні, за яким передбачалося створення цехів, організація двічі на рік (для Луцька, Володимира та Кременця – тричі) ярмарок та збирання податків і мита, що йшли на розвиток цих міст. Активної форми набирає торгівля Володимира та Луцька з містами Ганзейського союзу. Серед ганзейських міст провідна роль у торгівлі з Україною належала Торуню, що був центром торгівлі Тевтонського ордену в Пруссії та портовому місту Гданську.

In the last years Italian historiography has paid a pretty fair attention to the issue of censorship in Modern Age, especially by focusing on the relationship between the Indexes (Indici) of the Catholic Church and the Italian society. A few monographs, which since 2005 have started to deal with the topic related to 16th and 17th centuries, are here analyzed and compared to outline the directions and trends of the current historical research. This study presents a comparative review of the works of G. Fragnito, U. Rozzo, V. Frajese, F. Barbierato, E. Rebellato, M. Sabato, M. Cavarzere, S. Landi, R. Savelli, M. Infelise. Abandoned some fixed schemes that affected research in the 1900s, historians have opened up new paths to study the subject. This new approach highlights details not so deeply investigated before, such as the formation process of creating different Indici, the relationship with political powers in the Italian peninsula, the divergences within Congregations and the impact that proibitions had on the different social classes of the country. Attention has often been focused on the 'normalisation' phase rather than on violent repression occured in 16th century. A special place is here given to the study of the institutional system and the functioning of censorship. The classification of the reading public according to different levels of freedom is as well widely stressed. In the texts two mainstream tendencies have been noticed: the former describes the effort of the censorship structures conceived as a single coherent project to keep society under control; the latter instead, aims to show the divisions inside the Church itself about the goals and methods to follow for the censorship. It is expected therefore a greater openness to foreign historiography that could give important contributions and strength to Italian studies; the opening may also be extended to other history branches and not only those related to books. All the Italian monographs analyzed are enlisted in the appendix. ; Negli ultimi anni la storiografia italiana ha registrato una discreta attenzione al fenomeno della censura in epoca moderna, in particolar modo concentrandosi sul rapporto esistente tra gli Indici emanati dalla Chiesa e la società italiana. Sono qui analizzate e confrontate diverse monografie che a partire dal 2005 hanno trattato l'argomento rispetto ai secoli XVI-XVII, per delineare la direzione e le tendenze dell'indagine storica odierna. Si offre una rassegna comparata dei lavori di G. Fragnito, U. Rozzo, V. Frajese, F. Barbierato, E. Rebellato, M. Sabato, M. Cavarzere, S. Landi, R. Savelli, M. Infelise. Caduti alcuni schemi che avevano affetto la ricerca durante il '900, gli studiosi si sono aperti all'analisi seguendo forme nuove e dando risalto a particolari prima poco analizzati, come il processo di formazione dei diversi Indici, il rapporto con i poteri politici della penisola, le divergenze all'interno delle Congregazioni e l'effettiva incidenza che ebbero le proibizioni su diversi strati sociali del paese. Il centro dell'attenzione è spesso rivolto alla fase di 'normalizzazione' della situazione piuttosto che a quella della repressione violenta cinquecentesca; un posto particolare è riservato allo studio dei meccanismi istituzionali e al funzionamento della censura. Molto ribadita è la suddivisione in classi di lettori, con gradi di libertà differenti. Si sono notate due tendenze generali nei testi: una che descrive l'impegno delle strutture censorie come progetto unitario e coerente di controllo della società; l'altra che invece mostra le fratture all'interno della stessa Chiesa negli obiettivi e nei modi della censura. Si auspica una maggiore apertura alla storiografia straniera, il confronto con la quale potrebbe fornire apporti determinanti agli studi italiani; l'apertura potrebbe essere estesa anche ad altri rami della storia, non solo a quella del libro. In appendice si trova l'elenco delle monografie italiane analizzate.

This dissertation explores how to solve incentive problems in autocracies through institutional arrangements centered around political meritocracy. The question is fundamental, as merit-based rewards and promotion of politicians are the cornerstones of key authoritarian regimes such as China. Yet the grave dilemmas in bureaucratic governance are also well recognized. The three essays of the dissertation elaborate on the various solutions to these dilemmas, as well as problems associated with these solutions. Methodologically, the dissertation utilizes a combination of economic modeling, original data collection, and empirical analysis. The first chapter investigates the puzzle why entrepreneurs invest actively in many autocracies where unconstrained politicians may heavily expropriate the entrepreneurs. With a game-theoretical model, I investigate how to constrain politicians through rotation of local politicians and meritocratic evaluation of politicians based on economic growth. The key finding is that, although rotation or merit-based evaluation alone actually makes the holdup problem even worse, it is exactly their combination that can form a credible constraint on politicians to solve the hold-up problem and thus encourages private investment. An extension of the model also demonstrates that rotation and merit-based evaluation reduces politicians' entrenched interests in existing firms. This allows new firms to enter the market, which sustains Schumpeterian "creative destruction" and long-term growth. In other words, the combination of rotation and merit-based evaluation achieves both commitment and strong flexibility, a property rarely satisfied by other commitment devices. Firm-level panel data from China are further consistent with the main predictions from my model. The second chapter focuses on another critical dilemma in an autocracy, the loyalty-competence trade-off. An autocrat usually refuses to appoint a competent governor with a broad discretionary power because the governor can use his competence and discretion to challenge the autocrat. Through a game-theoretical model, I show that one-party state can potentially solve the dilemma by appointing both a party secretary and a governor to co-rule a province. The party secretary controls political power, while the governor commands the provision of the public good. The arrangement forestalls local attempts to challenge the autocrat and establishes the autocrat's confidence to promote meritocracy and decentralization. I also characterize the optimal party-government relationship: the secretary should sometimes dominate over the governor in public good provision but not always the case. This is very different from canonical theories on the separation of powers in a democracy. The model is motivated by the experience of China's party state, whose elements of meritocracy and dual leadership are modern incarnations of key institutions in Imperial China. From key historical records, I construct variables measuring political institutions over 1,300 years in Chinese history via textual analysis techniques. The statistical analysis uncovers a long-run correlation between meritocracy and dual leadership, showing the first order relevance of the theory.In the first chapter, I show how a meritocratic government with strong bureaucratic rules can contribute to a thriving market economy. In the third chapter, I also look at the other direction: when and how private economy contributes to bureaucratic capacity. This helps answer the question why some regimes maintain a persistent meritocracy, while aristocrats capture others. I show that in an environment with weak property rights, a meritocratic government and a thriving private economy reinforce each other. This matches important historical episodes such as the ``Tang-Song Transition'' in Medieval China. In an extension, I also show that legal property rights sufficiently strong can eliminate multiple equilibria, and that stronger property rights cause a more dynastic government. The extended model is employed to illustrate the difference between meritocracies in Imperial China and Ottoman Empire. It also implies a causal relationship between comparative law and state building.

The author of this article studies the attempts to conquer the Baltic fuel market by Donetsk coal at the beginning of the 20th century. Author analyzed the main delivery directions of coal from the Donbas to the Baltic consumers (railway, transportations by the sea around the Europe, Dnieper–Dvina Canal). The study on general scientific and special methods of history (statistic, comparative-historical, retrospective etc.) is based; it was used also the interdisciplinary and corporatist approaches.On the basis of the documentation of representative organizations of entrepreneurs, materials of periodical publications and government orders shows the author of this article that extractive capacity of the Donetsk coal industry at the beginning of the 20-th century significantly prevailed the existing demand. Author described the peculiarities of the Baltic fuel market (dependence on English fuel, interconnection of coal imports and grain exports from the North-West region). It was traced the evolution of the views of statesmen about the replacement of Donetsk coal on English coal in the ports of the Baltic Sea from economic expediency to issues of national security. Author explained the necessary components for the delivery the Donetsk fuel by railway (reduction of tariffs, building of additional railway lines and provision of the railway system by goods carriages), the delivery method by sea is accept as the most probable way. Author is focused the attention on the large-scale project of the river connection of the Black and Baltic Seas – the Kherson–Riga waterway.Despite the unfulfilled plan of conquest, the Baltic fuel market by Donetsk fuel at the beginning of the 20-th century, the directions of economic improvements that by entrepreneurs were developed became a demonstrative indication of their unity, a strategic vision of possible ways of developing the region. Therefore, it will be of scientific and practical interest to apply to the historical experience of economic interaction (or developed projects) in the Black Sea-Baltic region, the further study of mutually beneficial economic projects between Ukraine and the Baltic States. ; У статті досліджується спроба завоювання прибалтійського паливного ринку донецьким вугіллям на початку ХХ ст., проаналізовано головні напрями доставки кам'яного вугілля з Донбасу до прибалтійських споживачів (залізничне сполучення, морські перевезення довкола Європи, Дніпровсько-Двінський водний канал). Дослідження базується на загальнонаукових і спеціально-історичних методах (статистичний, порівняльноісторичний, ретроспективний тощо); в його основу покладено міждисциплінарний і корпоративістський підходи.На основі діловодної документації представницьких організацій підприємців, матеріалів періодичних видань, урядових розпоряджень у статті показано, що добувна спроможність донецької кам'яновугільної промисловості на початку ХХ ст. значно переважала наявний попит. Охарактеризовано особливості прибалтійського паливного ринку (залежність від англійського палива, взаємопов'язаність вугільного імпорту та хлібного експорту в Північно-Західному краї). Простежено еволюцію поглядів державних діячів щодо заміни донецьким вугіллям англійського в портах Балтійського моря від економічної доцільності до питань загальнодержавної безпеки. Висвітлено необхідні для залізничних поставок донецького палива складники (зниження тарифів, будівництво додаткових залізничних гілок та забезпечення мережі вантажними вагонами), виділено морський спосіб перевезення як найбільш вірогідний, акцентовано увагу на масштабному проекті річкового сполучення між Чорним і Балтійським морями – водний шлях Херсон–Рига.Попри нереалізованість задуму із завоювання донецьким вугіллям прибалтійського паливного ринку на початку ХХ ст., розроблені підприємцями напрями економічних вдосконалень стали наочним свідченням їхньої згуртованості, стратегічного бачення можливих шляхів розвитку регіону. Тому становитиме науковий і практичний інтерес звернення до історичного досвіду економічної взаємодії (або розроблених проектів) в ЧорноморськоБалтійському регіоні, подальше вивчення взаємовигідних економічних проектів між Україною та країнами Прибалтики.

Diversos organismos internacionales (CEPAL, 2010, Banco Mundial, 2010 y Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 2016) ubican a América Latina como la región más desigual del mundo, cuyos efectos se traducen de manera importante en la educación. Cierto que, en términos generales, los países latinoamericanos registran avances significativos en la enseñanza primaria universal, con un porcentaje alto los que la han alcanzado y otros están en vías de lograrlo. Este panorama favorable, sin embargo, es dispar entre los países y en algunos casos lento, por lo cual las brechas de desigualdad e inequidades educativas continúan siendo una historia sin fin para la población en la franja de la pobreza y la pobreza extrema. En la agenda educativa global la respuesta a esta problemática es la equidad social educativa, entendida como la implementación de acciones de políticas públicas de afirmación positiva para los colectivos vulnerables o más desfavorecidos, que en su mayoría son los excluidos del disfrute de los bienes púbicos, entre éstos la educación. En este trabajo se asume equidad social educativa en contraposición a la extendida idea de considerarla sinónimo de igualdad de oportunidades. Para ello, se adoptan, entre otros, los enfoques analíticos de los estudios de EGREES (2015) de la Comunidad Europea; Tiana Ferrer (2007), Dubet (20011) y Marchesi (2000), que aún cuando utiliza el concepto de igualdad de oportunidades, clarifica sus limitantes y alcances. En ese contexto, desde una visión comparada, el análisis comprende los enfoques de política social educativa en las leyes educativas de los 19 países de América Latina como respuestas legislativas de los gobiernos de la región para revertir la exclusión económica y social en la educación, específicamente los planteamientos para su consecución (programas, acciones, mecanismos, incentivos y grupos destinatarios). ; Several international organizations (ECLAC, 2010, World Bank, 2010 and Inter-American Development Bank, 2016) place Latin America as the most unequal region in the world, whose effects are translated in an important way in education. It is true that, in general terms, Latin American countries register significant advances in universal primary education, with a high percentage of those that have reached it and others are in the process of achieving it. This favorable outlook, however, is uneven among countries and, in some cases, slow, so that gaps in educational inequality and inequalities continue to be an endless history for the population in the fringe of poverty and extreme poverty. In the global educational agenda, the answer to this problem is educational social equity, understood as the implementation of positively affirmed public policy actions for vulnerable or more disadvantaged groups, which are mostly excluded from the enjoyment of public goods, among them education. This work assumes educational social equity as opposed to the widespread idea of considering it equal of equal opportunities. For this, the analytical approaches of the studies of EGREES (2015) of the European Community are adopted, among others; Tiana Ferrer (2007), Dubet (20011) and Marchesi (2000), that even when using the concept of equal opportunities, clarifies its limitations and scope. In this context, from a comparative perspective, the analysis includes the approaches of educational social policy in the educational laws of the 19 countries of Latin America as legislative responses of the governments of the region to reverse the economic and social exclusion in education, specifically the approaches for its achievement (programs, actions, mechanisms, incentives and target groups).

International audience ; Massive macro-algal blooms are a recent phenomenon in Northeast China. The 2008 summer bloom in Qingdao Bay (Shandong) was the biggest recorded in recent human history. Occurring during Beijing Olympic Games, it rapidly acceded to worldwide visibility. In the Shandong province, green tides thus immediately raised concerns about the country's and the province's public and international image, resulting in a highly symbolic, strategic and organised struggle against Ulva prolifera (hǔtái in Mandarin Chinese). This struggle first consists in collecting drifting and stranded algae ashore Qingdao Bay. But it also consists in building narratives about algae's exponential growth and circulation through time and space, from the micro-world to the macro-one, to make the problem governable and its interpretations manageable. To dissect this emergence phase helps to understand contemporary relationships between globalisation of material and immaterial flows and environmental issues management.Based on an ethnographic inquiry completed in Shandong in 2011, this article shows the aporetic praxis of governing intractable environmental issues, founded on two social imperatives: externalising the blame, and reaffirming a technical ability to control biophysical processes. In such a context, the complexity of contemporary multi-scale environmental problems, informed by science, helps to circulate between dramatization of the figure of the victim and of human legitimacy to restore hierarchical socio-ecological order. This unprecedented case study on a major environmental issue opens new avenues for further comparative research. It also shows how much multi-species ethnography can thrive on sprawling and growing beings to capture globalisation dynamics. ; Hǔtái, une sortie de l'insignifiance L'apparition des marées vertes en baie de Qingdao La baie de Qingdao est, depuis 2008, le lieu d'une marée verte qui dépasse de loin, en ampleur, toutes les proliférations algales de ce type jusqu'alors recensées dans le monde. Celles-ci sont pourtant de plus en plus nombreuses, du fait de l'anthropisation croissante des cours d'eau et des océans : les apports de sels nutritifs en provenance des rivières, l'augmentation de la tem-pérature moyenne des eaux côtières créent des conditions très favorables au développement massif d'une diversité d'espèces de micro-algues et de macro-algues. Ces efflorescences massives (les blooms) modifient brutalement les écosystèmes aquatiques. Elles font irruption, parfois de façon tout aussi brutale, dans le quotidien des populations côtières. Elles disparaissent quelques semaines ou quelques mois plus tard, une fois dissipées les conditions propices à la multiplication des algues. Mais il est bien rare, dès lors, qu'elles ne reviennent pas l'année suivante. Les proliférations d'algues du genre Ulva, à l'origine du phénomène des marées vertes, se parent dans le grand monde des attributs d'une pollution à la fois exceptionnelle et prosaïque. Exceptionnelle par son ampleur, car bien que le phénomène soit circonscrit spatialement, la capacité exponentielle de développement des algues vertes fait d'elles des êtres incontrôlables. Cette propriété leur permet de passer en quelques jours de brins épars à peine visibles, flottant entre deux eaux ou accrochés à une autre espèce, à une masse indistincte, agglomérée et cou-vrante, qui s'invite dans le monde social, les instituant comme objet politique et scientifique problématique néanmoins, prosaïque, car ce que l'on sait de leur origine, de leurs causes et de leur forme les associe, par un écheveau complexe de relations, avec les déchets organiques issus des activités humaines. Les marées vertes résultent en effet de l'apport dans les écosystèmes aquatiques de molécules (les nitrates et les phosphates) dont elles seules semblent pouvoir matérialiser la surabondance. Elles se décomposent rapidement sur les plages, formant une boue dont s'échappent gaz odorants et jus de fermentation.