The economic theory suggests that financial development spurs economic growth. However, the implementation of financial liberalization policies in some countries had not yielded the results expected, casting doubt about the broad positive link between financial development and economic growth. The purpose of this dissertation is to figure out factors that can account for the contrasting views on the growth enhancing effects of financial development, and to draw implications for poverty alleviation. First, we consider that financial development may be positively correlated with financial instability, therefore dampening the favourable effect of finance on growth. As a result, we take this relationship into account in order to assess properly the contribution of finance on growth. Second, we study threshold effects in the relation between financial development and growth since below a given level of economic development, financial development may have no effect on economic growth, mainly because of low investment return and a lack of sufficient saving to fund projects. Finally, as much of the literature deals with the link between finance and growth and has devoted little attention to poverty reduction, we investigate the likely positive effect of finance development on poverty reduction beyond its favourable impact through economic growth. In addition, we also consider the negative effect financial instability may have on the poor. Econometric estimates on a sample of developing countries with panel data over the period 1966-2000 support our main hypotheses. ; La littérature sur la relation entre le développement financier et la croissance est très vaste et ancienne. Selon la théorie économique, le développement de l'intermédiation est favorable à la croissance économique car l'activité des banques accroît la mobilisation de l'épargne, améliore l'efficacité de l'allocation des ressources, et stimule l'innovation technologique. Cependant, certaines expériences de politiques visant à libéraliser les systèmes financiers des contraintes qui les empêchent de se développer et de contribuer à la croissance, se sont soldées par des échecs, ce qui a conduit à jeter un certain doute sur la généralité de la relation entre développement financier et développement économique. Ce doute a persisté avec les nombreuses études appliquées. Si la plupart des études (y compris les plus récentes) ont pu mettre en lumière, conformément aux prédictions théoriques, une relation positive entre le développement financier et la croissance (par exemple, Levine, Loayza et Beck, 2000), d'autres études (Andersen et Tarp (2003) par exemple) ont suggéré que la relation entre le développement financier pourrait être moins générale que ne le pense la littérature traditionnelle et ont souligné notamment que les résultats des études économétriques varient en fonction de l'échantillon et de la période considérée. Dans cette thèse, nous nous sommes intéressés aux raisons pouvant expliquer les résultats ambigus des études appliquées sur le lien entre le développement financier et la croissance. En premier lieu, nous considérons que le développement financier risque d'être simultanément une source d'instabilité financière de telle sorte que l'effet bénéfique du développement financier sur la croissance soit amoindri ; il nous paraît donc indispensable de prendre en compte ce lien entre le développement financier et l'instabilité financière pour pouvoir véritablement apprécier la contribution du développement financier à la croissance. En second lieu, nous considérons l'existence d'effets de seuil dans la relation entre le développement financier et la croissance. En effet, il se peut qu'il existe un seuil minimum de développement économique en dessous duquel le développement financier n'a pas d'impact significatif sur la croissance, principalement à cause de la faiblesse de l'épargne et de la rentabilité des investissements. Par ailleurs, étant donné que la littérature économique s'est beaucoup consacrée à la relation entre le développement financier et la croissance, et très peu à la relation entre le développement financier et la réduction de la pauvreté, nous nous sommes également intéressés à l'impact spécifique que le développement financier peut avoir sur la réduction de la pauvreté au-delà de son effet indirect qui passe par la croissance. L'analyse économétrique effectuée sur un panel de pays en développement avec des données quinquennales sur la période 1966-2000 nous a permis de mettre en évidence une relation positive entre le niveau de développement financier et celui de l'instabilité financière ; en particulier, l'instabilité du niveau de développement financier et l'occurrence de crises bancaires s'accroissent avec le développement du système financier. Les résultats montrent également que l'instabilité financière a un effet négatif sur la croissance économique et qu'elle réduit l'impact favorable du développement financier sur la croissance sans toutefois l'annuler. Par ailleurs, il ressort de notre analyse que pour les pays dont le niveau de PIB par tête est inférieur à un seuil de 2560 dollars, le développement financier ne semble pas avoir d'impact significatif sur la croissance. L'existence des effets de seuil et la prise en compte de l'instabilité financière dans la relation entre le développement financier et la croissance constituent des hypothèses complémentaires permettant d'expliquer les résultats ambigus des études appliquées sur le lien entre le développement financier et la croissance. Enfin, notre analyse montre également qu'en plus de son effet à travers la croissance, le développement financier favorise la réduction de la pauvreté principalement grâce à l'effet de conduit du capital de McKinnon (1973), l'accès aux dépôts profitent plus aux pauvres que l'accès aux crédits.
Within the panorama of considerable development shown by the countries of Northern Europe in the field of public libraries, the situation of Finland was until recently characterized by a state of a certain marginality and little importance. Today the situation in Finland is, on the contrary, one of considerable structural and functional development and widespread distribution of the institutes, both at university and research level and at the level of public libraries In Finland, political-administrative action regarding cultural institutions is under the control of the Ministry for Education, which is divided into two departments, one for culture and one for education. The first of these administrations is responsible for state programmes and interventions for public libraries, while the second looks after the university, research and school libraries. There was a radical change in the field of public libraries starting from the Sixties, with the establishment of a model of Welfare State, the peculiarity of which was a strong impulse given to all kinds of structures, especially cultural structures. This led to a firm commitment of joint financing between State and municipality for the development of the library system. The Seventies saw a real boom in State cultural investments. This meant a process of centralization that led to a drastic reduction in the number of independent local libraries and a considerable expansion in the services of mobile libraries. Above all, the district library systems which hinge on the local libraries were developed and the latter were attributed the role of "provincial" libraries. This type of semi-decentred and cooperative organization was ratified in the 1986 library law. This legislation made municipal library service obligatory and confirmed the joint financing of the State and local bodies on the basis of parameters fixed by the same law.Even more recently, the 1998 law made an important contribution to the subject of the development of the services as a necessary and obligatory factor. The basic results of these must be made public and the entire operation is entrusted to the Ministry, with assistance from the state provincial offices and the municipal libraries at local level. The effects of these legislative and administrative interventions have been considerable and allows Finland to take its place today among the countries that have one of the most advanced library systems. An important example is that of the urban library system of the city of Tampere.Generally speaking, even in the smaller towns the country has modern and efficient library structures that have been built with advanced architectural criteria and which have good library collections, audiovisual material and computer equipment. ; Nel panorama di notevole sviluppo che presentano, nel campo delle biblioteche pubbliche, i paesi del Nord Europa, la situazione della Finlandia appariva, fino a qualche tempo fa, segnata da una certa marginalità e da un'importanza minore. La situazione che oggi si presenta nel Paese è invece quella di un notevole sviluppo strutturale e funzionale e di una diffusione capillare degli istituti, sia a livello universitario e di ricerca, sia a livello di biblioteche pubbliche. L'azione politico-amministrativa relativa alle istituzioni culturali fa capo in Finlandia al Ministero dell'educazione, diviso in due dipartimenti, uno per la cultura e uno per l'educazione. Alla prima di queste amministrazioni appartiene la competenza in materia di programmi e interventi statali per le biblioteche pubbliche, alla seconda quella per le biblioteche universitarie, di ricerca e per le biblioteche scolastiche. Nel campo delle biblioteche pubbliche un salto di qualità si è determinato a partire dagli anni Sessanta, insieme all'affermarsi di un modello di Welfare State, la cui peculiarità è consistita in un forte impulso dato alle strutture di ogni genere, in particolare a quelle culturali, che ha portato alla decisa affermazione del finanziamento congiunto da parte dello Stato e delle municipalità per lo sviluppo del sistema bibliotecario. Negli anni Settanta si è prodotto un vero e proprio boom di investimenti culturali statali. Si è trattato di un processo di centralizzazione che ha visto una drastica riduzione del numero delle biblioteche locali autonome e una forte espansione dei servizi di biblioteche mobili e, soprattutto, il potenziamento dei sistemi bibliotecari comprensoriali che si imperniano sulle biblioteche locali, alle quali è stato attribuito il ruolo di "provinciali". Questo tipo di organizzazione, semi-decentrata e cooperativa, è stata ratificata nella legge bibliotecaria del 1986, che dichiarava obbligatorio il servizio bibliotecario comunale e confermava il finanziamento congiunto dello Stato e degli enti locali sulla base di parametri fissati dalla stessa legge.Ancora più recentemente la legge del 1998 ha introdotto significativamente il tema della valutazione dei servizi come prassi necessaria e obbligatoria, i cui risultati essenziali devono essere resi pubblici e che viene affidata al Ministero, con la collaborazione degli uffici provinciali statali e delle biblioteche municipali per quanto concerne il livello locale. Gli effetti di questi interventi legislativi e amministrativi sono stati considerevoli e permettono di collocare oggi la Finlandia tra i paesi dotati di un servizio biblioteche pubbliche tra i più avanzati. Un esempio significativo è costituito dal servizio bibliotecario urbano della città di Tampere.In linea generale, il paese dispone anche nei centri minori di strutture bibliotecarie moderne ed efficienti, costruite con criteri architettonici avanzati e dotate di buone raccolte librarie, di materiale audiovisivo e di attrezzature informatiche.
Central Bank independence, monetary and fiscal policies : a strategic approach Fabrice Capoen, Henri Sterdyniak, Pierre Villa Central Bank independence has recently received a great deal of attention, in both theoretical literature and the public debate. This independence is meant to prevent goverments from practizing over- expansionary economic policies, which, when integrated in private agents expectations, are unable to sustain activity and thus only result in increased inflation. Independence increases the credibility of the government commitment to maintain a low level of inflation. However the risks of independence have not yet been considered to a sufficient extent. While institutional considerations lead to dedicate respectively monetary policy to inflation control and fiscal policy to activity regulation, this separation can be dangerous at a macroeconomic level. Diverging orientations of monetary and fiscal policies may lead to situations featuring high interest rates, large public deficits and overvalued exchange rates, the costs of which, for the country as well as its partners, must be considered. The first part of the article studies the closed economy case. In a Keynesian model, in which fiscal and monetary policies are used in independent ways to manage the inflation/unemployement trade-off, the conflict beetwen them induces a sub-optimal equilibrium, where both interest rates and public deficit are to high. In the same way, in a Barro-Gordon model, an independent Central Bank does not insure private agents against an inflationary surprise due to fiscal expansion. Finally a dynamic model shows that the rise of interest rates increases the financial burden borne by the firms, reduces their profitability and investments, and consequently limits the development of the production capacity. A situation where fiscal policy controls the demand and where monetary policy is dedicated to controlling profitability of firms would be preferable. The second part of the article introduces a two-country model. The lack of internal coordination between monetary and budgetary policies worsens the lack of international coordination so as to lead, in an inflationary shock context, to an equilibrium with high interest rates and deep public deficits, whereas the opposite policy-mix would be better (low interest rate, restrictive fiscal policy). The point is that the monetary tool is relatively less efficient when a world wide inflationary shock occurs. Only, a concerted behavior of monetary and fiscal authorities can result in an efficient policy-mix. But, is it compatible with Central Bank independance? ; Le thème de l'indépendance de la Banque centrale a reçu récemment une attention importante, tant dans la littérature théorique que dans le débat public. Celle-ci empêcherait les gouvernements de pratiquer des politiques économiques trop expansionnistes, qui, intégrées dans les anticipations des agents, sont impuissantes à soutenir l'activité et ne font qu'engendrer de l'inflation. Elle crédibiliserait la volonté de l'Etat de maintenir un bas taux d'inflation. Toutefois, les risques de cette indépendance ne semblent pas avoir été convenablement réfléchis. En cas d'indépendance de la Banque centrale, se pose un problème d'affectation et de coordination des instruments de la politique économique. Si des considérations institutionnelles amènent à consacrer la politique monétaire à la lutte contre l'inflation et la politique budgétaire au soutien de l'activité, cette affectation forcée a-t-elle un sens au niveau économique ? Des orientations différentes des politiques monétaire et budgétaire peuvent entraîner des situations de taux d'intérêt élevés, de surévaluation du taux de change, de déficit public dont le coût, tant pour le pays concerné que pour ses partenaires, doit être pris en compte. La première partie de l'article se situe en économie fermée. Dans un modèle keynésien où les politiques budgétaire et monétaire sont utilisées de façon indépendante pour gérer l'arbitrage inflation/production, le conflit entre elles se traduit par un équilibre non-optimal caractérisé par un taux d'intérêt trop élevé et un déficit public trop important. De même, dans un modèle à la Barro-Gordon (1983), une Banque centrale indépendante ne garantit pas les agents contre les surprises inflationnistes si la politique budgétaire est expansionniste. Enfin, une maquette dynamique montre que l'affectation de la politique monétaire à la lutte contre l'inflation ne va pas de soi : la hausse des taux d'intérêt augmente les charges financières pesant sur les entreprises et réduit leur profitabilité, ce qui nuit à leur investissement, donc au développement des capacités de production. Une configuration où la politique budgétaire régule la demande et la politique monétaire régule la profitabilité des entreprises serait préférable. La deuxième partie présente une maquette à deux pays, dans laquelle la problématique de la coordination des politiques économiques est réinterprétée dans une situation d'indépendance des politiques monétaire et budgétaire. L'indépendance des Banques centrales rend encore plus difficile la coordination des politiques économiques puisque chaque pays parle par deux voix discordantes. Le problème de la coordination interne s'ajoute à celui de la coordination internationale pour aboutir, en cas de choc inflationniste, à un équilibre à forts taux d'intérêt et forts niveaux des déficits publics alors que la constellation inverse (bas taux d'intérêt, politiques budgétaires restrictives) serait préférable. Cet inefficacité provient du fait que l'instrument monétaire est relativement moins efficace en cas de choc inflationniste mondial. Seule, la négociation entre autorités monétaire et budgétaire permettrait d'y échapper. Mais, est-elle compatible avec l'indépendance de la Banque centrale ?
Migration network theory addresses the cumulative causation of migration as a result of reduced social, economic, and emotional costs of migration pursuant to the formation of migration networks. Because it introduces a sociological dimension, network theory improves the mechanical and economistic "push and pull" conceptions that prevailed earlier, including world systems versions thereof. Nonetheless, existing treatments of migration networks overlook the role of those networks in expanding the immigrant economy at locations of destination. The migration network performs this role when it supports migrant entrepreneurship, a phenomenon of variable but often great importance. Existing literature also ignores cultural differences that affect the efficiency of migration networks in both relocating population and generating new firms. In the last decade, immigration research has refocused on the issue of migrant networks in both contemporary and historical migrations (Bozorgmehr, 1990; Fawcett, 1989; Boyd, 1989; Morawska, 1989: 260; Wilpert and Gitmez, 1987). A long-standing concern (Tilly, 1978; Choldin, 1973: Light, 1972), migrant networks became of renewed interest when researchers sought to connect macro and micro determinants of immigration. Micro determinants begin with solitary decision-makers who operate independent of group memberships (Lee, 1966; Lewis, 1982: ch. 8; Sell, 1983). Often placed in a world systems context, macro influences impact masses of people whose responses are not thought to depend upon migration chains (Burawoy, 1976; Portes and Walton, 1981; Clark, 1986: ch. 4; Sassen-Koob, 1989). Spanning continents and decades, social networks connect individuals and macroscopic push and pull influences. True, at any stage of a migration, some people arrange their relocation on their own and without any help from migration networks. These are unassisted migrants. However, more individuals migrate when once networks have formed (Portes and Boron, 1989: 607-608). These networks organize their departure, travel, and settlement abroad. For this reason, the network itself emerges as an actor in the migration process. Although based on already familiar ideas, Massey's formula of "cumulatively caused" migration drew together and focused current thinking about migration. According to Massey (et al., 1987; 1988, 1989), migrations forge networks which then feed the very migrations that produced them. Therefore, whatever macrosocietal political/economic conditions may initially have caused migration, the originating pushes and pulls, the expanding migratory process becomes "progressively independent" of the original causal conditions. In effect, migrations in process self-levitate above the conditions that caused them to begin, leading thereafter an independent existence. Network formation is the reason. Massey (1988: 396) defines migration networks as "sets of interpersonal ties that link migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in origin and destination areas through the bonds of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin." Networks promote the independence of migratory flows for two reasons. First, once network connections reach some threshold level, they amount to a autonomous social structure that supports immigration. This support arises from the reduced social, economic, and emotional costs of immigration that networks permit. That is, network-supported migrants have important help in arranging transportation, finding housing and jobs in their place of destination, and in effecting a satisfactory personal and emotional adjustment to what is often a difficult situation of cultural marginality. These benefits make migration easier, thus encouraging people to migrate who would otherwise have stayed at home. Unless migrants are uprooted refugees who lack any choice about departure, only immigration affording them any hope of survival (Bozorgmehr and Sabagh, 1990; Pedraza-Bailey, 1985) potential migrants always have the option of staying home. Given that choice, the reduced cost of migration enhances the number who can and will choose to leave, thus increasing the volume of migration. Second, Massey has made the same case for networks under the assumptions of a risk-diversification model.According to this model, families allocate member labor within the constraint of their own needs and aspirations in a cost-efficient and risk-minimizing way.Many Third World households are economically precarious. Such households face high-risks to their well-being if they select non-migration.Moreover, modernization and development create social and economic dislocations that intensify the unstable and unpredictable economic environment created by the usual risks of drought, crop failure and natural disasters, for rural as well as urban areas.In the absence of other ways to insure against such risks, diversification of family members' location minimizes overall family income risk. (Massey, 1989: 14-15) Migration is a risk-diversification strategy.International migration is especially effective because international borders create discontinuities that promote independence of earnings at home and abroad. Good times abroad can match bad ones at home, or vice-versa. Even in the absence of earning differentials (ASA, p.15), international migration offers an effective risk-diversification strategy, especially when migrant networks already exist. Migration networks reduce the economic risks of immigration, thus rendering the strategy more attractive from a risk-diversification perspective (Massey, 1989:5-16). Expanding networks "put a destination job within easy reach of most community members" (Commission, p.398) and make migration a virtually risk-less and cost-less alternative labor power investment in the household's portfolio of labor assets (Massey, 1988).
The massive body of tax legislation enacted in the first two years of the Reagan Administration offers little guidance for predicting the future direction of United States tax policy. Dramatically different Congressional coalitions – each led by the President – passed by very narrow margins the nation's largest tax reduction (the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981) and then the next year enacted the largest peacetime tax increase (the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982). In each case, short-term political and fiscal concerns dominated the debates. The 1981 legislation reduced taxes in an effort to stimulate economic activity and investment by according substantial tax relief to businesses and high income individuals; the 1982 legislation requires significant additional taxes from these same sources to reduce triple-digit deficits, a reduction also deemed necessary for economic recovery. Although the two Acts together provide for an overall reduction in business taxes and a phased-in decrease in marginal tax rates applicable to individuals, they impart the overwhelming impression that uncertainty, confusion, and inconsistency currently dominate the tax legislative process. Despite the contradictory aspects of recent tax legislation, however, despair at the prospect of coherent revision of the federal income tax may be premature. During the last Congress, twelve bills were introduced by legislators ranging across the political spectrum, that proposed study or enactment of a so-called flat-rate income tax. The Monetary and Fiscal Policy Subcommittee of the Joint Economic Committee held hearings on the flat-rate tax in July and August of 1982, the tax writing committees directed staff to begin work, and the Senate Finance Committee held hearings on the idea in September of 1982, President Reagan voiced his tentative support of the basic concept, calling it "very tempting," and press commentary has been both widespread and favorable. As a result, the "flat-rate tax" has become the focus of current tax revision efforts. This Article addresses the problem of the transition to a flat-rate tax. Assuming that Congress wants to enact such a tax, how do we move from an income tax riddled with special exclusions, deductions, and credits to a broad-based income or consumption tax? Both political actors and professional groups, including Senate Finance Committee Chairman Robert Dole, Office of Management and Budget Director David Stockman, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury John Chapoton, the Staff of the Joint Committee on Taxation, and the Tax Section of the American Bar Association, have expressed particular concern with transitional problems, citing the need to protect people who have made economic decisions "in reliance" on the continued existence of special tax provisions. I argue here that the minimum tax amendments of the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982 placed into the Internal Revenue Code a transitional mechanism that can be regarded as a first step to phasing in a broad-based tax. I then outline a series of future amendments to the minimum tax and other changes necessary to complete the path to a broad-based income tax. Before proceeding to these observations, however, I first describe the flat-rate tax concept and make some general comments on the nature of the transitional problems involved in moving from current law to a broad-based tax with lowered rates. I then trace the intellectual and political origins of the minimum tax provision, describe the 1982 amendments to the minimum tax, and indicate why the minimum tax provides an appropriate vehicle for transition to a flat-rate tax. After illustrating the additional amendments required to move the minimum tax from its current secondary status to center stage as the vehicle for transition to a broad-based income tax, I demonstrate why the 1982 minimum tax amendments will not serve an identical purpose if a broad-based consumption, -rather than income, tax were the ultimate goal. This Article assumes that a move to a broad-based low-rate tax is both feasible and desirable and accepts the rather convincing case that has been made that a broad-based income tax could be superior to present law on economic efficiency, horizontal equity, and simplicity grounds. I have also generally accepted, at least for present purposes, the view that these goals are more likely to be realized with as uniform and as broad a tax base and low rates as is practical. By limiting my concern here to the problem of transition, I avoid detailed consideration of the merits of particular base broadening issues. Therefore, this Article only briefly addresses some of the many difficult and controversial issues which will arise in the move to a low-rate broad-based income or consumption tax. I attempt here merely to demonstrate that the problems of transition to such a regime, while important, are not insurmountable; that in fact Congress has taken an important first step in this direction in its 1982 amendments to the minimum tax; and suggest a general outline of subsequent steps to complete the path by building on that first step.
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Ashanal-1 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 775 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 651 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils, 71 ha covered by rock outcrops and about 52 ha by others (habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 12 soil series and 21 soil phases (management units) and 6 land management units. The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October. From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated. Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval. Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated. Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture. About 62 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately deep to very deep (75 - >150 cm) and 22 per cent soils are shallow to moderately shallow (25-75 cm). About 2 per cent area in the microwatershed has sandy soils, 28 per cent loamy soils and 56 per cent clayey soils at the surface. About 70 per cent area is non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 2 per cent is medium (101-150 mm/m), 21 per cent area low (51-100 mm/m) and 12 per cent area very low (9.0). The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire area of the microwatershed is dominantly 0.75). About 50 per cent area is low in available phosphorus, 33 per area is medium (23-57 kg/ha) and one per cent is high (>57 kg/ha). About 23 per cent is low (145 kg/ha) in available potassium and 81 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha). Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in 71 per cent area and deficient (<4.5 ppm) in 14 per cent area of the microwatershed. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed. Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire area of the microwatershed. The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 354(46) 190 (24) Guava - 83(11) Maize - 530(68) Sapota - 83(11) Bajra 14(2) 547(70) Pomegranate - 476(62) Groundnut - 83(11) Musambi 277(36) 199(26) Sunflower 237(31) 224(29) Lime 277(36) 199(26) Redgram - 477(62) Amla 25(3) 519(67) Bengal gram 393(60) 108(14) Cashew - 25(3) Cotton 276(36) 225(29) Jackfruit - 68(9) Chilli - 521(67) Jamun - 394(51) Tomato - 388(50) Custard apple 434(56) 111(14) Brinjal 177(23) 382(49) Tamarind - 394(51) Onion 236(30) 83(11) Mulberry - 68(9) Bhendi 280(36) 280(36) Marigold - 561(72) Drumstick - 477(62) Chrysanthemum - 561(72) Mango - 35(5) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fiber and horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE STUDY The results indicated that 35 farmers were sampled in Ashanal-1 micro watershed among them 12 (34.29%) were marginal farmers, 10 (28.57 %) were small farmers, 4(11.43 %) were semi medium farmers, 3(8.57%) were medium farmers, 1(2.86%) was large farmer and 5 (14.29 %) landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The data indicated that there were 177 population households in the studied micro watershed. Among them 88 (49.72%) men and 89 (50.28 %) were women. The average family size of landless, small farmers and medium farmers were 5, semi medium and large farmer was 4. The data indicated that 24 (13.56%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 93 (52.54 %) were in 16-35 years of age, 48 (27.12 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 12 (6.78 %) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that the Ashanal-1 had 54.24 per cent illiterates, 0.56 per cent of them were functional literates, 14.69 per cent of them had primary school education, 1.13 per cent of them had middle school, 14.12 per cent them had high school education, 5.08 per cent of them had PUC education, 5.08 per cent of them had degree education and 1.13 per cent them had masters. The results indicated that, 85.71 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 8.57 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labour and 5.71 per cent of them were general labour. The results indicated that agriculture was the occupation for 54.80 per cent of the household members, 4.52 per cent were agricultural labourers, 3.39 per cent of them were general labours, 2.26 per cent were students and 19.21 per cent of them were housewives and 3.35 per cent were children's. In case of landless farmers, 5.26 per cent were doing agriculture, 42.11 per cent were agricultural labour, 31.58 per cent were general labour, 15.79 per cent were housewives and 5.26 per cent were children's. In case of marginal farmers 52.17 per cent were agriculturist, 1.45 percent was in private service, 18.84 per cent were students and 20.29 per cent of them were housewives. In case of small farmers 72.22 per cent of them were agriculturist, 5.56 per cent of them were private service and 7.41 per cent of them were students. In case of semi medium farmers 64.71 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 5.58 per cent of them were students and 23.53 per cent of them were housewives. In case of medium farmers 64.29 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 7.14 per cent of them were students and 28.57 per cent of them were housewives. In case of large farmers 25 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, and 50 per cent of them were housewives. The results showed that 99.44 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions and 0.56 per cent of the household participated in cooperative bank. 2 The results indicated that 57.14 per cent of the households possess Katcha house and 42.86 per cent of the households possess Pucca house. The results showed that, 100 per cent of the households possess TV, 37.14 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 22.86 per cent of the households possess motor cycle and 100 per cent of the households possess mobile. The results showed that the average value, television was Rs.8837, mixer grinder was Rs.2000, motor cycle was Rs.54625 and mobile phone was Rs.2002. The data showed that, about 37.14 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 54.29 per cent of them possess plough, 11.43 per cent of the households possess irrigation pump, 2.86 per cent possess power tiller, 11.43 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 5.71 per cent of the households possess tractor and 20 per cent of them possess sprinkler. The results showed that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.18769; the average value of plough was Rs. 1700, the average value of irrigation pump was Rs.50200, the average value of power tiller was Rs. 50000, the average value of tractor was Rs. 700000, the average value of sprayer was Rs. 8000 and the average value of sprinkler was Rs. 470. The results indicated that, 28.57 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 2.86 per cent of the households possess local cow, buffalo, goat and poultry birds. The results showed that, in case of marginal farmers, 25 per cent of the households possess bullock and 8.33 buffalo, goat and poultry birds respectively. In case of small farmers, 40 per cent of households possess equally bullock In case of semi medium farmers, 50 per cent of the households possess bullock. In medium farmers, 33.33 per cent of the households possess bullock. The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.66, average own labour (women) available was 1.60, average hired labour (men) available was 9.60 and average hired labour (women) available was 9.33.In case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.50, average own labour (women) was also 1.58, average hired labour (men) was 7.42 and average hired labour (women) available was 6.58. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 1.78, average own labour (women) was 1.70, average hired labour (men) was 7.40 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.60. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 1.50, average own labour (women) was 1.25, average hired labour (men) was 13.75 and average hired labour (women) available was also 13.75. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was 2, average hired labour (men) was 18.33 and average hired labour (women) available was 18.33. In large farmers average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was 1, average hired labour (men) was 15 and average hired labour (women) available was 15. 3 The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate. The results indicated that, households of the Ashanal-1 micro watershed possess 30.04 ha (71.62%) of dry land and 11.90 ha (28.37%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 7.28 ha (88.23 %) of dry land and 0.97 ha (11.77%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 9.67 ha (81.15 %) of dry land and 2.25 ha (18.85%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 5.26 ha (63.11%) of dry land and 3.08 ha (36.89%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 5.41 ha (49.08%) of dry land and 5.61 ha (50.92%) of irrigated land and large farmers possess 2.42 ha (100%) of irrigated land. Results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 368076.52 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 571,098.27. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 810,061.14 for dry land and Rs. 1,234,999.95 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 444,393.31 for dry land and Rs. 890,090.12 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 228,000 for dry land and was Rs.58500.01 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 110928.15 for dry land and was Rs.320779.22 for irrigated land. In large farmers the average land value was Rs. 247000 for irrigated land. The results indicated that, there were 2 functioning bore wells in the micro watershed. The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 5.71 per cent of the farmers and 2.86 per cent of the farmers were using tank for irrigation. The results indicated that on an average the depth of the bore well was 6.10 meters. The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers there was 0.49 ha of irrigated land and semi medium farmers were having 1.21 ha of irrigated land. On an average there was 1.70 ha of irrigated land. The results indicated that, farmers have grown cotton (4.61 ha), groundnut (15.71 ha), paddy (3.68 ha), red gram (6.36 ha) and sorghum (4.87 ha) in kharif season. Marginal farmers have grown cotton, groundnut, paddy, red gram and sorghum. Small farmers have grown cotton, red gram and sorghum. Semi medium farmers have grown groundnut and paddy. Medium farmers and large farmers have grown groundnut respectively. The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Ashanal-1 micro watershed was found to be 99.75 per cent. In case of marginal, small, semi medium and large farmers cropping intensity was 100 per cent and in case of medium farmers it was 99.04 per cent. The results indicated that, 94.29 per cent of the households have bank account and 85.71 per cent of having savings. Among marginal farmers 60 percent of them possess both bank account and savings. 100 per cent of small, semi medium farmers 4 and medium possess per cent of both bank account and savings respectively and large category of farmers possess 100 per cent of bank account. The results indicated that, 91.67 per cent of marginal, 90 per cent of small, 50 per cent of semi medium, 33.33 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers have borrowed credit from different sources. The results indicated that, 8 per cent have availed loan in commercial bank, 16 per cent have availed loan from Cooperative Bank and 36 per cent have availed loan from Grameena bank. The results indicated that, marginal, small, semi medium and medium have availed Rs.40909.09 Rs. 51777.78, Rs.62500 and Rs. 100000 respectively. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro watershed is 49640. The results indicated that, 93.75 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production and 6.25 per cent have availed loan for animal husbandry. Results indicated that 100 percent of the households have unpaid their loan. The results indicated that 75 per cent of the households were opined that they were helped to perform timely agricultural operations and 6.25 per cent opined that higher rate of interest. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 42107.82. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 81715.98. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 39608.16. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.94. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 41264.08. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 78656.40. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 37392.32. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.91. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 53615.93. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 114398.98. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. 60783.05. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.13. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 33389.69. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 65229.59. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. 31839.89. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.95. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 33702.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 41007.47. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. 7304.68. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.22. The results indicated that, 20 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 11.43 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate. 5 The table indicated that the in case of landless farmers the average annual income from wage was Rs.64800, in marginal farmers, average income from service/salary was Rs.41666.67, wage was Rs.36250 and agriculture Rs. 46833.33. In case of small farmers the average income from agriculture was Rs.49511.11. In semi medium farmers the average income from wage was Rs.32500 and agriculture was Rs.83000. Medium farmer's average income from wage was Rs.26666.67 and agriculture was Rs.221666.67. Similarly in large farmers the average income from wage was Rs.50000 and agriculture was Rs.160000. The results indicated that, in case of landless, the average annual expenditure from wage was Rs.27333.33, in case of marginal, farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs.17428.57 and agriculture Rs. 20583.33. In case of small farmers the average annual expenditure from wage was Rs. 15000 and agriculture was Rs.33200. In case of semi medium farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs.20000 and agriculture was Rs.52500.In medium farmers the average annual expenditure from wage was Rs.25000 and agriculture was Rs.71666.67.In large farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs.2000 and agriculture was Rs. 60000. The results indicated that, sampled households have grown 13 coconut trees in their field. The results indicated that, households have planted 61 Neem trees, 2 tamarind tress, and 3 banyan trees in their field and also grown 4 Neem trees in the backyard. The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 3428.57 for land development and Rs. 714.29 in irrigation facility. Marginal farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs. 5833.33 for land development, and Rs. 2083.33 in irrigation facility. Small farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs.3000 for land development. Semi medium farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs. 5000 for land development. The results indicated that for 34.29 per cent and 2.86 per cent of the households were dependent on government subsidy for land development and irrigation facility respectively. The results indicated that, cotton, groundnut, paddy, red gram and sorghum crops were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. The results indicated that, 85.71 percent of the households have sold their produce to local/village merchant. The results indicated that, 85.71 per cent of households used tractor as a mode of transport. The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing. 6 The results indicated that, 5.71 per cent of the households have adopted bore well recharge pit which includes 8.33 per cent of marginal and 10 per cent of small farmers. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households who adopted bore well recharge pit opined that they are good. The results indicated that 5.71 per cent of soil conservation structures are constructed by the government. The results indicated that, 100 percent of the household used fire wood as a source of fuel. The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 100 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, 65.71 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 60per cent of the landless, 75 per cent of marginal, 50 per cent of small, 100 per cent of semi medium, 33.33 per cent of medium and 100 per cent of large farmers had sanitary toilet facility. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled household's possessed BPL card. The results indicated that, 57.14 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 36.36 percent of the marginal, 100 per cent of the small, 55.56 per cent of the semi medium, 25 percent of the medium farmers and 50 per cent of the large farmers. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses oilseed, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were adequate for 82.86 per cent, 54.29 per cent, 57.14 per cent, 74.29 per cent, 40 per cent, 100 per cent, 88.57 per cent and 71.43 per cent of the household. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseed, vegetables, fruits, egg and meat were inadequate for 17.14 per cent, 45.71 per cent, 42.86 per cent, 25.71 per cent, 57.14 per cent,11.43 per cent and 28.57 per cent of the household. The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 85.71 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (82.86%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (45.71%), inadequacy of irrigation water (51.43%), high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (68.57%), high rate of interest on credit (65.71%), low price for the agricultural commodities (77.14%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (62.86%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (85.71%) and less rain fall (17.14%) . ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Covering one-third of the world's land, forests provide many essential resources and services on which more than 25% of the world's population directly depend for their livelihoods. Moreover, because of their importance in the carbon and water cycle and in the production of renewable materials, forests are one of the main means of mitigating the consequences of current and future global climate change. The need to balance ecological, economic and social roles to achieve sustainable management of forest resources is therefore evident from the local to the global scale. Accurate and up-to-date information on forests dynamics is essential to design and implement sustainable forest management plans. In particular, the development of customized management scenarios based on forest stand characteristics require accurate growth and yield estimates that can only be derived from permanent forest inventory data. This thesis focuses on the relevance of forest modelling from permanent forest inventory data to improve knowledge on current forest resource stocks and dynamics and help design sustainable forest management policies. The study concerns the forests of Wallonia, the southern Region of Belgium. Wallonia forests represent an interesting case study as they are intensively managed, highly fragmented, heterogeneous in structure and composition and undergoing fast change to adapt to new environmental and economic conditions. The first part of this thesis concerns the research for an appropriate modelling methodology to assess the level of productivity and species-station suitability of forest plantations. We developed an easily replicable methodology relying on stem analysis data to fit robust site index (SI) models which make it possible to estimate the level of productivity of plantations according to their top-height and age. New SI models were calibrated for the three main plantation species in Wallonia: Norway spruce, douglas-fir and Larches. These new models make it possible to account for the significant changes observed in the SI distribution over time which caused biases in previous ones. Our work suggests that these changes are mainly due to later harvesting and lower replanting rate of softwood plantations located on less productive sites, practices that are not exclusive to Wallonia. The second part of this work concerns the development of forest models able to accurately estimate the effect of original management scenarios on the development of forest resources. Using our new SI models and thousands of field experiment data allowed us to develop new harmonized growth models for even-aged pure stands of Norway spruce, douglas-fir and larches that have a wider validity than is possible with regional data. They highlight the very significant effect of stand density and social status on individual tree growth and demonstrate a lasting effect of early selective thinning on growth which does not decline as rapidly with age as previously thought. We also found that under similar growing conditions, douglas-fir yields are one-third higher than Norway spruce and larches. An economic analysis of the evolution of harvest revenues in Norway spruce and douglas-fir plantations also shows that although the actualized value of final harvests peaks at around 60 years, selective thinning can provide significant regular income until much later. The final part of this thesis concerns the design of a forest modelling methodology that A) provides detailed estimates about stock, growth, yield and harvested volumes, B) allows a direct use of permanent forest inventory data for calibration and initiation of the simulation, and C) can be applied at the regional level. It resulted in the development of the individual-tree distance-independent forest model SIMREG which is based on permanent data from the Permanent Forest Inventory of Wallonia (IPRFW). The tree-level approach made it possible to identify several inconsistencies in previous estimates from the IPRFW. In particular, we conclude that the net growing stock increase between the first and the second IPRFW cycle was previously overestimated by several million m³ while the total yield was underestimated by about 25%. These differences result from SIMREG's consideration of previously unmeasured forest resources and significant methodological changes between the two IPRFW cycles. Our simulations also confirm the rapid decline of spruce in favour of douglas-fir and various hardwood species but suggest that the higher yield of douglas-fir and the renewal of aging/low productive Norway spruce plantations could mostly compensate for the net decline in softwood forest area. We conclude that the standing stock of Walloon forests is managed sustainably overall but not at the species level. The decline of the Norway spruce plantations is arguably justified by numerous relevant reasons such as its presence in unsuitable stations, its sensitivity to drought, bark beetles and windfall damage, the higher yield of douglas-fir, etc. Nevertheless, Norway spruce is still the main production species in Wallonia and our work has resulted in several new recommendations to improve its management and that of its main substitute species: douglas-fir. Forest modelling and simulation is a timely issue and similar work is currently being done worldwide. Although our study has focused on Wallonia, our modelling methods were designed to only use data collected by most permanent NFI. For example, SIMREG was successfully adapted to the Flemish and Brussels forests in order to develop the national forest accounting plan of Belgium. We are thus confident that our modelling framework is generalizable to other countries. ; Couvrant un tiers des terres de la planète, les forêts fournissent de nombreuses ressources et services essentiels dont plus de 25% de la population mondiale dépend directement pour sa subsistance. En raison de leur importance dans le cycle du carbone et de l'eau et dans la production de matériaux renouvelables, les forêts sont également l'un des principaux moyens d'atténuer les conséquences du changement climatique mondial actuel et futur. La nécessité d'équilibrer les rôles écologiques, économiques et sociaux pour parvenir à une gestion durable des ressources forestières à toutes les échelles est donc évidente. Des informations précises et actualisées sur la dynamique des forêts sont essentielles pour concevoir et mettre en œuvre des plans de gestion durable. En particulier, l'élaboration de scénarios de gestion personnalisés tenant compte des caractéristiques des peuplements forestiers nécessite des estimations précises de la croissance et de la production qui ne peuvent être obtenues qu'à partir de données d'inventaire forestier permanentes. Cette thèse se concentre sur la pertinence de la modélisation à partir des données d'inventaire forestier permanent pour améliorer l'évaluation des ressources existantes et de leur évolution et aider à concevoir une politique de gestion durable des forêts. La zone d'étude est la Wallonie, la région qui occupe la moitié sud de la Belgique. Les forêts de Wallonie représentent un cas d'étude intéressant car elles sont très fragmentées, hétérogènes dans leur structure et leur composition, soumises à une gestion intensive et subissent des changements rapides pour s'adapter aux nouvelles conditions environnementales et économiques. La première partie de cette thèse qui concerne ainsi la recherche d'une méthodologie de modélisation appropriée pour évaluer le niveau de productivité et l'adéquation essence-station des plantations résineuses. Une méthodologie facilement reproductible s'appuyant sur des données d'analyse de tiges a ainsi été développée pour ajuster des modèles robustes permettant d'estimer le niveau de productivité des plantations en fonction de leur hauteur de sommet et de leur âge. De nouveaux modèles de productivité ont ainsi été calibrés pour les trois principales essences résineuses de plantations de Wallonie : épicéa, douglas et mélèzes. Ils permettent de tenir compte de l'évolution récente de la productivité qui entrainait des biais dans les modèles précédents. Nos travaux suggèrent que cette évolution est due à une récolte plus tardive et à un taux de replantation plus faible des plantations résineuses situées sur des sites moins productifs, des pratiques qui ne sont certainement pas exclusives à la Wallonie. La seconde partie de ce travail concerne le développement de modèles permettant d'estimer avec précision l'effet de scénarios de gestion originaux sur l'évolution des ressources forestières. Des modèles de croissance harmonisés pour les peuplements purs équiennes d'épicéas, de douglas et de mélèzes ont ainsi été développés sur base de nos nouveaux modèles de productivité et de milliers de données issues de dispositifs expérimentaux. Ces nouveaux modèles ont une validité plus large que ce qui est possible avec des données régionales. Ils mettent en évidence l'effet très significatif de la densité et du statut social sur la croissance des arbres individuels et démontrent un effet durable des éclaircies sélectives précoces sur la croissance qui ne décline pas aussi rapidement avec l'âge qu'on le pensait auparavant. Nous avons également constaté que dans des conditions de croissance similaires, la production du douglas est supérieure d'un tiers à celle de l'épicéa et du mélèze. Une analyse économique de l'évolution des revenus issus des prélèvements dans les plantations d'épicéas de Norvège et de douglas montre également que, bien que la valeur actualisée des récoltes finales culmine à environ 60 ans, les éclaircies sélectives peuvent longtemps continuer à fournir un revenu régulier. La partie finale de cette thèse concerne la conception d'une méthodologie de modélisation forestière pour A) fournir des estimations détaillées sur le stock, la croissance, la production et les volumes récoltés, B) permettre une utilisation directe des données d'inventaire forestier permanent pour le calibrage et le lancement de la simulation, et C) être compatible avec une application à l'échelle régionale. Elle a abouti à l'élaboration de SIMREG, un simulateur « arbre » indépendant des distances basé sur les données permanentes de l'Inventaire forestier permanent de Wallonie (IPRFW). Cette approche a permis d'identifier plusieurs incohérences dans les estimations précédentes de l'IPRFW. En particulier, nous concluons que la capitalisation du stock sur pied entre le premier et le deuxième cycle de l'IPRFW était auparavant surestimée de plusieurs millions de m³ alors que la production totale était sous-estimée d'environ 25%. Ces différences résultent de la prise en compte par SIMREG de ressources forestières jusqu'alors non mesurées et de changements méthodologiques importants entre les deux cycles de l'IPRFW. Nos simulations confirment également le déclin rapide de l'épicéa au profit du douglas et de diverses essences feuillues. Elles suggèrent néanmoins que la production plus élevée du douglas et le renouvellement des pessières vieillissantes et peu productives pourraient en grande partie compenser le déclin net des surfaces enrésinées. Nous concluons que, dans l'ensemble, le stock sur pied des forêts wallonnes est géré durablement, mais pas pour chaque espèce. Le déclin des plantations d'épicéas est certainement justifié par de nombreuses raisons pertinentes telles que sa présence dans des stations inadaptées, sa sensibilité à la sécheresse, aux dommages causés par les scolytes et les chablis, la production plus élevée du douglas, etc. L'épicéa reste néanmoins toujours la principale essence de production en Wallonie et nos travaux ont abouti à plusieurs nouvelles recommandations pour améliorer sa gestion et celle du douglas qui est sa principale essence de substitution. La modélisation et la simulation forestière est une question d'actualité et des travaux similaires sont actuellement menés dans le monde entier. Bien que notre étude se soit concentrée sur la Wallonie, nos méthodes de modélisation ont été conçues pour ne nécessiter que des données collectées par la plupart des inventaires forestiers nationaux permanents. Par exemple, SIMREG a été adapté avec succès aux inventaires flamands et bruxellois afin d'élaborer le National Forest Accounting Plan de la Belgique. Nous sommes donc convaincus que nos méthodes et nos modèles sont généralisables à d'autres pays.
A la dècada dels setanta assistirem a la majoria dels països europeus a un creixement del sector públic com a conseqüència del desenvolupament de l'Estat de benestar. En els anys vuitanta es començà a qüestionar la dimensió i l'activitat del sector públic, com a conseqüència de la necessitat d'acomodar-se a les profundes transformacions de la societat. Això va dur a redefinir la prestació del conjunt dels serveis públics, entre ells l'activitat física i l'esport. El sistema esportiu espanyol ha evolucionat enormement en els últims anys. Des dels inicis de la transició democràtica espanyola l'esport va passar a ser atès pels poders públics. Després d'una primera fase basada en un fort desplegament d'equipaments esportius públics, es va arribar a la fi de la dècada dels noranta a una preocupació per l'eficàcia i l'eficiència de les organitzacions gestores. S'iniciava el procés de modernització a l'administració pública espanyola. La transformació de l'esport en un producte de consum, la diversificació de les pràctiques esportives, els canvis en els gustos i la evolució de la demanda d'activitat física han tingut un paper primordial en l'expansió d'una de les modalitats de privatització del sector públic: la gestió indirecta de serveis esportius. En el present treball es compara l'oferta (preus i programes) de les piscines cobertes municipals a Catalunya, segons es gestionin de manera directa o indirecta, així com la regulació de l'accés a la pràctica esportiva quan es subcontrata la gestió. S'han utilitzat instruments de recollida i d'anàlisi de dades quantitatives (anàlisi de la publicitat i qüestionari amb tractament estadístic a una mostra de 75 piscines) i qualitatius (anàlisi de contingut de 26 plecs de condicions). Els resultats obtinguts mostren que les piscines de gestió indirecta ofereixen preus significativament més cars i orienten l'oferta a un tipus de públic concret. Es fomenten aquelles modalitats d'accés que generen majors ingressos, entre les quals destaca la figura de l'abonat, les activitats gimnàstiques i els serveis complementaris orientats a la salut. L'oferta de les piscines cobertes municipals reprodueix les desigualtats en quan a edat i a classe social, i la gestió indirecta accentua aquestes diferències. Encara així, existeix una gran dispersió i variabilitat en el grup de piscines gestionades de manera indirecta. També s'observa que els Ajuntaments defineixen vagament les condicions que els adjudicataris han de seguir pel que fa a l'oferta de serveis. Es prioritza la regulació d'aspectes econòmics i d'eficiència del servei abans que l'exigència d'una oferta que atengui a la diversitat de la població. Les conclusions obtingudes poden ajudar a reflexionar als Ajuntaments sobre el paper a desenvolupar en la promoció l'esport quan és un tercer qui gestiona el servei públic; la responsabilitat municipal va més enllà de la titularitat del servei. ; En la década de los setenta asistimos en la mayoría de los países europeos a un crecimiento del sector público como consecuencia del desarrollo del Estado de bienestar. En los años ochenta se empieza a cuestionar la dimensión y la actividad del sector público, derivado de una necesidad de acomodarse a las profundas transformaciones de la sociedad. Ello llevó a redefinir la prestación del conjunto de los servicios públicos, entre ellos la actividad física y el deporte. El sistema deportivo español ha evolucionado enormemente en los últimos años. Desde los inicios de la transición democrática española el deporte pasó a ser atendido por los poderes públicos. Tras una primera fase basada en un fuerte despliegue de equipamientos deportivos públicos, se llegó a finales de la década de los noventa a una preocupación por la eficacia y la eficiencia de las organizaciones gestoras. Se iniciaba el proceso de modernización en la Administración pública española. La transformación del deporte en un producto de consumo, la diversificación de las prácticas deportivas, los cambios en los gustos y la evolución de la demanda de actividad física han tenido un papel primordial en la expansión de una de las modalidades de privatización del sector público: la gestión indirecta de servicios deportivos. En el presente trabajo se compara la oferta (precios y programas) de las piscinas cubiertas municipales en Cataluña, según se gestionen de manera directa o indirecta, así como la regulación del acceso a la práctica deportiva cuando se subcontrata la gestión. Para ello, se han utilizado instrumentos de recogida y de análisis de datos cuantitativos (análisis de la publicidad y cuestionario con tratamiento estadístico en una muestra de 75 piscinas) y cualitativos (análisis de contenido de 26 pliegos de condiciones). Los resultados obtenidos muestran que las piscinas de gestión indirecta ofrecen precios significativamente más caros y orientan la oferta a un tipo de público concreto. Se fomentan aquellas modalidades de acceso que generan mayores ingresos, entre las que destaca la figura del abonado, las actividades gimnásticas y los servicios complementarios orientados a la salud. La oferta de las piscinas cubiertas municipales reproduce la desigualdad en cuanto a edad y a clase social, y la gestión indirecta acentúa estas diferencias. Aún así, señalamos que existe una gran dispersión y variabilidad en el grupo de piscinas gestionadas de manera indirecta. También se observa que los Ayuntamientos definen vagamente las condiciones que los adjudicatarios deben seguir con respecto a la oferta de servicios. Se prioriza la regulación de aspectos económicos y de eficiencia del servicio antes que la exigencia de una oferta que atienda a la diversidad de la población. Las conclusiones obtenidas pueden ayudar a reflexionar a los Ayuntamientos sobre el papel a desarrollar en la promoción el deporte cuando es un tercero el que gestiona el servicio público; la responsabilidad municipal va más allá de la titularidad del servicio. ; During the 70s, the public sector rose sharply in most European countries as a consequence of the development of the welfare state. During the 80s, due to the significant changes in society, the dimension and activity of the public sector was questioned and the whole public services supplied, such as physical activity and sport, had to be redefined. The Spanish sport system has developed tremendously in recent years. At the beginning of the Spanish democratic transition, public authorities started to take charge of sport. The first stage, based on a large expansion of sport public facilities, led to constant worries about the efficiency and effectiveness of their managing organizations in the late 90s. The Spanish public administration was undergoing a process of modernization. Sport has become a consumer good, sport practices have diversified, taste in relation with it have changed and the demand of the physical activity has evolved. All these factors have played a key role in the spread of the indirect management of sport services, one of the methods of privatization of the public sector. I n this research, we have compared the supply (prices and programmes) of the local indoor swimming pools in Catalonia according to the way they are managed: direct or indirectly, and also the regulation to access the sport practices when management is subcontracted. For these, I have used different instruments of collection and testing of both quantitative data (analysis and surveys of the publicity and questionnaires of 75 swimming pools) and qualitative (analysis of the contents of 26 legal specifications). The results show that the swimming pools managed indirectly are significantly more expensive, and point their supply at a particular target. Moreover, they also boost the modalities of access which generate more revenue: membership, gymnastic activities and complementary health-related services stand out among others. The supply of the municipal indoor swimming pools reproduces the inequality as for age and to social class, and the indirect management accentuates these differences. Even though, we can state there is great dispersion and variability in the group of swimming pools managed indirectly. We have also noticed that local councils hardly define the conditions related to the supply of services for the bidders to be followed. They give priority to the control of economic aspects and the efficiency of the service itself rather than control the fact that supply takes into consideration the diversity of the population. The conclusions reached may help local councils to reflect on the role they should play when promoting sport in the case that a third party manages the public services. The responsibility of the local government is not limited to the holder of the service, but it has to go much further ; Aux années soixante-dix on assiste dans la plupart des pays européens à une croissance du secteur public conséquence du développement de l'Etat du bien-être. Vers les années 80 on commence à questionner la dimension et l'activité du secteur public, dérivées du besoin de s'accommoder aux profondes transformations de la société. Cela comporta à redéfinir la prestation de l'ensemble des services publics, parmi lesquels l'activité physique et le sport. Le système sportif espagnol a évolué énormément aux dernières années. Dès le début de la transition démocratique espagnole le sport a passé à être assuré par les pouvoirs publics. Après une première phase basé en un fort déploiement d'équipements sportifs publics, on arrive à la fin de la décade des années quatre-vingt dix à une préoccupation par l'efficacité et l'efficience des démarcheurs. C'est ainsi que le procès de modernisation dans l'administration publique espagnole a commencé. La transformation du sport dans un produit de consommation, la diversification des pratiques sportives, les changements des goûts et l'évolution de la demande d'activité physique a eu un rôle essentiel dans l'expansion d'une des modalités de privatisation du secteur publique: la gestion indirecte des services sportifs. Dans ce travail on compare l'offre (prix et programmes) des piscines couvertes municipales en Catalogne, selon on traite de façon directe ou indirecte, ainsi comme la régulation de l'accès à la pratique sportive quand on sous-traite la gestion. Pour ceci, on a utilisé des instruments de ramassage et d'analyse de donnés quantitatifs (analyse de la publicité et questionnaire avec traitement statistique parmi une montre de 75 piscines) et qualitatifs (analyse du contenu de 26 plies de conditions). Les résultats obtenus nous montrent que les piscines de gestion indirecte offrent des prix significativement plus chers et elles orientent l'offre à un type de public concret. On fomente les modalités d'accès qui génèrent les plus grands revenus, parmi lesquelles on détache la figure de l'abonné, les activités gymnastiques et les services complémentaires orientés a la santé. L'offre des piscines couvertes municipales reproduit l'inégalité quant à l'âge et à la classe sociale, et la gestion indirecte accentue ces différences. Malgré tout, on signale qu'il existe une grande dispersion et variabilité dans le groupe de piscines démarchées de façon indirecte. On observe aussi que les Mairies définissent vaguement les conditions que les adjudicataires doivent suivre par rapport à l'offre de services. On priorise la régulation des aspects économiques et d'efficience du service avant que l'exigence d'une offre qui s'occupe de la diversité de la population. Les conclusions obtenues peuvent aider à réfléchir aux mairies sur le rôle à développer dans la promotion du sport quand c'est un troisième qui traite le service public; la responsabilité municipale va plus loin de la titularisation du service.
Master in the Electric Power Industry ; The project context is the energy poverty. This theme is very actual and has a lot of social repercussion nowadays as electricity and gas price volatility has affected too many humble people in Europe. People, governments and utilities are becoming more and more aware of the magnitude of the penetration of energy poverty in the society and the efforts to reduce it have never been as many as now. The energy services are essential for a country, for its development and the welfare of its population. For example, electricity consumption is strongly related with the GDP growth of a country. The main energetic vectors that concern the energy poverty are the access and consumption of electricity, gas and heat water. These energy vectors are essential to have a decent household habitability. Despite so, it is estimated that 1.2billion people still do not have to electricity. These people are distributed mainly over Africa and Asia and with a higher proportion in rural areas. Two important figures to have in mind are that 17% of global population do not have electricity and 38% of global population do not have cooking facilities. There are two essential parts concerning the energy poverty, the energy access and the energy consumption, i.e. people not having the opportunity to consume electricity, gas or heat water because the grid is not developed to meet them, and the people who despite having the connection cannot consume because they are not able to pay for the cost of the consumption. In the case of Spain, geographical target of this study, the energy access is universal and is considered as a solved issue and the energy poverty was thought to be linked with the economic crisis despite it existed before too. The reality of the energy poverty has motivated and maintained the community doing studies around the topic despite the difficulties due to the little resource availability. To promote an effective and useful debate about the different possible solutions, to identify and imply the different agents and actors including the public administrations, the media, the energy utilities and the political parties among others. The objective of the study is to calculate the basic energy consumptions in Spain under different scenarios. These consumptions will be used to develop and analyse projects and strategies to mitigate the energy poverty. To achieve so, there are many variables that have to be determined and studies for different scenarios to study the energy needs to meet a worthy habitability in order to keep the household heated during the winter and cooled during the summer, to have energy to cook and do the normal living. So, the project's main objective is the development of a tool to compute different energy poverty scenarios and quantify in monetary terms the subsidies that would be needed to cover the problem break down into autonomous communities, provinces and rural and urban area. There must be a distinction between the water, electricity and gas expenses taking into account the different demands and consumes of the different regions in Spain. The program has been developed in Excel due to the simplicity of the programming and the capacity to be easily extended during and after the project. In the excel tool there are many freedom degrees in order to let the user create cases regarding its needs. For this purpose, there have been added especially modifiable quantities marked in pink in the general data sheet. These variables are: Water consumption: the frequency and quantities of water consumption can be modified in order to create different water consumption profiles. Cooking frequency: the number of cooks per week can be modified to adapt it to the case of study desired. Television and computer: the frequency and hours can be modified to create different consumption profiles. Fixed cost of water: due to the fact that it was too complex to take into account each water supply company, the different bills have been simplified with a variable term plus a fix term as it was explained before. The fixed term depends on the company and thus has been let free to change as a variable of the case. Electricity contracted power: contracted electricity power. Normally with a contracted power of 3.3kW of electric capacity is enough to cover the peak demand, but the term has been let variable to generate different cases. Electricity price: the electricity price is very volatile depending on the weather, costs of fuel etc. It is interesting to see how its different prices may affect energy poverty and quantify it. Social bonus: the social bonus is already acting and thus, it has been let free to be able to quantify the energy poverty with and without its effect. Size of the household: the size of the household is modifiable; for the base case the size has been extracted from the minimum habitability cellule, but it has been let free to generate different cases. The size of the household is directly related to the heat and air conditioning consumptions. Heating coefficient: gives the percentage of the heated surface of the household in the optimal case. For the base case, it is only considered to have 20m2 of heated surface. Air conditioned surface: gives the possibility to modify the air-conditioned surface to create new scenarios or compute its effect. Percentage of energy poverty to cover: gives the possibility to adjust the percentage of the households that is under energy poverty whose energy expenses are going to be take into account to be covered. Gas penetration coefficient: this coefficient affects the hypothesis of the gas penetration. Let it in 0 the penetration of the gas is only in the urban areas, but if it is higher than 0 there exist buildings with gas in the rural areas. This tool allows the creation of new scenarios and is interesting to see how the gas penetration affects energy poverty. Energy efficiency factor: this factor can take values from 0 to 5. If 1, then the efficiency is the one extracted from the studies and used in the base case. If 0, all the buildings are considered old and thus, with bad efficiency characteristics. The higher the value, the higher the proportion of new buildings with better efficiency characteristics. It is essential to mention another useful tool used to show the results in a summarized way. The map of Spain with the different provinces also developed in Excel allows to show the values of anything, for example, demands, water cost, electricity costs, etc. in a simple way. [Source: Blog "Análisis y decision." http://analisisydecision.es/nuevo-y-muy-mejorado-mapa-de-espana-por-provinciascon- excel/] Given the base case consumption profile and hypothesis, and having the actual image of Spain in terms of distribution of population in rural and urban areas, the gas penetration, the population of the different cities and provinces and the reference demands, the expenses that the State should dispose in order to cover the total of the energy vulnerability should be the ones shown in the table below. Given the absence of direct policies to combat energy poverty by the central government beyond this incomplete social bond, it is at the regional and municipal levels that we find the most relevant initiatives. We highlight the case of the Generalitat of Catalonia that, for just over a year and a half, is working with the central government in relation to a regulation on energy poverty. This work aimed to establish a winter truce between November and March, both included, so that the energy supply (water, electricity and gas) would not be interrupted to families in vulnerable situation. The Social Inclusion Plan of the Government of Andalusia includes an Extraordinary Program for vital minimum supplies and social emergency benefits. The program is endowed with 6.5 million euros and will be carried out through transfers to municipalities. Specific costs are considered to cover basic energy supplies, electricity costs and expenses related to water supply. On the other hand, the budget in the Basque Country includes a budget of 200,000 euros to cover the needs of families who cannot cope with energy bills, although the mechanisms for allocating this item have not yet been defined. It is important to note that this is in addition to social emergency aid, which includes energy bills by law. Finally, the Xunta de Galicia has just launched the second call for its social electric ticket with a budget of 1.5 million euros. The aid, which is requested for half-year, is 180 euros for families with one or two children (under 18 years) and 300 euros for large families. As it can be seen, the actual measures are insufficient. It has to be taken into account that the numbers shown in the previous table are the sum of the expenses for all the vulnerable consumers, and not only the ones suffering energy poverty. In addition, it has to be mentioned that finally not all the people under energy poverty would ask for the aid due to lack of information etc. Analysing in further detail the two existing measures regarding direct payments to cover energy invoices: The Basque Country only destinies 200.000€ to fight the energy poverty. The amount calculated for the vulnerable consumers is 19.2 million euros per year for all the electricity and gas consumptions but taking into account all the vulnerable consumers. Despite this number is overestimated because not all the vulnerable consumers will suffer from energy poverty and neither all of them will ask for the aid, the amount designated is considered lower than the real amount needed. The Xunta de Galicia designates 1.5million euros to fight the energy poverty in the electricity and gas concepts. The calculated amount to cover the energy vulnerable consumers in Galicia is around 20 million euros per year. As in the above case, this includes all the expenses in electricity and gas taking into account all the vulnerable population of Galicia. The amount is small compared to the needs because estimating with the energy poverty percentage the amount needed is around 10 million euros. Finally, it is important to point out that the payment of the unpaid invoice does not solve the root problem, it merely alleviates a situation of vulnerability which, with few exceptions, is not only a temporary problem of the home, but a chronic situation in time. For this reason, it is thought that this type of measures must be accompanied by other measures of greater depth that allow to mitigate Energy poverty. However, it must be realized that certain situations of social urgency require funds to be allocated to measures that, although mitigating, are those that can be implemented more quickly and those that allow an emergency to be dealt with immediately.
Dissertação apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Acção Humanitária, Cooperação e Desenvolvimento ; Este projecto decorre de minha experiência direta: passei seis meses trabalhando com uma ONG em uma escola em uma área rural na República da Guiné. Além do entusiasmo e da paixão, esta experiência deixou-me uma pergunta: porque a maioria das crianças que frequentam a escola primária regularmente têm enormes lacunas de modo a ser muitas vezes praticamente analfabeto? A maioria dos projetos que olhem para questões de educação em África para trazer as crianças para a escola ou para construir a própria escola, se não há. Este projeto concentra a atenção sobre o que acontece quando o aluno já está sentado no banco da escola. O que se segue destina-se a ser um estudo completo, tanto quanto possível, e uma ferramenta necessária para futuras intervenções humanitárias, em qualquer nível neste campo — de uma única escola a uma campanha nacional. Uma compreensão completa e abrangente da intervenção no território e dos destinatários é crucial para os planos para um projeto humanitário eficaz, durável e sustentável. Minha análise começa com um estudo geral sobre Guiné, indicando aspectos histórico-cultural, económico e político, juntando num último ponto minha interpretação. Na segunda etapa faz-se uma análise mais concentrada da educação na Guiné, dos contornos que envolvem o seu âmbito territorial (países de língua francesa da África sub-sahariana) quando necessário, mas também tentando apontar uma distinção que muitas vezes não é detectada entre oportunidades sócio-educativas em áreas rurais e cidades. A partir de problemas objectivos indicados nos relatórios do UNESCO Institute for Statistics, intregro minha experiência pessoal através da detecção de três problemas de base: regras Ministerial, professores, políticas de língua (focando na Guiné como um estudo de caso único e interessante). Na terceira parte, sugerir possíveis estratégias para uma mudança palpável. Para fazer isso, uso minha experiência de dois novos estudos sobre a educação de que tomei conhecimento enquanto estudante em Erasmus em Bruxelas (Université Saint-Louis). Analisando os resultados que tive a possibilidade de encontrar nos alunos que seguiram um curso de alfabetização intensivo de recuperação, detectei que a memorização era a única estratégia de ensino até agora utilizada, com resultados devastadores a nível psicológico e educacional. Através do estudo da formação de especialistas tais como Xavier Roegiers, proponho como possível abordagem a Pedagogia da Integração destinadas a proporcionar à criança conhecimentos e a permitir-lhe de aplicar os seus conhecimentos, deixando de lado a técnica da memorização que, além de causar desconforto nos jovens com insucesso, não conferia nenhuma habilidade real para os que pareciam ter sucesso. ; This project stems from my direct experience: I spent six months as a volunteer in an NGO in a rural school in the Republic of Guinea. Apart from the enthusiasm and passion, this experience has left me with a question: how can we explain that the majority of children who attend regularly primary school often have huge gaps at the point of being virtually illiterate? The majority of projects relating to the issue of education in Africa aim at bringing children to school, or plan to build these schools if they do not exist. This project focuses rather on what happens when the student is already sitting on the bench of the school. This work intends to serve as a comprehensive study, as far as possible, and as a necessary tool for future humanitarian actions, regardless of their level of intervention — it may be targeted at a single school or at a national campaign. An complete understanding and a comprehensive knowledge of the territory and beneficiaries is essential to plan a sustainable, efficient and sustainable. humanitarian project. My analysis begins with a comprehensive study on Guinea, indicating historical and cultural, economic and political aspects, and adding final note on my own interpretation. The second step consists into a more specific analysis on education in Guinea, its sphere of action and its influence at the territorial level (french-speaking countries of sub-Saharan Africa) when necessary. It also underlines a distinction that is not often detected: that between social and educational opportunities in rural areas and in cities. From the objective findings contained in the reports of the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, I have added my personal experience by detecting three fundamental problems: the government rules, the teachers praxis, and language policy (focusing on Guinea as unique and interesting case study). In the third part, I suggest possible strategies for a realistic change. To do this, I use my experience from two new studies on education that I learned on while is Erasmus in Brussels (Université Saint-Louis). I use them to analyze the results that I had the opportunity to collect on students who have followed intensive literacy classes, where I noticed that the memorization was the only strategy of education used up to now, with devastating effects at psychological and educational levels. Through the study of the materials of specialists such as Xavier Roegiers, I propose as one possible approach the Pedagogy of Integration, designed to provide the child knowledge and to enable her or him to apply this knowledge, leaving aside the memorization technique which, in addition to causing discomfort among youth in school failure, not provide any real skill for those who seem to have more success. ; Ce projet découle de mon expérience directe: j'ai passé six mois comme volontaire au sein d'une ONG dans une école en milieu rural dans la République de Guinée. En plus de l'enthousiasme et de la passion, cette expérience m'a laissé une interrogation : comment expliquer que la majorité des enfants qui fréquentent régulièrement l'école primaire ont d'énormes lacunes au point d'être souvent pratiquement analphabètes ? La majorité des projets qui ont trait à des questions d'éducation en Afrique visent à amener les enfants à l'école ou à construire ces écoles, s'il n'y en a pas. Ce projet attire plutôt l'attention sur ce qui arrive quand l'élève est déjà assis sur le banc de l'école. Ce travail est destiné à servir comme une étude complète autant que possible et un outil nécessaire pour les futures interventions humanitaires, quel que soit le niveau dans ce domaine, d'une école unique à une campagne nationale. Une compréhension complète et globale de l'intervention sur le territoire et sur les bénéficiaires est essentielle à une planification pour un projet humanitaire durable, efficace et durable. Mon analyse commence avec une étude globale sur la Guinée, en indiquant les aspects historiques et culturels, économiques et politiques, et en ajoutant en note finale ma propre interprétation. Dans la deuxième étape une analyse de façon plus ciblée l'éducation en Guinée, sa sphère d'action et son rayonnement au plan territorial (les francophones des pays de l'Afrique subsaharienne) quand nécessaire, mais on essaye aussi de souligner une distinction qui n'est souvent pas détectée entre opportunités socio-éducatives dans les zones rurales et dans les villes. À partir des constatations objectives contenues dans les rapports du UNESCO Institute for Statistics, j'intègre mon expérience personnelle en détectant les trois problèmes fondamentaux : les règles ministérielles, les enseignants, les politiques linguistiques (en se concentrant sur la Guinée comme étude de cas unique et intéressante). Dans la troisième partie, sont suggérées des stratégies possibles de changement palpable. Pour ce faire, j'utilise mon expérience de deux nouvelles études sur l'éducation acquises lors de mon séjour en Erasmus à Bruxelles (Université Saint-Louis). J'analyse des résultats que j'ai eu la possibilité de collecter sur des élèves qui ont suivi des cours d'alphabétisation intensifs de récupération, où j'ai détecté que la mémorisation était la seule stratégie d'enseignement jusqu'à maintenant utilisée, avec des effets dévastateurs au niveau psychologique et éducatif. Grâce à l'étude de la matériaux de spécialistes tels que Xavier Roegiers, je propose une approche possible à la pédagogie de l'intégration conçue pour fournir à l'enfant les connaissances et lui permettre d'appliquer ces connaissances, laissant de côté la technique de mémorisation qui, en plus de causer une gêne chez les jeunes en échec scolaire, ne confère aucune compétence réelle pour ceux qui semblent avoir plus de succès. ; Questo progetto nasce dalla mia diretta esperienza: ho passato sei mesi lavorando con una ong in una scuola in una zona rurale della Repubblica di Guinea. Oltre a tanto entusiasmo e passione questo periodo mi ha lasciato un interrogativo: perché la maggior parte dei bambini che frequentavano regolarmente la scuola primaria presentavano enormi lacune tanto da essere spesso praticamente analfabeti? La maggior parte dei progetti che guardano ai problemi dell'educazione in Africa puntano a portare i bambini a scuola o a costruirla qualora non ci fosse, io ho focalizzato la mia attenzione su quello che succede quando lo studente è già seduto al banco. Quello che segue vuole essere uno studio quanto più completo possibile, uno strumento necessario per futuri interventi umanitari a qualsiasi livello in questo campo, dalla singola scuola a una campagna nazionale. Una conoscenza approfondita e globale del territorio di intervento, dei destinatari e dei precedenti piani è fondamentale per un progetto umanitario efficace, duraturo e sostenibile. La mia analisi parte da uno studio generale sulla Guinea inquadrandone l'aspetto storico-culturale, economico e politico, unendo a quest'ultimo punto una mia chiave di lettura. Nella seconda parte passo a un'analisi più mirata dell'educazione in Guinea, inquadrandola nel suo contesto territoriale (paesi francofoni dell'Africa Sub-Sahariana) quando serve ma anche cercando di sottolineare una distinzione che spesso non viene rilevata: quella tra le possibilità socio-educative nelle zone rurali e nelle città. Partendo da problemi oggettivi emersi da rapporti dell'Unesco Institute for Statistics integro la mia personale esperienza rilevando tre nodi principali: le disposizioni ministeriali, gli insegnanti, le politiche linguistiche (che rendono la Guinea un caso di studio unico e interessante). Nella terza parte, suggerisco possibili strategie per un cambiamento tangibile. Per fare ciò utilizzo sia la mia diretta esperienza sia i nuovi studi sull'educazione di cui sono venuta a conoscenza mentre ero studente in Erasmus a Bruxelles (Université Saint-Louis). Analizzando i risultati che ho potuto riscontrare negli allievi che seguivo in un corso di recupero e alfabetizzazione intensivo ho rilevato la memorizzazione come unica strategia d'insegnamento abbia dei risultati a livello psicologico e didattico devastanti. Tramite lo studio di specialisti della formazione quali Xavier Roegiers propongo come possibile approccio la Pedagogia dell'Integrazione, volta a rendere il bambino in grado di conoscere e applicare le sue conoscenze, cancellando la tecnica della memorizzazione che, oltre a causare sconforto per i giovani che fallivano nelle prove di valutazione, non dava reali competenze a chi pareva riuscire.
This work focuses on a subject that has been of constant interest and continuing centrality in the political agendas of different national legal systems: the procedural simplification that can be ascribable to the species of interventions that belong to the broader genus of the change of public administration'. Since the '70s, the transformation of public administration, among other different possibilities, chose the ambiguous and winding path of simplification. It has been taken as a guiding principle for the entire legal system and as a prevailing logic for the process of redesigning and restructuring the administrative organization and action. Administrative simplification was a 'fashionable' topic in the '90s, and since then a 'central block' and 'driving force' of both EU and national public policies, thus becoming a technical and cultural process for reforming administration. Its aim is 'to give it a more suitable shape that is tailored to the needs of society' for which its services are indeed intended. The procedural simplification is a topic of overnational interest that in several jurisdictions has been gradually occupying larger and larger spaces in the definition of public policies, according to the shared view that the simplification of the regulatory and administrative system is a fundamental condition for of socio-economic growth. Thanks to the awareness of the notion of 'administrative risk', or rather, the sensitive 'mutual dependence' between political-administrative and economic system, as Borruso noted in the preface to the European Commission Communication Europe 2020. A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, the administrative simplification measures and, in particular, administrative procedures, have been dominating for a long time the political, legal, economic and social debates. Moreover, they are intended to occupy significant spaces in the near future, inasmuch as they are directed to keep within a threshold of 'tolerance' the inevitable organizational and functional complexity of an administration built on the principles of institutional pluralism, subsidiarity, competence and specialization, indispensability journalistic intervention, not to say of binding formalism. By establishing itself as a legal and social requirement to guarantee an administrative action that would be 'simpler, more effective, more efficient and more economical' for citizens, and by changing its status from mere collective aspiration to legal claim, the simplification of administrative procedures is an multi-faceted and poly-dimensional objective that the national legislature has pursued through different strategic actions, among which, the computerization process has been taking a central role. Not surprisingly, the development of digital administration has been considered by many as the most effective tool to simplify administrative action and respond to the issue of procedural complication. It has been sees as a process of 'review of the administrative structures and their organizational links, [.] redefinition of tasks and optimization of the capacity for work in the offices, thus achieving a reduction of the steps and the time required for the performance of administrative acting, which is what the simplification of procedures consists of. A theme which, in the first instance, concerns the balance between interests and principles. Inevitable corollary to administrative impartiality, organizational structure and the distribution of skills, the procedural complexity, which is questioned for the number of its steps and intra-procedures activities, for the time taken to achieve them and the red tape that affects citizens, it is a challenge to be answered, in general, through the use of computerization and communication tools. It is a challenge to be carried out with the accurate use of computerization and communication technologies. First of all, as its digitization is able to give an adequate response to the need to combine functional demands and requirements of simplification and rebalance the relationship between the end-protection guarantee of the interest and the duty of non-compression 'effectiveness, efficiency and economy of action that is traditionally made explicit while making the decision. From this remark, the added value that the process of computerization has shown in the policies of simplification can be understood precisely by evaluating in a negative way, how, the simplification of the administrative proceedings 'cannot be prosecuted by dequotando (non so cosa vuol dire) and debunking the rules of procedure whose positivization has represented a civilized procedural achievement. The extra value of the process of computerization among the techniques of procedural simplification – we have already said – is 'integration' between the principles of effectiveness, efficiency and economy, of certainty of timing, transparency of administrative action; the ability to overcome the limits that are connected to this principle and process of public administration reform, summarized in the principle of 'contradictory', participation, impartiality, and the necessary complete investigation; in the introduction of better modes of interaction, enabling faster and more effective relationships with participants and a greater guarantee of legal claims. In short, it consists of the ability to re-balance, at the procedural level, the relationship between the needs of the function and the requirements of guarantee of the action, often 'unbalanced ' in favor of one or the other. The 'revolutionary' aspect that we identify in the electronic administrative procedure is actually the result of a process that first passes through the definition of new information systems. The object of technological revolution is indeed information. The revolutionary aspect of computerization administration is the dynamic management of information and the possible reality of interconnected information systems that are integrated and shared, which does not mean less safe. And the verbal synthesis of a technological simplified action is the digital administrative proceedings . The digital simplification of the administrative procedure is the product of different methods of collection, use, access, transmission and communication of information, all technology-based. And administrative digital procedure is nothing but a decision-making process that takes advantage of the tools that technology puts at governments and citizens disposal. 'Neutral' tools that the legislature adopts for political purposes aiming at simplification and exercise of the rights. Tools that, precisely because they are neutral, will act in terms of reducing procedural complexity according to the quantum assumed while legislative determining, on the one hand, and enforcement by public authorities on the other. From this perspective we must look at the tools that legislators, Italian as well as Spanish, have outlined in order to give the electronically processed work the same effectiveness as the one carried out traditionally and in order to fulfill the obligation of information management procedures: from the discipline of electronic documents and the electronic signature, to the discipline of registering incoming and outgoing communications through an automated system; from the rules of the communications of documents between public administrations through the use of electronic mail to the rules for the direct acquisition of data and documents in the digital archives of public administrations; and again, to the provisions of a computer file, taken in the path as the 'centerpiece of the new mode of conducting administrative proceedings'. From this remark, the same computer file, created by national legislature as 'informative base' needed for a contextual work and shared between different subjects, 'fulfilled' with the expectations of simplification of the action and relationships, of the 'right to be known' of action both on the domestic side as on the external side, suggests, of course, a 'new' management process, but it remains only in the domain of attempt to reform if not accompanied by concrete implementation by individual administrations. It is their duty to start the processes of re-organization in order to manage the 'new' procedure based on shared information and transparent activities; on direct and immediate relationships; on a different value of time and space; on a simpler, more effective, efficient and economical, and at the same time, more able to guarantee rights and interests. The practical and proper application of these tools remains responsibility of each administration, asked to face the real challenge of procedural innovation. The following research is based on this fundamental interpretation and its methodological approach is developed, at first, starting from the acknowledgement of the legal category of the administrative procedure, the reconstruction of the lines of development and legal aspects that make of this administrative point as both action and organization, the place and the best opportunity to study the topic. Secondly, the working hypothesis is outlined. Starting from the construction of the simplification of the administrative procedure as recognition of a 'right' balance between complexity and simplicity of the action, the work continues by electing computerization as a 'form' of simplification that is able to envisage a possible solution for the problem of quality decision-making, resulting from the balance between the quantum and guarantees of effectiveness and efficiency of the action. In a third passage, we deal with the administrative digital proceedings, with particular attention to the developments which, from different management information mechanisms can derived in terms of modes of action that can develop horizontally, network-like or shared among stakeholders of the exercise of power. Finally, on the same lines, the work is enriched by the experience of the Spanish structure, in order to strengthen the thoughts on digital simplification of the procedure from a comparative perspective, which is always essential for the development of the research. From this point of view, the analysis of different time frequency of the stages of computerization in the two systems is an important key. The comparative analysis, despite showing an initial protagonism of the Italian legislator who, with the adoption of Digital Administration Code, anticipated a correct vision of modernization and initiated the 'transformation' of digital government, displays, in a second stage, a slowdown in the process, whereas it has a reverse path in the Spanish system, which, after assimilating the Italian model, proved able to proceed to the state of implementation with a more sustained dynamism and in shorter time. In the Spanish system what played an important role was the 'codification' of the awareness of the need for a transition phase, in which the digital system coexisted side by side with the paper-based system rather than automatically superseding it. This phase based on flexibitly proved to be effective for the change in the administrative system. First as a system of relations of public and private entities. Precisely this relational paradigm, in the analysis that is proposed here, has been the core of the thesis. This paradigm is both a thread of the investigation and the space where all the different approaches and issues related to procedural matters converge. The democratic nature of the administrative action, the implementation of the principles of impartiality and the participation in the Administrative Procedure Law, the introduction and the vindication of private sector criteria of efficiency, effectiveness and economy of the public actions are the background to the conclusion that the procedural simplification is primarily 'simplification of the interaction'. All these elements also frame the structural and functional reorganization that the digitization process requires, and, at the same time, develops, in an eminently relational perspective; of a 'new' way of building and developing inner relationships within the administration, between different administrations and between them and the citizens.
Doktrinde anlaşmazlık ve uyuşmazlık terimlerini genellikle birbirinin yerine kullanılmasına rağmen, bu iki terim arasında önemli bir farklılık bulunmaktadır. Anlaşmazlık, birbirine zıt veya düşmanca bir durum ya da bir mücadele veya kavga olarak tanımlanır. Bir uyuşmazlık, dava konusu olabilen meseleler şeklinde ortaya çıkan bir anlaşmazlık çeşidi olarak görülebilir. Uyuşmazlık, müzakere, arabuluculuk veya üçüncü kişinin hüküm vermesi yoluyla çözülebilecek meseleler üzerinde anlaşmazlığa düşülmesini gerektirir. Uyuşmazlık karşı tarafa açıklanan, kişiler arası bir anlaşmazlıktır. Bir anlaşmazlık, birbirine uyumayan bir durumun anlaşılması veya çatışan bir talepte bulunulması şeklinde bir kişiye beyan edilmedikçe uyuşmazlığa dönüşmeyebilir. Alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü (ADR), mahkemeler tarafından uygulanan şeklî mücadeleci usûllerden, şeklî olmayan usûllere doğru bir yönelişi temsil eder. ADR, dünya çapındaki adalete ulaşma hareketinin çatısı altında görülebilir. ADR nin doğuşu Birleşik Devletler de 1970 e kadar uzanır. Federal bölge mahkemelerinde uygulanan ilk arabuluculuk ve tahkim programı 1970 tarihlidir. Buna ek olarak ADR de diğer bir gelişme 1988?de Birleşik Devletler Kongresinin on adet bölge mahkemesinde zorunlu tahkim programı kurması ve diğer on adet bölge mahkemesini gönüllü tahkim programı oluşturması için yetkilendirmesiyle görülmüştür. ADR nin hızlı gelişimine katkıda bulunan büyük bir etken, 1976 da Amerika Barolar Birliğince düzenlenen Adalet Yönetimindeki Kamusal Tatminsizliklerin Nedenleri Hakkında Ulusal Konferans olmuştur. Bu konferansta, uyuşmazlık çözümündeki alternatif usûllerin, özellikle arabuluculuk ve tahkimin, tıkanmış halde bulunan mah-kemeleri rahatlatacağı, uyuşmazlıkların çözüm süresini kısaltacağı ve giderlerini asgariye indireceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Arabuluculuk hizmeti sunan mahalli adalet merkezlerinin ve çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı programlarının kurulması teşvik edilmiştir. Çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı terimi (ya da çok seçenekli ADR), bir dizi seçimlik uyuşmazlık çözüm usûlü sunan mahkemeleri ifade eder. Bu programlar, ihtilaflı tarafları, onlar için en uygun olan uyuşmazlık çözüm yöntemine yönlendirirler. Bunlar: Kolaylaştırma, arabuluculuk veya tahkimdir. Bazı çok seçenekli mahkeme teşkilatı prog-ramları belli türdeki bütün davaları belirli bir ADR programına havale et-mekteyken, diğer bazı programlar davacılara seçimlik bir liste sunmaktadırlar. ADR, uyuşmazlık çözümü için mahkemeler vasıtasıyla yürütülen davalarda alternatif olarak işleyen, genellikle tarafsız bir üçüncü kişinin aracılığı ve yardımını içeren bir dizi usûller olarak tanımlanır. Doktrine göre ADR usûlleri aşağıdaki yararları içerebilir: 1. Mahkemelerin iş yükünü ve giderlerini azaltmak, 2. tarafların yargılama için harcadıkları giderleri ve zamanı azaltmak, 3. topluluklara veya tarafların ailelerine zarar veren uyuşmazlıkların hızlı bir şekilde çözümünü sağlamak, 4. bireylerin adalet sisteminden daha iyi bir şekilde tatmin olmasını sağlamak, 5. tarafların ihtiyaçlarına uygun olan çözümleri teşvik etmek, 6. tarafların uyuşmazlık çözüm usûllerine gönüllü olarak uymalarını sağlamak, 7. komşuluk ve topluluk değerlerini ve toplulukların ilişkilerini onarmak, 8. ihtilaflı taraflarca ulaşılabilecek usûller oluşturmak, 9. halka, uyuşmazlıkların çözümünde ihlâl ya da dava yolu yerine daha etkili olan usûlleri denemelerini öğretmek, ADR tarafların bir araya getirilmesinde pek çok farklı yöntem gerektirir; bununla birlikte temel ADR usûlleri arabuluculuk ve müzakeredir. Arabuluculuk ve uzlaştırma terimleri eş anlamlı olarak kullanılırlar. Arabuluculuk (veya uzlaştırma), tarafların bir anlaşmayı müzakere etmeleri için onlara yardım eden tarafsız bir üçüncü kişice gerçekleştirilen bağlayıcı olmayan bir müdahaledir. Üç tür arabuluculuk vardır. Bunlar geleneksel arabuluculuk, yargısal arabuluculuk ve modern arabuluculuktur. Arabulucunun yapısı ve işlevi, arabuluculuk usûlünü diğer uyuşmazlık çözüm usûllerinden ayırmaktadır. Arabulucu bir kolaylaştırıcıdır. Arabulucu, ihtilaflı konular üzerindeki kendi kararını taraflara dikte etmemelidir. Arabulucululuk esnek yapısıyla şekillenerek farklı bir usûl haline bürünür. Arabulucunun yaklaşımı doğrudan veya dolaylı ya da bunların arasında bir usûlde kendini gösterebilir. Arabuluculukta bir ya da birden fazla oturum olabilir. Arabuluculuyla caucuses adında ayrı toplantılar yapılabilir. Arabuluculuk oturumları gizlidir ve tarafların iletişimine yadım etmek amacıyla gerçekleştirilir. Arabuluculuk geliştikçe, kolaylaştırma ve değerlendirme arabuluculuğu gibi farklı arabuluculuk türleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Mahkeme veya arabulucu tarafından hangi arabuluculuk modelinin izlendiğine bakılmaksızın, arabuluculuk usûllerinin çoğu aşağıdaki aşamaları izler: Arabuluculuk öncesi aşama, arabuluculuk aşaması ve arabuluculuk sonrası aşama. Türk hukuk sisteminde Avukatlık Kanunu, Ceza Muhakemesi Kanunu, İş Kanunu, Tüketicinin Korunması Hakkında Kanun ve Vergi Usûl Kanunu gibi kanunlarda ADR ile doğrudan ilgili düzenlemeler bulunmaktadır. Türk hukukunda, ADR ye ilişkin iki temel düzenleme mevcuttur. ADR yi destekleyen ilk yasal düzenleme Avukatlık Kanunundadır. Avukatlık Kanunu nun 35/A maddesine göre, müvekkilin talep etmesi halinde bir avukat, dava veya duruşma başlamadan önce ihtilaflı tarafları uzlaştırabilir. Kanun, tarafların uzlaştırma süreci sonunda bir anlaşmaya varmaları halinde, taraflar ve avukatların uyuşmazlığı çözen bir yazılı anlaşma yapmalarını hükme bağlamıştır. Uzlaşma tutanağı olarak adlandırılan bu anlaşma avukatlar ve müvekkillerince imzalanır. Uzlaşma tutanağı diğer mahkeme hü-kümleri gibi icra edilebilir. İkinci düzenleme, 1 Nisan 2005 te yürürlüğe giren yeni Ceza Muhake-mesi Kanunu ve Ceza Kanununda bulunmaktadır. Ceza Muhakemesi Kanununun 253. maddesi ve Ceza Kanununun 73. maddesi, savcının veya hâkimin kararına bağlı olarak, bir ceza davasında mağdur-fail uzlaştırmasına ilişkin hükümler içermektedir. Sadece takibi şikâyete bağlı suçlar uzlaştırmaya uygundur. Kanımca, ADR Türk yargı sisteminde medenî hukuk, ticaret hukuku ve ceza hukuku uyuşmazlıklarının çözümünde temel bir işleve sahip olacaktır; zira, yargılama üzerinde çalışan veya dava yolunda büyük güçlüklerle karşılan avukatlar, ADR nin, hukuk davalarının tamamına teşmil edilmesini be-lemektedirler. Hukuk Muhakemeleri Kanunu hâlen, ADR nin kullanılması için gereken yetkiyi vermemektedir. Ancak, ADR yollarının hukuk davalarının tamamında kullanılması için, Hukuk Muhakemeleri Kanunda geniş bir yetki verilmesi gereklidir. Yakın bir gelecekte, özel hukukun bütün alanlarında ADR nin daha önemli ve merkezî bir rol oynayacağı açıktır. There is an essential distinction between conflicts and disputes, though the literature often uses the two terms interchangeably. Conflict is defined as a stole of opposition or hostilities a fight or struggle. A dispute may be viewed as a class or kind of conflict which manifests itself in distinct, justiciable issues. It involves disagreement over issues capable of resolution by negotiation, mediation or third party adjudication. A dispute is an interpersonal conflict that is communicated or manifested. A conflict may not become a dispute if it is not communicated to someone in the form of a perceived incompatibility or a contested claim. Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) represents a movement, away from formal adversarial proceedings on the part of the courts, toward informal processes. ADR can be seen as lying within the framework of the world-wide access-to-justice movement. The beginning of ADR is usually traced to the 1970s in the United States. In the federal district courts, the first mediation and arbitration programs date from the 1970s. Additional expansion of ADR occurred in 1988 when the United States congress authorized ten district courts to implement mandatory arbitration programs and an additional ten to establish voluntary arbitration programs. A major impetus for ADR s rapid growth was a 1976 American Bar Association sponsored National Conference on the Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice. The Conference concluded that alternative forms of dispute resolution, in particular mediation and arbitration, would ease congested courts, reduce settlement time, and minimize costs. The development of neighborhood justice centers (which practice mediation) and multi-door courthouse programs were encouraged. The terms of multi-door courthouse or multi-option ADR describe courts that offer an array of dispute resolution options. These programs direct disputants to the most appropriate dispute-resolving mechanism: facilitation, mediation or arbitration. Some multi-door courthouses refer all cases of certain types to particular ADR programs, while others offer litigants a menu of options. ADR is defined as a range of procedures that serve as alternatives to litigation through the courts for the resolution of disputes, generally involving the intercession and assistance of a neutral and impartial third party. Accordingly in literature the benefits provided by ADR processes may include: 1. lower court caseloads and expenses, 2. reduce the parties? expenses and time, 3. provide speedy settlement of those disputes that were disruptive of the community or the lives of the parties? families, 4. improve public satisfaction with the justice system, 5. encourage resolutions that were suited to the parties? needs, 6. increase voluntary compliance with resolutions, 7. restore the influence of neighborhood and community values and the cohesiveness of communities, 8. provide accessible forums to people with disputes, and 9. teach the public to try more effective processes than violence or litigant for settling disputes. ADR involves many different techniques of bringing parties together, however the main ADR processes are negotiation and mediation. The terms mediation and conciliation are used synonymously. Mediation (or conciliation) is the non-binding intervention by a neutral third party who helps the disputants negotiate an agreement. These are traditional mediation, judicial mediation and modern mediation. The nature and role of the mediator is what distinguishes the process of mediation from other dispute resolution processes. The mediator is a facilitator. The mediator should not impose his or her own judgment of the issues upon that of the parties. Mediation is characterized by its flexibility, taking shape in a variety of models. Mediator approach may manifest in either directive or non directive fashion, or somewhere in between. There may be only one session or several. There may or may not be separate meetings, called caucuses, with the mediator. Mediation sessions are confidential and structured to help parties communicate. As mediations develops, distinct mediation strategies such as facilitative and evaluate are emerging. Regardless of which mediation model a court or mediator follows, most mediations progress through the following stages: Pre-mediation phase, the mediation proper and post-mediation phase. There are direct interested provisions about ADR in the Turkish law system such as Code of Lawyer, Code of Criminal Procedure, Code of Labor, Code of Consumer Protection, and Code of Tax Procedure. There are two main provisions on ADR in the Turkish Law. The first statutory provision that supports ADR is in the Code of Lawyer. According to the article 35/A of the Code of Lawyer if the client claims for conciliation, an attorney may invite the opposite sides to conciliation when the case or the trial is not commenced. If the parties reach an agreement at the end of the conciliation, the statue provides that the parties and the attorneys will execute a written agreement disposing of the dispute. The agreement called conciliation minute? signed by clients and their attorneys. Conciliation minute is enforceable in the same manner as any other final judgment. The second provision is in the new Code of Criminal Procedure and in the Penal Code which came into force on June 1, 2005. Article 253 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and article 73 of the Penal Code, contain provisions about victim-offender mediation in a criminal case, depend on a decision by the prosecution or the judge. Only offenses which can be prosecuted by the public prosecutor only upon complaint of the injured party are suitable for mediation. In my view, ADR will be recognized in Turkish judicial system as having a fundamental role to play in the resolution of civil, commercial and criminal disputes. Because lawyers who work on trials or those who encounter enormous difficulties in litigation expect the ADR to be extended to all civil cases. Nowadays, the Code of Civil Procedure does not provide necessary authority to use ADR. However, a broad authority for using ADR process in all civil actions must be given in the Code of Civil Procedure. It is clear that in all fields of civil dispute resolution ADR will play a central and rather important role in the near future.
Article ; On August 5, 2010 Kenyans adopted a new constitution by the approval of almost 70% of voters. This was the culmination of almost two decades of mainly non-violent struggle for constitutional reform. Kenya's previous constitution was anomalous from a structural violence perspective. Johan Galtung defines structural violence as existing in those conditions in which human beings are influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realizations. Kenya is not currently in a state of war but it could also be argued that neither does peace prevail. A central theme of this essay is that peace is more than simply the absence of war. Kenya's previous constitution had ceased to meet the needs and expectations of Kenyan society and therefore became a major source of structural conflict. A central theme throughout this essay is therefore that it is the constitutional conflicts that have given rise to the need to overhaul the current constitution, although whether such an overhaul is necessary is itself sometimes debated.Whereas constitutional issues have been widely analyzed from other perspectives, such as legal and political-science perspectives, there is a dearth of literature on constitutional reform issues that adopts a conflict-theory perspective.This essay applies the tools of conflict theory to shed light on the process of Kenyan constitutional conflicts.However, in the application of analyti-cal tools in conflict, fundamental epistemological issues are also raised.Constitutional reform is ultimately about a fundamental paradigm shift. A constitution can be viewed as a paradigm that defines the way relationships in society are organized. An existing constitutional paradigm is acceptable as long as it adequately reflects the aspirations and expectations of a given society.However, social dynamism implies that constitutions will over time begin to develop significant anomalies, thereby making an existing constitutional paradigm inadequate and obsolete.This essay is therefore to some extent concerned with the epistemology of constitutional conflicts.Other fundamental epistemological debates, such as whether conflict is subjective or objective, also inform this essay. The rationale behind adopting a conflict perspective in this essay is that conflict is ultimately about incompatibilities of goals. The incompatibility of goals is fundamental to the existence of conflict situations, whether one is dealing with structural or behavioral conflict.The more valuable the objectives being sought, the more intense is the conflict.The central constitutional conflicts Kenya has experienced for the last two decades are fundamentally about incompatibilities of goals among different actors involved in the constitutional review process.These conflicts have often been particularly intense, albeit mainly at a structural level because of the value of the objectives involved.A fundamental objective of value, which for a long time intensified constitutional conflicts in Kenya, has been the distribution of power, particularly executive power, implied by alternative constitutional arrangements. The constitution has often been seen as a power map whereby the constitutional order became not an arbiter in the power process, but a fundamental element in political warfare. These constitutional conflicts have continued even after the adoption in 2010 of a new constitution. Recent constitutional conflicts in Kenya have focused on the implementation of the new constitutional order. Advocates of deep-rooted change have resisted the implementation of the new constitutional order or have sought to dilute some of its provisions at the implementation stage to retain the status quo. Conflict is an intrinsic and inevitable component of social change. Conflict is an expression of a diversity of interests, values and beliefs that emerge as new structures generated by social change come up against established constraints.This implies that Kenya's constitutional conflicts are part of its social change process and indeed should be seen in this context.These conflicts on a very fundamental level represent the challenge posed by a new constitutional dispensation to the existing social structures whereby elites with vested interests seek to preserve the status quo. The reward structure in such societies is a built-in transfer of value from underdog to the topdog, where the latter inevitably gets more than his due through a process of accumulation. When an existing structure is threatened, those who benefit from the accompanying structural violence particularly a country's elite will try to preserve the status quo which serves their interests. The challenge to the status quo posed by deep-rooted constitutional reform and the attendant resistance to reform attempts by Kenya's political elite is a fundamental theme of constitutional conflicts in Kenya, even after the adoption of a new constitutional order in 2010. This essay proceeds by developing the philosophical basis for the notion that peace is more than the absence of war. This is a central theme of the paper, since Kenya is currently not in a state of war; but it is vital to consider whether this implies that Kenya is at peace. It then considers the subjective/objective debate, which analyzes whether a conflict needs to be perceived in order for it to exist. This debate is central to understanding the idea that peace is more than the absence of war. The fundamental theme of the paper, which is the philosophy of non-violence, is then analyzed. The application of non-violence in addressing Kenya's constitutional conflicts over the last two decades is then considered. The vital linkages that occur between non-violence and direct violence are then critically appraised. The essay concludes by briefly considering some case studies from other African countries, so as to provide an assessment of non-violence as a means of achieving needed social change. ; On August 5, 2010 Kenyans adopted a new constitution by the approval of almost 70% of voters. This was the culmination of almost two decades of mainly non-violent struggle for constitutional reform. Kenya's previous constitution was anomalous from a structural violence perspective. Johan Galtung defines structural violence as existing in those conditions in which human beings are influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realizations. Kenya is not currently in a state of war but it could also be argued that neither does peace prevail. A central theme of this essay is that peace is more than simply the absence of war. Kenya's previous constitution had ceased to meet the needs and expectations of Kenyan society and therefore became a major source of structural conflict. A central theme throughout this essay is therefore that it is the constitutional conflicts that have given rise to the need to overhaul the current constitution, although whether such an overhaul is necessary is itself sometimes debated.Whereas constitutional issues have been widely analyzed from other perspectives, such as legal and political-science perspectives, there is a dearth of literature on constitutional reform issues that adopts a conflict-theory perspective.This essay applies the tools of conflict theory to shed light on the process of Kenyan constitutional conflicts.However, in the application of analyti-cal tools in conflict, fundamental epistemological issues are also raised.Constitutional reform is ultimately about a fundamental paradigm shift. A constitution can be viewed as a paradigm that defines the way relationships in society are organized. An existing constitutional paradigm is acceptable as long as it adequately reflects the aspirations and expectations of a given society.However, social dynamism implies that constitutions will over time begin to develop significant anomalies, thereby making an existing constitutional paradigm inadequate and obsolete.This essay is therefore to some extent concerned with the epistemology of constitutional conflicts.Other fundamental epistemological debates, such as whether conflict is subjective or objective, also inform this essay. The rationale behind adopting a conflict perspective in this essay is that conflict is ultimately about incompatibilities of goals. The incompatibility of goals is fundamental to the existence of conflict situations, whether one is dealing with structural or behavioral conflict.The more valuable the objectives being sought, the more intense is the conflict.The central constitutional conflicts Kenya has experienced for the last two decades are fundamentally about incompatibilities of goals among different actors involved in the constitutional review process.These conflicts have often been particularly intense, albeit mainly at a structural level because of the value of the objectives involved.A fundamental objective of value, which for a long time intensified constitutional conflicts in Kenya, has been the distribution of power, particularly executive power, implied by alternative constitutional arrangements. The constitution has often been seen as a power map whereby the constitutional order became not an arbiter in the power process, but a fundamental element in political warfare. These constitutional conflicts have continued even after the adoption in 2010 of a new constitution. Recent constitutional conflicts in Kenya have focused on the implementation of the new constitutional order. Advocates of deep-rooted change have resisted the implementation of the new constitutional order or have sought to dilute some of its provisions at the implementation stage to retain the status quo. Conflict is an intrinsic and inevitable component of social change. Conflict is an expression of a diversity of interests, values and beliefs that emerge as new structures generated by social change come up against established constraints.This implies that Kenya's constitutional conflicts are part of its social change process and indeed should be seen in this context.These conflicts on a very fundamental level represent the challenge posed by a new constitutional dispensation to the existing social structures whereby elites with vested interests seek to preserve the status quo. The reward structure in such societies is a built-in transfer of value from underdog to the topdog, where the latter inevitably gets more than his due through a process of accumulation. When an existing structure is threatened, those who benefit from the accompanying structural violence particularly a country's elite will try to preserve the status quo which serves their interests. The challenge to the status quo posed by deep-rooted constitutional reform and the attendant resistance to reform attempts by Kenya's political elite is a fundamental theme of constitutional conflicts in Kenya, even after the adoption of a new constitutional order in 2010. This essay proceeds by developing the philosophical basis for the notion that peace is more than the absence of war. This is a central theme of the paper, since Kenya is currently not in a state of war; but it is vital to consider whether this implies that Kenya is at peace. It then considers the subjective/objective debate, which analyzes whether a conflict needs to be perceived in order for it to exist. This debate is central to understanding the idea that peace is more than the absence of war. The fundamental theme of the paper, which is the philosophy of non-violence, is then analyzed. The application of non-violence in addressing Kenya's constitutional conflicts over the last two decades is then considered. The vital linkages that occur between non-violence and direct violence are then critically appraised. The essay concludes by briefly considering some case studies from other African countries, so as to provide an assessment of non-violence as a means of achieving needed social change
Russian' survey of 2005 was conducted under the auspices of Russian Research. Fieldwork took place between 23 March and 20 April 2005. The number of respondents was 2000, selected according to the agency's normal sampling procedures; it was representative of the population aged 18 and over, using a multistage proportional method with a random route method of selecting households. Interviews were conducted face to face in respondents' homes. The sample was then weighted in accordance with sex, age and education in each region. The agency's standard procedures were employed to check the completion of questionnaires and the logical consistency of the data. Our 1993 survey was conducted by ROMIR between November 1993 and January 1994 (n=2141) with the financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council under grant R233538 to William L. Miller, Stephen White and Paul Heywood; a full account appears in Miller et al. (1998). In Belarus, our 2006 survey was conducted by the Centre for Sociological and Political Research of the Belarusian State University between 5 and 19 June 2006, n=1000, drawn from 57 different settlements. Respondents were interviewed face to face in their homes, and 12 per cent of interviews were checked by a second visit. The sample was designed on the basis of the 2005 Belarusian statistical yearbook, and then weighted by gender, age, education and place of residence. Our 2006 survey in Ukraine was conducted by Russian Research on similar principles between 24 April and 12 May 2006, n=1600. There were 385 sampling points and 163 interviewers with an average number of interviews in each case of 10; 20 per cent of the interviews were randomly selected for verification. Our 2005 Russian survey has been deposited with the UK Data Archive, where the data files and documentation may be consulted; our 2006 surveys will be deposited in the same repository. Overall, we find that communist nostalgia matters. Most Russians (but not most Belarasians or Ukrainians) regret the demise of the USSR, without necessarily wishing to return to it. President Putin has himself described the collapse of the USSR as the 'greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century' (Rossiiskaya gazeta 26 Apr 2005: 4), and surveys have found a consistently positive view of the USSR in retrospect, and of a closer degree of integration in the future. Belarusians and Ukrainians are less concerned about the demise of the USSR (it was obviously incompatible with the independence they had obtained in 1991), and less likely to support the formation of a unitary state of CIS member countries, but they strongly supported a closer degree of cooperation; very few, in any case, thought the CIS should be dissolved. Generally, it was a 'more democratic Soviet system' that was the most strongly supported form of government across the three countries, but a broadly market-based economy had more support than a command economy of the traditional kind. This was a differentiated, not a simple view of the communist legacy. But wherever the mass public offered support to the Soviet state and the economic and political principles on which it had been based, those who regretted the demise of the USSR were even more likely to do so. More than could be explained by random variation, they were more likely than other respondents to favour the restoration of a wholly Soviet system of government, more likely to favour a Soviet-type economy, and more likely (almost by definition) to support the formation of a unitary state on the basis of the CIS member countries. Regretting the demise of the USSR also made a strong contribution, all other things being equal, to the patterns of electoral support that were apparent at the 2003 Russian and 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary elections. Nostalgics were much more likely to support parties of the left, or at least those that favoured public ownership, a Soviet or at least 'more democratic Soviet' system of government, and a closer association among the former Soviet republics; they were much less likely to support the parties that favoured a 'civilised divorce', a wholly market economy, and Western-style democracy. 'Communist nostalgia', at the same time, had to be disaggregated. There were very different views about the restoration of a unitary state in Russia and in Belarus and Ukraine, where it was incompatible with their newly acquired independence. There was support for a 'more democratic Soviet' system of government, but at the same time for the principles of the market economy. In the Baltic republics there were particularly low levels of nostalgia for the days of the USSR, but relatively high levels of support for a 'strong man' who would govern without much reference to elected institutions. Not many, in the postcommunist or indeed in the late Soviet period, wanted a single party that exercised a political monopoly, or restrictions on what they could say. But there was a much larger constituency for full employment, low prices, comprehensive social welfare, and a state that took direct responsibility for economic management. In none of these three countries had there been a widely supported movement for the overthrow of Soviet rule; in each of them there was considerable support, in retrospect, for many of the principles on which it had been based; and attitudes of this kind had a substantial influence on the choices that were made when elections offered an opportunity to express a view about the future direction of national policy. ; Russian' survey of 2005 was conducted under the auspices of Russian Research. Fieldwork took place between 23 March and 20 April 2005. The number of respondents was 2000, selected according to the agency's normal sampling procedures; it was representative of the population aged 18 and over, using a multistage proportional method with a random route method of selecting households. Interviews were conducted face to face in respondents' homes. The sample was then weighted in accordance with sex, age and education in each region. The agency's standard procedures were employed to check the completion of questionnaires and the logical consistency of the data. Our 1993 survey was conducted by ROMIR between November 1993 and January 1994 (n=2141) with the financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council under grant R233538 to William L. Miller, Stephen White and Paul Heywood; a full account appears in Miller et al. (1998). In Belarus, our 2006 survey was conducted by the Centre for Sociological and Political Research of the Belarusian State University between 5 and 19 June 2006, n=1000, drawn from 57 different settlements. Respondents were interviewed face to face in their homes, and 12 per cent of interviews were checked by a second visit. The sample was designed on the basis of the 2005 Belarusian statistical yearbook, and then weighted by gender, age, education and place of residence. Our 2006 survey in Ukraine was conducted by Russian Research on similar principles between 24 April and 12 May 2006, n=1600. There were 385 sampling points and 163 interviewers with an average number of interviews in each case of 10; 20 per cent of the interviews were randomly selected for verification. Our 2005 Russian survey has been deposited with the UK Data Archive, where the data files and documentation may be consulted; our 2006 surveys will be deposited in the same repository. Overall, we find that communist nostalgia matters. Most Russians (but not most Belarasians or Ukrainians) regret the demise of the USSR, without necessarily wishing to return to it. President Putin has himself described the collapse of the USSR as the 'greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century' (Rossiiskaya gazeta 26 Apr 2005: 4), and surveys have found a consistently positive view of the USSR in retrospect, and of a closer degree of integration in the future. Belarusians and Ukrainians are less concerned about the demise of the USSR (it was obviously incompatible with the independence they had obtained in 1991), and less likely to support the formation of a unitary state of CIS member countries, but they strongly supported a closer degree of cooperation; very few, in any case, thought the CIS should be dissolved. Generally, it was a 'more democratic Soviet system' that was the most strongly supported form of government across the three countries, but a broadly market-based economy had more support than a command economy of the traditional kind. This was a differentiated, not a simple view of the communist legacy. But wherever the mass public offered support to the Soviet state and the economic and political principles on which it had been based, those who regretted the demise of the USSR were even more likely to do so. More than could be explained by random variation, they were more likely than other respondents to favour the restoration of a wholly Soviet system of government, more likely to favour a Soviet-type economy, and more likely (almost by definition) to support the formation of a unitary state on the basis of the CIS member countries. Regretting the demise of the USSR also made a strong contribution, all other things being equal, to the patterns of electoral support that were apparent at the 2003 Russian and 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary elections. Nostalgics were much more likely to support parties of the left, or at least those that favoured public ownership, a Soviet or at least 'more democratic Soviet' system of government, and a closer association among the former Soviet republics; they were much less likely to support the parties that favoured a 'civilised divorce', a wholly market economy, and Western-style democracy. 'Communist nostalgia', at the same time, had to be disaggregated. There were very different views about the restoration of a unitary state in Russia and in Belarus and Ukraine, where it was incompatible with their newly acquired independence. There was support for a 'more democratic Soviet' system of government, but at the same time for the principles of the market economy. In the Baltic republics there were particularly low levels of nostalgia for the days of the USSR, but relatively high levels of support for a 'strong man' who would govern without much reference to elected institutions. Not many, in the postcommunist or indeed in the late Soviet period, wanted a single party that exercised a political monopoly, or restrictions on what they could say. But there was a much larger constituency for full employment, low prices, comprehensive social welfare, and a state that took direct responsibility for economic management. In none of these three countries had there been a widely supported movement for the overthrow of Soviet rule; in each of them there was considerable support, in retrospect, for many of the principles on which it had been based; and attitudes of this kind had a substantial influence on the choices that were made when elections offered an opportunity to express a view about the future direction of national policy.
The project is based on the possibilities of a form of 'table-top' video sculpture, part architectural model, part video installation. Four of these 'table-top' pieces are be arranged in a darkened gallery, each simultaneously projecting perfectly synchronised, choreographed video sequences of the interior of four related architectural spaces. Each location has been shot using a repertoire of specific camera 'moves'. These movements were devised in strict relation to the particularity of the spaces and their features and are physically subject to the building itself. For this we had custom built two camera mounts - a three axis 360-degree pan and tilt head and a dolly or 'sled' to use balustrades or handrails as guides for tracking. With these devices the building were be literally used as the armature for a mobile camera. We were interested in architectural locations that are stylistically related, with strong linear organisation yet with distinctly different functions. We identified the work of Erich Mendelsohn and in particular the De La Warr Pavilion in Bexhill on Sea, the Schocken Department store building in Chemnitz, The Metal Workers' Union (IGM) Building in Berlin and the B'nai Amoona Synagogue in St. Louis, USA, (now the Centre of Contemporary Arts). Each of these 'signature' buildings offers the potential for treatment - curving stairways, projecting mezzanine floors etc. as well as being of significance beyond, in terms of architectural modernism, European design and European history. In addition to the three European buildings, the B'nai Amoona Synagogue, while not completing the story, more fully plots Mendlesohn's career; his origins in the East, his work in West Germany, his flight to England, and eventual residence in America. Obviously this is a story which is not untypical of that generation and that historical moment. Its significance is considerable in terms of the European influence on American art and design and the shift of a perceived centre, away from Europe, through the work of other celebrated German émigré architects such as Mies Van der Rohe and Walter Gropius. The video footage has been edited 'across' the three screens of each of the four table top 'models' to produce a fluid space in which the architecture of the building, and the experience of it, are re-drawn through the synchronised, continuous movement of three points of view, in, and across the four sites simultaneously. The work aims to construct an analogy between the serpentine fluidity of Mendelsohn's buildings, as canonical modernist architecture, the complex significance of the buildings and the 'motion-path' of a camera as it glides through this space. Formally, Motion Path engages with the problem of how to film a building - the relationship between cinematic poetics, that is; how to approach a building cinematically, and documentary; how to fuse the factual documentary film or the industrial film with abstract cinema? Initially we were interested in using work we had developed based on the idea of a virtual camera in a 3D computer-modelling programme. We wanted to attempt to move a camera through a real building as if it were in a digital 'fly through'. Here a number of connections can be made. Firstly; the history of architectural film and the use of film to introduce the public to modernist architecture; the idea of architectural film speaking directly to the public and generating an experience of modernist architecture that remained true to the characteristics of the building, and was perhaps even superior to the direct experience of that building (the space in it's idealised form). Examples here would be the films of Pierre Chenal, Man Ray and Hans Richter that emphasise the dynamics of modernist architecture. Their emphasis is on movement and circulation in order to experience the building as a set of changing relationships between vistas, voids, solids and apertures. Secondly there is much academic and historical writing on the links between architecture and film, and in particular the connection between the moving, restless camera in early architectural film and the distracted gaze of the spectator of architectural modernism. Here film is seen as the ideal medium for rendering the dynamism of modern architecture and the connection between the roving camera and the mobile spectator as detailed in Beatriz Colomina's work on Le Corb and the architectural promenade are important. A final example of the context to the work to note is the recent publication in England of 'Zoomscapes; Architecture in Motion and Media' by Mitchell Schwarzer (Princeton) which presents many very interesting and closely related ideas - specifically the ways in which architecture is not solely experienced through the direct encounter with a built space but equally (if not predominantly) from the car, train or plane and through its representation in film, TV and photography. On Mendelsohn's 'America: An Architect's Picturebook' of 1926, he suggests that: "it focuses on the precise appearance of individual structures. A leading German architect of the interwar period, Mendelsohn was less interested in covering the totality of the modern city than in disseminating captivating visual information. In a review of the book, El Lissitzky writes, "a first leafing through the pages thrills us like a dramatic film. Before our eyes move pictures that are absolutely unique. In order to understand some of the photographs you must lift the book over your head and rotate it. The architect shows us America not from a distance but from within, as he leads us into the canyon of its streets". The relationship to the project is striking and is one of many connections that have emerged as the project has progressed. We are interested in Mendlesohn's public buildings for several reasons. Firstly; their extraordinary fluidity that seems to invite, demand even, a mobile gaze and the architectural language Mendlesohn uses in a deliberate way to captivate the viewer or user. (The demand to promenade is most apparent in the department store and particularly the seaside pavilion) Secondly; the ways his buildings aimed to render visible, or perform, ideological claims in terms of a syntax of use - the way the buildings were designed around the idea of a circulation and movement that is rhetorical. For instance, Mendlesohn designed the Metalworkers Union building to make visible the social and political claims of the union - the workers and union officials move through the building in a way that enacts the principles of democratic decision-making. Similarly he designed the St. Louis synagogue to render visible the idea of a community of faith, merging school with temple and community centre. The temple itself is organised around a 'spine' of light flooding from the Torah Shrine upwards and across the curve of the ceiling. The shooting, completed in December 2005 was helped greatly by the current users or owners of the buildings; Renee Dressner of the GGG (a Germany agency not unlike English Heritage in Britain), Peter Senft of the IGM (the German Metal Workers' Union) and Kathryn Adamchick in St. Louis, and Celia Davies at De La Warr Pavilion. All provided us with every practical help we needed as well extensive historical information about the buildings. In Berlin we were told a great deal about the relationship between the design and how it is intended to embody the ideological priorities of the union - the stairway in particular being the means by which the general membership moves from the street to the congress hall at the top of the building to then pass down its decisions to the offices below. Similarly the role that each building plays in the history and 'self-image' of the respective towns and cities, as well as their histories of use, reuse, decline and refurbishment, is of great interest. Much of what we were told by the numerous people we met does not exist in print, in English translation at least, as far as we are aware. It is of great relevance to the work and suggests the value of a catalogue documenting the work and presenting this research in the future. That the four buildings are either involved in or have a history of restoration, 'adaptive re-use' and refurbishment is also a very productive coincidence. The GGG in Chemnitz are yet to begin the planned refurbishment of the Schocken building, it is currently empty and suffering from its earlier neglect. The IGM building was entirely rebuilt after the Second World War (during which it was destroyed, as a Nazi Workers headquarters, by the Red Army as they captured Berlin) and is in beautiful condition. The De La Warr Pavilion benefits from a recently completed refurbishment and development, and the B'nai Amoona is currently undergoing some alterations. There is a 'sub-textual' importance to this ongoing process and as we have recognised it we shot the buildings with this, amongst many others factors, in mind. Each of the buildings was shot in a single day from early morning to night. We approached each of the four buildings quite differently, reflecting their very different qualities and current state. The large open spaces and gradual curves of the frontage of the Schocken building lent themselves to the use of the dolly and 360 degree pan and tilt head. A series of travelling spiral passes were made through the various levels. We also used the 'sled' mount to travel down the linear handrails of the stairways. In the IGM building we focussed on the extraordinary glass, marble and copper spiral staircase. Using the 360-degree pan and tilt head we mimicked the sinuous movement of the stairs and concentrated on the complex of reflections in the metal and glass elements as the users of the building moved from floor to floor. This use of an approach specific to each site and creating a distinct quality to each of the 'models' produced was continued in the shooting of the final location, the De La Warr Pavilion. Each of the separate 'buildings' has been edited as a set of three adjacent and slightly overlapping screens. These three sets of three screens were then adjusted or re-edited in relation to one another to achieve a strict and synchronised interrelationship, or choreography between all twelve moving images. The first exhibition of the finished work was commissioned by and staged at the De La Warr Pavilion. The work is specifically an environmental installation and the configuration of the tables in the space has been the final stage in the construction of the work – through shooting, to editing and installation. The arrangement of the tables has been devised in relation to the exhibition space itself and subject to a number of specific considerations – that there be no single straight route through the space, rather that the space has to be deliberately 'navigated', and that there was a position from which all twelve screens could be seen (if for some only at a distance) simultaneously to allow the synchronised movement across all twelve to play a primary part in the experience of the work. The size of the screens both allows for this 'overview' of movement across all twelve screens but by also avoiding the risk of overwhelming spectacle, draws the viewer into their relatively intimate individual size.
