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This guide accompanies the following article: The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature, Compass 6/2 (2012): pp. 166–181, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00440.xAuthor's introductionThe animal rights movement has been described as one of the most neglected and misunderstood social movements of our era. However, social movement scholars are beginning to realise the political and moral significance of the world wide animal protection movement at a time when nature itself has been included in the specialist field of environmental sociology. Just as people are beginning to see that nature matters and is not separate from society, nonhuman animals (hereafter animals) too are increasingly perceived as worthy of our respect and consideration. The long‐running animal protection movement which began in England in the 18th century is today better known as the animal rights movement. It is the men and women of this movement who, atypically for a social movement, are campaigning for a species that is not their own. The movement's theories and practices are important for what they do for animals and also because of what the animal rights controversy reveals about human beings.Author recommendsGarner, Robert. 1998. Political Animals: Animal Protection Policies in Britain and the United States. London: Macmillan Press Ltd.The book describes the progress made by the animal protection movement in the two countries where animal rights protests have been most prominent. The author presents a comprehensive examination of animal welfare policies in Britain and the US thus providing an informative comparative study of the movement's relationship with the state in these two countries. Garner's focus on policy networks corresponds to the sociologist's concept of social movement organizations. More than fifty such organizations balanced evenly between animal protectionists and animal‐user industries are discussed in the book. Political Animals provides an excellent introduction to the politics of animal rights, although missing in the accounts are the voices of the animal activists and their opponents. In the final analysis, it is the meaning activists attribute to their cause that drives the movement, a fact which Garner tacitly acknowledges.Imhoff, Daniel (ed) 2010. The CAFO Reader: The Tragedy of Industrial Animal Factories. Published by the Foundation for Deep Ecology with Watershed Media, Berkeley, LA: University of California Press.The Reader's subject – concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFO) – covers most of the topics relevant to factory farmed animals and is divided into seven parts: (1) The pathological mindset of the CAFO; (2) Myths of the CAFO; (3) Inside the CAFO; (4) The loss of diversity; (5) Hidden costs of CAFO; (6) Technological takeover; (7) Putting the CAFO out to pasture. The acronym CAFO suggests a bland, mundane practice and is therefore a name which the editor believes should be replaced by the more accurate label "animal concentration camps". The chapter titles indicate what is in store for the reader but the content is perhaps less confronting than the book's companion photo‐format volume of the same name. The reader is a very comprehensive survey of how living creatures are subjected to inhumane practices for their body parts by "corporate food purveyors" and is essential reading for anyone who cares about the future survival of all of the earth's species.Kean, Hilda. 1998. Animal Rights: Political and Social Change in Britain since 1800. London: Reaktion Books Ltd.In this attractive book, the historian Hilda Kean provides one of the most comprehensive and interesting surveys of the early animal protection movement in England, the birthplace of animal rights. Kean tells a compelling story of how and why people's attitudes and practices involving animals changed over the past two centuries. She attributes these changes largely to the seemingly simple idea of "sight", or how people were influenced by seeing for themselves how animals such as horses and dogs were ill treated in public spaces such as in streets and markets. Animals "out of sight" in vivisection laboratories and in abattoirs also came to the attention of the early animal protectionists, most of whom were women. The sight and spectacle of animal abuse turned hearts and stomachs once a light was shone on these everyday cruelties by the pioneers of animal rights in England. Kean's book is nicely illustrated in keeping with the theme of seeing animals in their various relationships with humans.Munro, Lyle. 2005. Confronting Cruelty: Moral Orthodoxy and the Challenge of the Animal Rights Movement. Leiden & Boston: Brill.For most people animal cruelty is understood as unspeakable acts perpetrated by warped individuals mostly against dogs, cats, birds and sometimes horses. The animal rights movement seeks to broaden the issue of animal cruelty to include the vast numbers of animals that suffer and die in "the animal industrial complex" of intensive farming, recreational hunting and animal research and experimentation. The book draws on social movement theory to explain how and why an increasing number of people in the UK, US and Australia have taken up the cause of animals in campaigning against the exploitative practices of the animal‐user industries. Essentially, the thesis is that animal abuse is constructed by the animal rights movement as a social problem (speciesism) on a par with sexism and racism. This is the first book in the Human and Animal Studies Series which currently lists about a dozen monographs published by Brill under the editorship of Kenneth Shapiro of the Society & Animals Institute in the US.Noske, Barbara. 1989. Humans and Other Animals: Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology. London: Pluto Press.As an anthropologist, Noske brings a different perspective to our relationship with nature, especially in the long process of animal domestication. Her chapter on "the animal industrial complex" shows how both human and nonhuman animals suffer within this structure of domination; for example, slaughterhouse work takes a heavy toll on the meat workers while the animals experience atrocious pain and misery on the assembly line of mass execution. Noske's book is valuable for its broad treatment of animal‐human relations in which she describes cultural, historical, structural and sociological aspects of these relations particularly in America and Australia.Wilkie, Rhoda and Inglis David (eds.) 2007. The Social Scientific Study of Nonhuman Animals: A Five‐volume Collection–Animals and Society: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences. (Vols 1–5), London: Routledge.This is a collection of 90 previously published articles and book chapters in approximately 2,000 pages on the social‐scientific study of animals. The papers range from the earliest in 1928 on "the culture of canines" to the latest in 2006 on "religion and animals." Three quarters of the papers were published in the last two decades and are derived from anthropology, sociology, psychology, geography, philosophy and feminist studies.Because Animals and Society is based mostly on work derived from more than 12 different specialist journals, it has a claim to comprehensiveness; however, the editors mention topics that are not covered in the collection:
 Ethical issues;
 Animal welfare;
 The characteristics of animal protectionists;
 "Wilderness";
 The role of animals in the lives of children; and
 The animal rights movement.
The main topics included in the collection provide a hint of its value to researchers:Vol I. Representing the animal (Introduction and critical concepts in the social sciences)Vol II. Social science perspectives on human‐animal interactions (I):
 Anthropology.
 Geography.
 Feminist studies.
Vol III. Social science perspectives on human‐animal interactions (II):
 Sociology.
 Psychology.
Vol IV. Forms of human‐animal relations and animal death – the dynamics of domestication:
 Human‐pet relationships.
 Human‐livestock relations.
 Animal abuse and animal death.
Vol V. Boundaries and quandaries in human‐animal relations:
 Border troubles: are humans unique and what is an animal?
 The legal, ethical and moral status of animals.
 "The Frankenstein syndrome": animals, genetic engineering, and ethical dilemmas.
NB. The above is a shorter version of my review in Society & Animals, 16. 91–93, 2008. I thank the journal for publishing the original review and for permission to include the above version in Sociology Compass.Online materialshttp://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2007/s2159904.htmThis is the story of a protest against the live animal export trade from Australia to the Middle East. The 7.30 Report of 11 February 2008, was one of several media stories on the cruelty involved in the transport and slaughter of cattle, goats and sheep which outraged thousands of Australians when they witnessed footage shot by animal activists. The four minute video recording provides commentary and images that explain why the live animal export trade is a "hot cognition" issue in Australia and the UK. More recently, in June 2012, the callous treatment of cattle in a number of Indonesian abattoirs became a major media story that prompted public outrage and calls for an immediate and permanent ban on the trade.http://www.sharkwater.com/For many people, sharks are the most feared of all creatures and also the most misunderstood. They have been called "the mother of otherness" and as a result when they are hunted and killed there is very little concern for their welfare. This groundbreaking film explains the importance of sharks to the ocean and seeks to dispel the main stereotype of the shark as the creature from hell. The film is the work of Rob Stewart whose lifelong fascination with sharks was the catalyst for his mission to save the great predator from extinction.http://www.wspa‐international.org/Regular internet users will probably have come across the advertisements from the World Society for the Protection of Animals (WSPA), particularly its campaign against the cruelty involved in bear dancing. The WSPA, as an international animal welfare organization, is one of a very select few animal and environmental organizations recognized by the United Nations. Another campaign which is featured on their website is "The Red Collar Campaign", the motto for which is "Collars not Cruelty". Viewers are warned that the two and a half minute video clip contains some confronting images of cruelty to dogs suspected of being infected by rabies. WSPA's objective is to end the brutality inflicted unnecessarily on thousands of dogs perceived as a human health and safety risk; its solution to the problem of rabies is simple, cheap and effective.http://www.awionline.orgThe Animal Welfare Institute (AWI) is one of the most effective animal protection societies in the US. Its founder, the late Christine Stevens, worked most of her life as an advocate and lobbyist for animals. The AWI's attractive website provides many useful features such as the AWI Quarterly and details of its seminal campaigns which include research animals, companion animals, farm animals, marine animals and wildlife. Since it was established in 1951, the AWI has had access to the US Congress and in gaining the attention of powerbrokers, the organization has succeeded in securing animal welfare improvements that are legislated in law, which owes much to the work of Christine Stevens.http://www.league.org.ukHunting is a controversial issue in England which has developed into what is actually a class war between the aristocratic class and the "great unwashed". Founded in 1924, the League is virtually a household name in England. Its website contains some revealing film clips about the cruelty involved in the hunting of foxes, deer, rabbits and other animals in the English countryside. There is a great deal of information contained in the blogs and its FAQs as well as elsewhere on its website. Mention is also made of one of the latest hunting fads, "trophy hunting" which is apparently gaining popularity in some parts of the USA.Topics for lectures & discussionPart I: introduction and overviewWhat is the animal rights movement? Why do people campaign on behalf of a species that is not their own? How do individuals and social movements make their claims on behalf of nonhuman animals? These are some of the questions that would traditionally be posed in introducing the animal rights movement.ReadingMunro, Lyle. 2012. 'The Animal Rights Movement in Theory and Practice: A Review of the Sociological Literature'. Sociology Compass6(2): 166–81.Waldau's recent book is a good introduction to what the movement is all about:Waldau, Paul. 2011. Animal Rights: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford: Oxford University Press.There are three main discourses on animal rights which provide insights into our constructions of "the animal": (1) Animals in this discourse are constructed as social problems (see Irvine, 2003 below for an example); (2) in this second discourse, animal defenders are demonised with labels ranging from "sentimental animal lovers" to "extremists" and even "terrorists" (see Munro, 1999 below for an example); (3) finally, the animal rights movement constructs our cruel treatment of animals as morally wrong and therefore deserving of the strongest condemnation (see Shapiro, 1994 below for an example). How and why people campaign against the exploitation of animals are issues explored in the following papers:Irvine, Leslie. 2003. 'The Problem of Unwanted Pets; A Case Study in How Institutions 'Think' About Clients' Needs'. Social Problems50: 550–66.Munro, Lyle. 1999. 'Contesting Moral Capital in Campaigns Against Animal Liberation'. Society & Animals7: 35–53.Shapiro, Kenneth. 1994. 'The Caring Sleuth: Portrait of an Animal Rights Activist'. Society & Animals2: 145–65.Part II: animal crueltyThis section includes some important contributions to explaining cruelty to animals.Agnew, Robert. 1998. 'The Causes of Animal Abuse: A Social‐psychological Analysis'. Theoretical Criminology2: 177–209.Munro, Lyle. 1997. 'Framing Cruelty: The Construction of Duck‐Shooting as a Social Problem'. Society & Animals5: 137–54.D'Silva, Joyce and John Webster. 2010. The Meat Crisis: Developing More Sustainable Production and Consumption. London and Washington: Earthscan.Merz‐Perez, Linda and Kathleen Heide. 2004. Animal Cruelty: Pathway to Violence Against People. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Ltd.Ascione, Frank. 2008. 'Children Who Are Cruel to Animals: A Survey of Research and Implications for Developmental Psychology.' Pp. 171–89 in Social Creatures: A Human‐Animals Studies Reader, edited by Clifton, Flynn. New York: Lantern Books.Winders, Bill and David Nibert. 2009. 'Expanding "Meat" Consumption and Animal Oppression.' Pp. 183–9 in Between the Species: Readings in Human‐Animal Relations, edited by Arnold, Arluke and Clinton Sanders. Boston, MA: Pearson Education Inc.Part III: social movement theory and animalsThere is a large literature on social movement theory with relatively little that refers to nonhuman animals. Some of those which do take up the issue are included below along with the following books that provide a general introduction to the study of social movements.Lowe, Brian and Caryn Ginsberg. 2002. 'Animal Rights as a Post‐Citizenship Movement'. Society & Animals10: 203–15.Jasper, James. 2007. 'The Emotions of Protest: Affective and Reactive Emotions in and around Social Movements.' Volume 4 Pp. 585–612 in Social Movements: Critical Concepts in Sociology Volumes 1–4, edited by Jeff, Goodwin and James Jasper. London and New York: Routledge.Buechler, Steven. 2011. Understanding Social Movements: Theories from the Classical Era to the Present. Boulder and London: Paradigm Publishers.Cochrane, Alasdair. 2010. Chapter 6 'Marxism and Animals.' Pp. 93–114 in An Introduction to Animals and Political Theory, edited by Cochrane's. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.Einwohner, Rachel. 2002. 'Bringing the Outsiders in: Opponents' Claims and the Construction of Animal Rights Activists' Identity'. Mobilization7: 253–68.Part IV: animal advocacy and activism: strategy and tacticsThe above readings reveal to some extent at least why people campaign against animal cruelty. In this section's readings, the focus is on how animal activists run their campaigns in the streets (grassroots activism) and in the suites (organizational advocacy).Carrie Freeman Packwood. 2010. 'Framing Animal Rights in the "Go Veg" Campaigns of US Animal Rights Organizations'. Society & Animals18: 163–82.Paul, Elizabeth. 1995. 'Scientists' and Animal Rights Campaigners' Views of the Animal Experimentation Debate'. Society & Animals3: 1–21.Upton, Andrew. 2010. 'Contingent Communication in a Hybrid Multi‐Media World: Analysing the Campaigning Strategies of SHAC'. New Media & Society13: 96–113.Munro, Lyle. 2001. Compassionate Beasts: The Quest for Animal Rights. Westport, CT: Praeger.Munro, Lyle. 2002. 'The Animal Activism of Henry Spira (1927–1998).'Society & Animals10: 173–91.Munro, Lyle. 2005. 'Strategies, Action Repertoires and DIY Activism in the Animal Rights Movement.'Social Movement Studies4: 75–94.Jasper, James. 1997. The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography and Creativity in Social Movements. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Singer, Peter. 1998. Ethics into Action: Henry Spira and the Animal Rights Movement. Lanham MD: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers Inc.Part V: academic/activist collaborationShould academic teachers collaborate with activists in their campaigns? Like the church/state relations debate this is a controversial question since there are arguments both for and against academic involvement in political and social movements. Most of the readings in the original Compass article and below tend to see more benefits than costs to collaboration; however, higher education administrators don't like dissent and it is hard to imagine an academic holding down his or her job if they were seen to be working with animal activists on a particularly controversial campaign. It might be seen as acceptable if the collaboration was with the SPCA in the US or the RSPCA in Britain but not if the activists were affiliated with members of a radical animal liberation group. Furthermore, an academic‐animal activist who campaigned say against the practice of animal experimentation at his or her university would surely be dismissed or at least threatened with dismissal unless they cut their ties with outside activists.Burnett, Cathleen. 2003. 'Passion through the Profession: Being Both Activist and Academic.'Social Justice30: 135–50.Kleidman, Robert. 1994. 'Volunteer Activism and Professionalism in Social Movement Organizations.'Social Problems41: 257–76.Focus questions
 Is the animal rights movement a genuine social movement when nonhuman animals are widely understood not to belong to society as it is generally understood?
 How would you respond to the claim that cruelty to animals is our worst vice.
 From your experience of seeing animal rights protests either on television or as the real thing, what do you think are the dominant emotions exhibited by the campaigners and their opponents?
 From what you've read or heard or seen of social movement protests, do you believe the most effective strategy is non‐violence or violence; and which of these two strategies do you think is more acceptable for the animal protection movement to follow and why?
 Should academics who lecture on social movements practice what they preach? What are some of the main benefits and problems associated with academic analysts of social movements collaborating with grassroots activists?
 The animal rights movement has been described as one of the fastest‐growing social movements in the West – and one of the most controversial. What evidence is there for these claims?
Seminar/project ideaPlease suggest an exercise to help bring the subject to life, appropriate either for undergraduate or graduate students, e.g. an assessment, a presentation, or other practical assignment.Project idea or presentation
 Compare and contrast the website of an animal welfare organization and an animal rights group in relation to (a) their objectives; (b) their most important campaign; and (c) their preferred overall strategies and tactics. Which of these organizations has the most potential in attracting new supporters and why? What advice would you give to these two organizations on how they might enhance their communicative effectiveness with the general public? (see Munro's Compass article for some clues).
 Do an oral presentation on a radical animal liberation group such as the Animal Liberation Front or SHAC in which you describe its stated objectives, its seminal campaigns, its preferred tactics and its communication strategy as indicated by the group's website. Explain how effective the group is in terms of improving the lives of animals and how the activists justify the use of violence in their campaigns.

Issue 19.4 of the Review for Religious, 1960. ; Review fOl" Religious The LordIs My Shepherd The Brothers',Vootion: Natural Ideal by Robert D. Cihlar, S.J. Problen~s of the Late Vocation , byDavid "B. IVadhams~ S.M.~ Is Religious DisObedience Al~ays, a Sin? by Joseph J. Farraher, S.J. The Problem of Transition for the Junior sister, by Sister Mary Magdalen, O.P. , Survey of Roman Documents Views, News, PreViews Questions and ,Answers Book Reviews 193 200 207 215 225 232 237 ,240 " 248 The Lord Is My Shepherd The Lord is my shepherd: I want for nothing; he makes me to lie in green pastures, He leads me to waters where I may rest; he restores my soul. He guides me along the right paths for his name's sake. Although I walk in a darksome valley, I shall fear no evil, for thou art with me. Thy crook and thy staff: these comf.o~:t me. Thou preparest a table for me before the eyes of my foes; Thou. anointest my head with oil; my cup brims over. Goodness and kindness will follow me all the days of my life, And I shall dwell in the house of the Lord days without end. BY A SPECIAL INSPIRATION the Psalmist foresaw that the Redeemer would come in the flesh and that He would found a Church and that He would be a Shepherd over it. However, this is not the only instance in the Sacred Scriptures where God alludes in very distinct language to the "Shepherd" mentioned by the words of the Psalmist in this beautiful psalm; but the "Shepherd" whom God has set over His only true Church is also very clearly indicated in the words of Ezekiel where it is stated: "And I will set up one shepherd over them; and he shall feed them, and he shall be their shepherd" (Ez 34:23). Now what is significant in these words is that the same term is here used for "shepherd" and "to feed," so that the sense is that this Shepherd which God has set over His Church is both our Guide and our Food as well. The Lord is not only our Shepherd; but He is also the means by which we are kept in existence, both body and soul. The Lord is our Shepherd who feeds us with Himself; for by means of the Church which He established He continues to say, "Take and eat! This is My Body" (Mt 26:27). By means of His Church He is able to carry out the words of this psalm and fulfill their implication by feed-ing us with Himself; for that is what the words "the Lord is my Shepherd" mean or imply in the original Hebrew, since in The author of this article is an American layman who is living a contemplative life and who wish~s to rhmain anonymous. 193 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD Review for Religious that language no distinction is made between tending, govern-ing, and guiding a flock and feeding it. What a wonderful thing it is to have such a Shepherd who is able to feed His sheep, namely, all the faithful, with His own Precious Body and Blood ! But God is not only our Shepherd ; He is also our companion and our friend, since this word shepherd is often used to des-ignate the idea of companionship and friendship. "How beautiful art thou, my love, how beautiful art thou" (Cant 4:1). It is significant that in addressing the souls of all who love Him, God should here make use of a word which is a derivative of the term used by the Psalmist when he refers to Him as his "Shepherd." And so by an extended use of the term shepherd we may refer to our Lord as someone whom we love and in whom we find our whole delight. The Lord is our Shepherd in the sense that it is in Him alone that we can find our whole delight. He alone is the sole object of our love: The Lord is my Shepherd because the guidance He exerts over me is the guid-ance of love and delight. He is Love in nature and essence. The Lord is my Shepherd in the sense that I am being ruled and governed by means of that everlasting love and delight which He is. The Shepherd here spoken of by'the Psalmist is none other than the King of love, and so the dominion He exercises over us is the dominion of love and love alone." God guides and governs us by mean of His love. "The Lo~:d is my Shepherd. I want for nothing." What can be lacking to him who is governed and guided by Love Itself? The Lord is my Shepherd in the sense that I have God Himself for my close com-panion and friend. From the day of my birth 'til the day of my death, this guide in the form of Love Incarnate will be my close companion and friend, so that no circumstance can arise in which His help and friendship will not be there to see me through everything I shall ever have to undergo. Having such a Shepherd we can all say, "I want nothing," that is to say, no circumstance will ever arise in our lives in which we shall suffer any sort of insufficiency; for we will always have what we need from this Divine Lover of our soul, this God who both created and re-deemed us. "I know mine," He tells us in the Gospel of St. John (10:15). He knows us better than we know ourselves, and no real want we can ever have will be overlooked by Him who has loved us from all eternity. There are times when we may think we need what this "Good Shepherd" sees we do not need, and which would not be 194 July, 1960 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD of any value for our eternal salvation. One thing we can be sure of, and that is with such a lover as God is, anything we really need to advance in our effort to get to know and love Him better we will most certainly have; and so we shall never be 'devoid of the good necessary for our progress along our journey to our heavenly home. The whole Bible has often been compared to a medicine chest ¯ in which may be found remedies suitable to every need the soul can have on its journey through time. And so, just as we think it nothing at all to rush over to the drug store to get something to soothe our bodily aches, so in like manner we should never be slow to turn to the pages of Holy Writ whenever we feel we need some words of help and consolation in the troubles and trials of this life. Our Lord is often referred to as a physician in the Scriptures. By this it is meant that we should use the words He speaks to us in them as a sort of medicine to apply to the ills of our souls. "Honor the Physician," we read in the Book of Ecclesiasticus (38:1). "Honor the Physician for the need thou hast of Him. For all healing is from God . The most high hath created medicines . . . and the wise man will not abhor them." Though these words refer to the medicines the doctor prescribes for the ills of our bodies, we know that in addition to the literal meaning of these words, there is also a spiritual and a mystical one. They also refer to that Heavenly Physician which our Lord is and the many remedies He has devised for the many ills of our souls. "The most high hath created medicines" in the form of the Church with her entire sacramental system; and so, "a wise man will not abhor them." At present, though, we intend to limit our consideration to the medicines to be found in the Sacred Scriptures and especially as these may be had in the words of the twenty-second psalm, and in many others as well; for in one of them we actually see the Psalmist call upon God as we do on an earthly doctor and say to Him, "Heal me, O Lord, and I shall be healed." These two words heal and healed are so rich in Hebrew that we can hardly realize the comfort they bring when read in the original, since besides the connotation of healing they are also a metaphor for comfort and consolation. When in the words of the Psalmist we ask God to "heal" us, we include the petition that we should be restored to that pristine felicity we all posses-sed before we fell into sin. We ask God that we should one day win back that same unmarred happiness Adam once possessed in Paradise and which the words of the twenty-second psalm 195 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD Review for Religious reawaken in our soul as often as the beauty of them comes to our mind: "The Lord is .my Shepherd; I shall not.want." The complete fulfillment of all that these words imply will take place after we have been completely healed of the effects of original sin and restored to the state of innocence Adam had before the Fall. "We shall not Want," because after this life is over all our desires shall be fulfilled and there will be nothing we have to have which God will not give us in the complete and perfect giving of Himself to us in the life to come. "We shall not want" because after we die God shall be all in all to us so that, having Him with all the fullness and completion in which we will then have Him, we shall .lack nothing to be eternally happy. God will then "spread a table" before us on which He will Himself be the food of our glorified state. For if even during this life "the Lord is our Shepherd," in the sense that it is in the possession of Him alone that we can find our true delight, what will it not be to have that same delight in Him when we shall become completely assimilated to all that He is in the life to come? If even on this earth we derive our whole satisfaction in the thought that we have God who is Love Itself for our companion and friend, what shall it not be for us to enjoy that companionship and friendship of His when we are where alone we can truly and fully partici-pate in it? And if even while we are on this earth we find i~ such a delight to be ruled and governed by Him who is Love Itself, what will it be when we shall have that guidance and governance in Heaven itself? "The Lord is my Shepherd." What a privilege it is to have God Himself to guide and conduct us through every vicissitude and event of this life ; for with such a guide, "even though I walk in the dark valley I fear no evil, for He guides me in the right paths." The Psalmist says that as long as he shall live he has nothing to fear, because it is the God of righteousness who con-ducts along the paths of His own righteousness, and that He does so for His name's sake, namely, for the sake of Jesus, since we could never have that original righteousness we once pos-sessed in Adam unless Christ offered Himself for us as a victim for our sins. And so it is for the sake of the sufferings of Christ that we are now able to tread those paths of righteousness that will lead us to the realms of unending bliss in Heaven. "And a path and a way shall be there," Isaiah tells us (35:8) "and it shall be called the holy way." Our Lord said He was that "holy way" when He said, "I am the Way." He is the right path of 196 J~tly, 1960 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD which this Psalmist speaks and along which he is being guided by God. No wonder he can say that, "even though I walk in the dark valley, I fear no evil, for you are at my side." For what shall we be afraid of when.we realize that He who both made and re-deemed us is constantly on the lookout for our every need, and He will permit nothing to happen to us which will not conduce to the greater good of our soul both in time and in eternity? "In .verdant pastures He gives me repose; beside restful waters He leads me." In these words the Psalmist wishes to point out God's tender compassion for the human race and the many comforts and consolations with which we are provided from the very first days of our existence until our last breath. "Show me," the soul says to her Belgved, "Show-me, O Thou whom my soul loveth, where Thou feedest, wh~re Thou liest in the midday" (Cant 1:6). Thh "repose" here spoken of is that of reclining on the bosom of Christ, mentioned in the Gospel of St. John (13:25), for the soul's rest in Christ is here compared to the pleasant and refreshing experience we have when we lie down on the tender grass on a hot summer day. Another signifi-cation for "repose" is the idea of being interchanged. "Repose" refers to that immingling of the soul with that of her beloved Lord by means of some extraordinary grace which makes of the two one; so that the "verdant pastures" are those exquisite de-lights the soul finds as she feels herself being drawn into the inmost essence of Him whom she loves--namely, the beauty and comeliness of Christ. The soul speaks of the pleasure she has in Christ as a sort of lying down on the young, fresh, and tender grass, in order to indicate the pleasing sensation which the rest she finds in Him procures for her. "Beside restful waters He leads me." These restful waters are the vast number of bless-ings we receive from God and which afford us so much consola-tion in the sorrows we have to bear. "He refreshes my soul." God "refreshes" the soul when by means of His grace it is re-stored to that pristine beauty it had before it fell into si.n, for the word "refresh" means to convert, to bring back, to restore, and to renew. Whenever we are being renewed in Christ, we are being, refreshed in soul and reconverted to God. The fullness of conversion will take place by means of that renewal, that res-toration, that complete conversion and refreshing of the heaven and earth spoken of in the Apocalypse of St. John (21:1), where-in he tells us that he saw a "new heaven and a new earth, for the first heaven and the first earth had passed away." Through 197 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD Re4)iew for Religious sin, Isaiah tells us (24:5), "the earth is infected by the in- .habi.tants thereof." And so the time will come when it will pass away and be recreated in Christ, so that at that time our souls will. be completely refreshed because of their being completely converted to God. At present our conversion is only partial; and so the refreshment of which this psalm speaks to us is not as perfect as we would desire it to be, since we still need many things which after we die we will no longer have to have in order to be perfectly and completely happy. It is only after this life is over that our soul will be completely refreshed with that refreshment and renewal in Christ of which this psalm speaks. "Even though I walk in the dark valley, I fear no evil." What is this "dark valley"? Literally, it is the valley of the shadow of death, which in Hebrew is used poetically for very thick darkness. When we read the Book of Job, we find this word shadow-of-death being used on five different occasions to denote what no other expressions convey. In order to express the contempt he had for the present life, Job says: "Let the day perish wherein I was born. Let the darkness and the shadow of death cover it" (3:3-4). On another occasion he character-izes our entire existence in this world as "a land of misery and darkness where the shadow of death dwelleth" (10:22). In the third verse of the twenty-eighth chapter, he again makes use of the same word in order to indicate that our whole life is lived in death's shadow and that we will never cease to be freed from its image until we are out of this world. And the Psalmist speaks of walking in the valley of the shadow of death, because as long as we live we are never free from the fear of our having to undergo the penalties we have to pay for the sin of our first parents. We walk in the valley of the shadow of death, because as long as we live we can never be free from the necessity of dying; and the thought of our death haunts us from the cradle to the grave. We are said to be walking in the valley of the shadow of death because we always live with its image before our eyes, since there is nothing we can see that will not some day have an end. As long as we live we walk, as it were, in the shadow of death, in that the calamities and miseries of life which will last as long as we will, are a sort of image of death, since they prepare us for its approach when the time will come for us to leave this vale of tears. And yet the Psalmist says- and we should all say with him: "Even though I walk in the dark valley -- the valley of the shadow of death -- I fear no evil ; for 198 July, 1960 THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD You are at my side." The Psalmist tells us that we have nothing to fear from death, because Christ has removed its sting. "He suffered death," St. Paul tells, us, "that He might by God's gracious bounty experience the throes of death for the sake of every human being . . . that through death He might destroy him who had control over death; that is, the devil, and deliver those whom throughout their lives the fear of death held in bondage" (Heb 2:9-15). "I will deliver them out of the hand of death," our Lord tells us through the words of Osee. "0 death, I will be thy death; 0 hell, I will be thy bite." The Psalmist knew this; and that is why he says, "Even though I walk in the dark valley, I fear no evil." He knew that Christ would one day die and that by means of His own sacred death we would be freed from the bondage of death, so that even though we die, yet we shall live forever that life He merited for us by all He underwent for our sake. "I fear no evil," we say to God, "for you are at my side." We are not afraid of anything that can happen to us in this life, in-cluding death itself, because we are assured by the words of this psalm that in everything we have to go through, God will assist us by His divine aid, and we will always find ourselves upheld by Him in a manner too marvelous to comprehend. "When thou shalt pass through the waters," that is, the trials and afflic-tions of this life, including the agony of dying, "I will be with thee," our Lord says to us in words we can no more question than we can question our own existence. "When thou _.shalt walk in the fire, thou shalt not be burnt: and the flames shall not burn thee" (Is 43:2). With this divine aid of God Himself before his miffd's eye, no wonder the Psalmist was able to say: "Even though I walk in the dark valley, I fear no evil." For what is there anyone can fear when he is given the strength to trust God in those most agonizing moments of his life when his soul will be wrenched from the flesh of which it formed such a close com-panionship all the time it was in the body? What can unduly alarm him who is not unduly frightened by what so many dread ? Christ has destroyed death's terrors, and so it is now nothing more than a sleep from which we will one day awake as gently as we rise up every morning from our previous night's rest. And so, if we are afraid to die, we should also be afraid to go to sleep every night as well. If we fear God with the filial and re-verential fear He wants to be feared with, we will not have to fear anything else--death included. 199 The Brothers' Vocation as a Natural Ideal Robert D. Cihlar, S.J. yOUTH is idealistic. Whatever appeals to it as the greater good, that it will seek. It will seek it with a determination seldom found in later life. The child's changing ideas of what it wants to be when it "grows up" is a simple confirmation of this fact. At one time it aspires to be a fireman, at another a doctor, and so on. The desire changes with the appreciation of the good to be attained- one's own personal good. The child is led, without knowing the meaning of the word, by an ideal. The ideal not o.nly fires the imagination but it must also be somethin$ within reach of the abilities a man knows are his. A child does not fully realize its limitations. As a consequence it aspires to things far above its present capabilities. For the adult and the young man,. however, the ideal must be something which is possible--and possible through one's own efforts, tal-ents, and opportunities. An ideal must be capable of satisfying a man's sense of personal worth. It must also be achievable by this man. He must be able to see himself as realizing this ideal. People he knows, others he has read about have reached this goal; why not he? Often, not fully appreciating his own limitations, he will, like the child, aspire to things which are not for him. As realization comes, so the ideal changes or deepens. For the time being, how-ever, the mere possession of an ideal is enough to cause him to strive for it. It is not difficult to see how the makings of an ideal ar~ to be found in the married state. It takes a little more discernment to find them in the other vocations; and perhaps this is the reason, naturally speaking, why most people find their vocation in marriage. To be looked up to, even in the small circle of the family, to be the head of that family, to be needed, to be loved and to love, all these satisfy a man's sense of personal worth. The fact that others have failed in this state does not deter him Brother Robert D. Cihlar is stationed at West Baden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana. 200 THE BROTHERS' VOCATION nor make it less available. Rather he is all the more convinced, because he possesses an ideal, that his case will be different. Now let us take up a comparison in religious life also based upon the supposition of the ideal as given above. The priesthood at one time or another seems to appeal to most Catholic boys. They are attracted by the reverence shown the priesthood, and this in turn gives them an appreciation of its dignity. They see themselves invested with this dignity, receiving the reverence now accorded to another. They see themselves at the altar, in the confessional, at the bedside of the sick and dyfng. Their sense of personal worth is satisfied, and they know that the goal is achievable because others have made it. Their efforts could bring them there. We have present then in the priesthood two of the elements which go to make up an ideal. This in turn:,Ldepending on the intensity of the desire, becomes a motivating force to (1) prayer, leading to a more obvious cooperation with grace; (2) reading, leading to a greater knowledge of the true meaning of the priest-hood; and (3) a greater application to study, since scholastic ability is necessary. One thing .leads gradually to another. A vocation does not appear all at once but comes, like the dawn; gradually. No one of these is sufficient in itself. Most x~ocations, however, can be traced back to the development of the ideal. Vocations to the pries.thood are more plentiful beca.use they follow the pattern and contain the essentials of an ideal. It .is not so, however, in the case of the lay brother. Public opinion, and consequently the general opinion of youth, is against such a vocation. It is looked down upon simply (and mainly) because it lacks those two motivationally essential parts of an ideal. A young man cannot imagine himself in the position of one who is looked down upon, who possesses in the eyes of the ldity, and often the clergy, no natural worth or dignity. Why is this? Why must there be a lack of this natural value in this way of life? Why must the motivation for accepting such a vocation be only and solely supernatural?. Obviously this is delicate ~round on which it behooves one to tread ever so lightly, if it is to be trod at all. But it is not my intention in any way to minimize the supernatural motive. A vocation without such is no vocation at all. Nor do I wish to say that it is of lesser importance, for even that which I choose to call natural motivation is in reality an action of grace building on nature. It is sometimes true that the natural motivation is 201 ROBERT D. CIHLAR Review for Religious the more obvious of the two, but in the course of, let us say, the preparation for the priesthood, grace builds on that natural motive to such an extent that the supernatural motive becomes the first consideration. My contention, therefore, is that both natural and supernatural motivation, though not of equal im-portance, are of equal necessity, simply because we are human beings. With this explanation, let us try for a subjective viewpoint of what a young man sees when he looks at the life of the lay brother. Perhaps from such a viewpoint we shall catch some hint of the defects in the presentation of this vocation and the possible errors in our thinking concerning it. Undoubtedly the greatest deterent to a young man is the prevalent attitude among the laity, and some clergy, that the brothers' life is a demeaning of self. They feel that the brother is an admitted failure--or becomes such whe~ he becomes a brother. It is rather hard to dislodge the idea that the lay brother is one who "could not" become a priest because of inferior mental ability or some other defect. Popular Catholic literature and various hagiographers of the past have contributed to this idea. The humility of some saints has been demonstrated by their wishing to be with the brothers or work with them (mean-ing to demean themselves). Among present-day Catholic books the Mass of Brother Michael, though a romantic and enter-taining story, is an example of extremely poor propaganda material. Yet it is from such weakly representative literature that attitudes are formed, and once having formed become tra-ditional. In short, the persistent idea is that a man who becomes a lay brother is exceptional, in either his holiness or his ignor- . ance. It is not a vocation "possible" to the average man because it offends his sense of personal worth. It is within reach of his abilities, but it is also often beneath them. It therefore does not fulfill the conditions of the ideal, in the natural order, as ex-pressed above. This idea poses a very thorny problem, but a problem which must be solved if the numbers of the brothers are to increase. A change is evidently necessary in our thinking--and actions-for the mass of tradition is against the brother. The Church, from earliest times, has made use of the principle of adaptation; and adaptation to the times and their needs is the thing to be considered. 202 July, 1960 THE BROTHERS' VOCATION Tradition dating from the Middle Ages has assigned the brothers' vocation to the uneducated and lower classes who, wishing to serve God more perfectly, seek this perfdction in the religious life. Now, going farther back to the natal days of monasticism, we find that this was not true then. The early "Fathers" were not Fathers at all, but in their manner of living the equivalent of the latter-day brother. They engaged in manual labor, meditation, penance, and so forth, but were seldom if ever ordained priests. Necessity, among which was an ever-widening ministry in the monastic groups, brought about the inclusion of priests in their ranks. As the accent on the ministry grew, 'grad-ually the bulk of membership became priestly. Men of education, since educated men were the exceptioh, were directed to the priesthood. Those without education could not hope to become priests ; but, still wishing to become rel!~ious, they were directed to the life of the lay brother. This insistence upon educated men for the priesthood was brought about as part of the much needed reform of the clergy at the time of the Reformation. It also, as a side result, brought about a complete reversal of the original scheme of monasticism; or at least it was the culmination of a reversal that had been taking place for some centuries. However, considering modern' ~i~nes we find the educational picture itself reversed (at least in most ~vestern countries) and the illiterate man becomes the exception. In the Unite'd States, for example, the major portion of the population has completed at least a high school education; and the years since the Second World War find more and more high school graduates going on to college. Superimpose this picture upon that of the time of the Reformation, and a natural explanation will appear for the decrease in brothers' vocations. However, it is only a natural explanation. This does not necessarily mean that God is calling fewer young men to His service as brothers. It does mean that these men, better educated and better qualified, no longer con-sider this vocation as an ideal or even an alternative, which it much more readily was considered a few centuries ago. The brothers' vocation offers them too little in the way of a sense of personal worth. Tell me that the reason for this is a lack of supernatural insight and I will readily admit that this is true. In the order of grace the brothers' vocation has both great dignity and value. But the young man of today, unfortunately, has a much more sophisticated attitude toward life and greater cultural advan- 203 ROBERT D. CIHLAR Review for Religious rages without the balance of living in an age of faith which would have fostered this insight. This is a fact, and we have to adapt ourselves and our methods to it. It need not be without its own peculiar blessing. We are, after all, instruments which God uses. We commit a heresy of sorts if we expect His grace alone to do the job of foster-ing vocations. We must be prepared to offer candidates opportuni-ties in their work for God which are suited to their greater educa-tion and better-develo.ped abilities. Certainly in the congregations of teaching brothers provision is made for this in the various ad-ministrative and educational aspects of school life. The boys see this and respect it. The primary concern here, however, is with those mixed orders or congregations composed of priests and lay brothers. Here the brothers' duties as a rule are menial as well as manual. If, for example, a brother is qualified by his talents and/or education to work in posts of considerable trust, dignitY, and even title, why should they not be given to them. Such posts as treasurer, registrar, superintendent of buildings and gro.unds, promotion, public relations, library, and so forth, occur as possibilities. I am sure there are many others. Given these posts, they should also be delegated enough authority to act freely in them. I might even say that should a brother be discovered to have talents in these lines .and.not be qualified by education, such education should be provided. All things being equal, there is really nothing that a priest does which cannot be done by a brother except in ,-the direct area of the ministry. I certainly do not wish to advocate the idea that the brotherhood is equal to the priesthood; but I do hold that in his capabilities he is often equal to and sometimes better than the priest. When this is so, prescinding from personalities and persons, should he not be allowed to fully employ these capabilities for God and for the benefit of those who would see him and get to know him? If we want to get brothers who are well-qualified in their lines, do we not also have the duty to God to make the best use of the men He sends us, even to the extent of. demonstrating their qualities to others as a means of influencing them? The introduction of the idea of example as influence pre-sents another aspect in the matter of vocations. Seeing is believing. With brothers openly shown in positions of responsi-bility, an acknowledgment of their abilities is forced upon the beholder. Association will gradually accord a greater respect, provided of course the man conducts himself as one worthy of 204 July, 1960 THE BROTHERS' VOCATION respect. Respect accorded in and out of the order or congrega-tion ought gradually to influence or raise the calling, from the natural viewp5int, to conform with the principles of the ideal. In effect, what I would maintain is that there is a need for a greater "going in their door to bring them out ours." But first, of course, there must also be a change in attitude from within the order or congregation itself, or more precisely, among the members of the order or congregation. It is axiomatic that young men have a sixth sense in de-tecting the defects of their teachers or superiors. It is at times disconcerting to have them expose our weakest points. Though we might all profess a great reverence and esteem for the brothers, too few of us really feel it. Too often, in a rare and honest moment, we find the prevailing attitude toward the brothers in ourselves. We have only a notional knowledge as opposed to a real conviction. This is readily detected and carried over to the students and is reproduced in them. A patronizing, condescending attitude, even one of pity, obliterates the rosy picture we would like to paint; and the student sees right through it. He sees, often more clearly than we, the idea of inequality, of superior and inferior, master and servant. And we should not be surprised that he does not find this attractive. Why is this? Is it possibly because the social attitude has evolved in contradistinction to our own at home? That is, do we in practice have a social attitude toward the brothers which does not correspond to what we hold for society in general? Is this contradiction at home possibly one o~ the reasons that we, who are exteriorly champions of this new social attitude, are not so readily accepted as its champions? Undoubtedly there must be a hierarchy of superiors and subjects for the preserva-tion of good order. This is a pure sociological fact. However, it is not necessary that there be superior and inferior on the social level in religious orders or congregations, which finds its equivalent in the caste system. We maintain the "fiction" of all being equally members of the order or congregation; but this is true only as regards spiritual matters. Actually it works out to the maxim that some are more equal than others as far as temporalities are concerned. If, for instance, the priests are allowed something, the equivalent to the brothers must be less good, and so on right down the line. This spells out to the laity what they assume is our real attitude. 205 ROBERT D. CIHLAR The purpose of pointing up these defects is most certainly not an attempt to antagonize. It is merely to point out things in our actions which negate our words, thereby withdrawing from this vocation some of the sense of personal worth. A prospect of such things, contained in the acceptance of a broth-er's vocation, cannot help but prove repugnant to the young men we would like to gain, for they both sense and see them. Con-sidering the society and cultural background in which they live, it is the only natural conclusion they can come to. We stand convicted by the principles we advocate and the profession we make. We ourselves are not without guilt in this lack of an "ideal" in the life of the brother. We seem to expect almost over-whelming actions of grace in the face of obstacles we have helped to erect, and it is unjust to do so. In becoming a brother, a young man today must surrender much more than did his predecessor of a few centuries ago. We have no ~-ight to expect miracles of grace. Very few Pauls have been thrown from their horses. There are no immediate conclusions this writer can come to or any pat solutions he can offer as regards these problems. Such, as a matter of fact, is not his aim. His aim is rather to raise a doubt in the minds of those who read this, to provoke discussion, to call attention to the possibility of error in our present thinking. As I have mentioned before, there is no intention of min-imizing the necessity of supernatural motivation, of the need of prayer and grace in the fostering of vocations. But I am deeply convinced that we have been seriously mistaken in not providing a so-called natural motivation to accompany it. When, together with the action of grace, we have provided the mak-ings of an ideal, then men will not be lacking who will wish to follow it. Problems of the Late Vocation David B. Wadhams, IF A MAN around thirty decides to begin studying for the priesthood, he is beginning a bold undertaking which entails the hazards, though not the romance, of real adventure. The difficulties he will face will not be those encountered by the man of action, but problems he will have in abundance. These problems are perhaps no more serious than those of his younger confreres in the seminary; but they have a complexity and an urgency which make them special, requiring special considera-tion. These problems must be faced if the man is to persevere; they must be solved if he is to be a happy and efficient priest. Religious congregations now seem more willing then ever before to accept older candidates who are qualified, and the religious life increases the problems the older man must face. How does an older man adjust to community life, the rule, the vows? How does he meet the demands of fraternal charity, surrounded as he is by men younger by ten or fifteen years and presumably more resilient psychically? Will his years in the seminary be a loss if he does not persevere? Is he not just burying himself there, during that crucial period when other men are carving out careers? What if he should fail? The problems are not limited to the older man himself; religious superiors must also face special problems in the case of older religious seminarians. Should they be given any sort of ~pecial consideration or exemption from ordinary seminary and religious discipline? Should they be given greater responsibili-ties because of the experience they bring with them to the seminary? Like superiors, spiritual directors also find that the presence of older seminarians is not without its perplexities. Should they be given more or less direction than the younger men? How should the direction of the older seminarian differ from that of the younger seminarian? Why does it seem so dif-ficult at times to make contact with the older seminarians? Mr. David B. Wadhams is presently studying theology at Marist College, 3875 Harewood Road, N. E., Washington 17, D. C. 207 DAVID B. WADHAMS Review ]or Religious The range and number of such difficulties could be extended indefinitely, but it will be sufficient here to limit consideration of the matter to five points where special difficulties would seem to be present for the older seminarian: (1) the older seminar-ian's special need for patience and humility; (2) his impatience with "unbusinesslike" administrative procedure; (3) his im-patience with superiors and directors; (4) his chafing at being classed with younger men; and (5) his nostalgia, more or less prolonged, for the lay state. The Need for Patience and Humility It seems very likely that special dispositions of Divine Providence are to be seen when a man of around the age of thirty becomes a seminarian. However deep the consolation may be for the older man in this thought (and it is a considera-tion that he must keep uppermost in his mind), yet it must also be realized that this very ordering of things by Divine Providence also entails a special exercise of patience and of humility--the patience and the humility of the old man on the bench with younger students. If this lesson of patience in the practice of humility is not learned, he will not be able to persevere. Of course, all seminarians must learn these virtues; and all of them haveindeed ample opportunity to practice them. But a younger man who knows that his priestly life will begin at, say, twenty-seven has the impatience of youthful impetuosity to tame. On the other hand, the older seminarian has the gnaw-ing discomfort of knowing that he must begin a life at forty. Nor is it much consolation to him when a bright-eyed funda-mentalist slaps him on the shoulder and says, "That's all right, Dad, life begins at forty!" This truism soon fails to elicit any but the feeblest enthusiasm in the older man. This general situation forms a sort of background against which the entire life of the older seminarian must be enacted; life, he knows, is short, and his own, despite his age, has not yet really begun. However manfully he may struggle to be patient and to overcome the sense of frustration and unrest that flows from such a situation, his general background of impatience cannot help but be increased by more specific difficulties which he encounters. 208 July, 1960 LATE VOCATION Impatience with the "Unbusinesslike" For the sake of concreteness, assume that a man comes to a religiousinstitute after ten years as a minor executive in the sales department of some large corporation. After an initial period in the religious life of great good will and satisfaction, he may begin to find himself becoming impatient with what he considers to be the "unbusinesslike" and "unrealistic" opera-tional methods of the seminary. He is told that he should bring suggestions and complaints to his superiors during regular interviews known as adminis-trative counseling. But he finds that his suggestions for improve-ment are met with aloofness and subsequently may be ignored. He may find the cordiality of his superiors somewhat strained and entirely different from the warm spontaneity of office good humor: The happy camaraderie of the old days in business seems to radiate friendliness and mutual good-will in contrast to the remote politeness of this administrative consulation. He finds, in short, that businesslike office methods may not always be found in religious congregationg; and that established cus-toms, even undesirable ones, have a tendency to cling. He may .be shocked that buildings and equipment have been allowed to ~leteriorate because of improper delegation of responsibility in maintaining them, or because of what~ he considers a misdirected cult of poverty. After years spent in surroundings presentable, if not luxurious, he may find cracked and peeling paint in sleeping rooms and officeg, together with ancient furniture, serviceable perhaps, but piteously unappealing to the eye. Administrative-duties may be relegated to a single over-worked lay brother who has to manage a coinplicated acc0unting system with machines years beyond their prime. "Duplicating equipment may be gently awry, p~'oducing legible but~scr.atchy copy. Cash accountihg may be quite nonchalarit. Public relations techniques may be hopelessly mismanaged or totally nonexistent. The man may tend to exaggerate these deficiencies as time goes on, and his itch to rearrange things increases. Why-don't they call someone in for an audit? Why must certain precious ma-chines be available for the indiscriminate and uncontrolled use of fifty people? Why does fresh paint seem incompatible with poverty- surely the walls were freshly painted once? If on the other hand he find~ himself in a congregation whose progressive foresight has placed men of vision in positions '209 DAVID B. WADHAMS Review for Religious of authority, the subject will surely find some evidences of inefficiency. The ease with which a man finds matter for criti-cism is a match for the most progressive system. Perhaps the very businesslike character of the place will strike him as out of place. A man's past will stand him in good stead when he becomes a religious; but the stresses and strains which this life imposes will affect him in those areas where he is mos~ vul-nerable- the sphere of his accumulated treasury of general know-how. Superiors and Spiritual Directors Then, too, the vow of obedience has a peculiar democratizing effect. Along with his deep respect for the office of superior, the subject realizes that both are bound by the same ties. The superior, no less than he, is directly subject to the authority of those above him; and this authority is just as stringent in its demands of obedience. Back in the office, the former senior accountant or advertising man saw his superior in a greatly privileged position within the circle of major executives. He was conscious of a degree of separation measured in terms of seniority and yearly income. Now he finds himself in the religious life where his superior, though he exerts the same authority as his former employer, may be a near contemporary, sleeping just down the hall, and using the same bath. The older seminarian realizes, to be sure, that the motive of his religious obedience is a supernatural one; but, being flesh and blood, in certain cases he cannot help but experience a sense of somewhat dis-mayed surprise at a superior-subject relationship that on the natural level may be so different from his previous relations with authority in the business and commercial world. Another problem for the older seminarian may be spiritual direction. He may find that he has difficulty "opening up." This will be especially so if his director is a younger man, or if he considers his director can have no comprehension of his char-acter. Suppose, for example, that the director is a younger man, that he entered religion on the completion of high school, and that he has had relatively little experience except in the direc-tion of seminarians. In such a case the older seminarian may find it difficult to talk about anything more dangerous than the weather, since he is aware of the considerable difference in background between himself and his director. This and similar cases may cause real difficulties in communication; the difficul-ties will be overcome only if the older seminarian recalls that 210 July, 1960 LATE VOCATION the same Providence which placed him in the seminary has also given him his superiors and directors. Armed with this con-sideration he must then put complete trust in his director, even if he finds it costs him dearly in wounded pride. As has been stated above, he has a special lesson in humility to learn. As a matter of fact, of course, younger directors can be quite satisfactory. Being aware of their relative inexperience, they tend to exercise great prudence in applying theological principles to concrete cases. Moreover, since many problems are solved by the mere telling, the seminarian should be quite con-tent if be can find a man to whom he can talk freely. Relations with the Younger Seminarians Probably the greatest trial which the older seminarian must undergo is being in a class of much younger men. Many institutes have a minor seminary to which they will send the older candidate for a year or so to give him some Latin and to observe him before sending him to the novitiate. The age dif-ference at this level is so great that he will usually be allowed certain privileges to make this period of adjustment easier. At the novitiate, however, he is considered for all practical pur-poses the contemporary of his fellow novices. Here the strict observance of the exterior prescriptions of the rule will place a heavy burden on a man who has enjoyed years of independ-ence. If, for example, he has been a heavy smoker for ten years or so and if he must observe a no-smoking rule, the damage to his good disposition will perhaps be compensated for in a cor-responding growth in character; but the sacrifice is sure to be severe--more so than for younger smokers. After leaving the novitiate where spiritual consolations and graces may have made the way easier for him, the older man' must still face years of study where the difference in age is no less than it was in the novitiate. These years of living with younger men un-questionably present a strain for his vocation; they will, how-ever, if properly met with patience and humility, give him his greatest opportunity for growth in emotional stability and for progress in the spiritual life. Most younger seminarians show brightness and intelligence in their speech and behavior. But at times this basie intelligence is accompanied by the thoughtlessness of immaturity. Many left their homes in middle adolescence; and sometimes their deport-ment tends to remain at the adolescent level, especially since 211 DAVID B. WADHAMS Review for Religion,s no one is constantly correcting them. This lack of maturity will be vexing for the older man, who is only too prone to see in the gaucherie of a few what he may tend to think of as the general boorishness of a class. Young men, for example, have an ex-tremely cavalier way of treating furniture. ,And if the older seminarian has spent the better part of three or four m~nths recovering and reupholstering the armchairs in the recreation room, he' has to swallow hard and bite his lip to keep from shouting at some young philosopher, blithely and quite uncon-sciously wiping'chocolate-covered fingers on the back of a newly covered chair, ¯ The older man must be careful in conversation too. His younger confreies will usually have no more than a ~udimentary background in the fields of non-religious knowledge.-Discussions of politics, art, the theater, economics, literature, all tend to be somewhat superficial. The younger man may often show a quick theoretical perception, yet he may lack sufficient critical discern-ment. Because of this the older man may find himself exercising an air of intellectual superiority and condescendingly needling his companions for their lack of sophistication. As one young seminarian has put it: "The older men ought to stop and think now and then that they have no monopoly on ideas. They could at least listen, even if they disagree." :o. In the midst of'such difficulties the older seminarian could well reflect that if he sometimes finds it difficult to be with the younger men, surely they too find his company occasionally try-ing. If he has passed through the fiery trials of the crucial years between twenty and thirty, his very scars should remind him that seminary life is not always easy for the young men who hunger for action and the exercise of their ministerial labors. Let him think back upon what he was doing at their age; the contrast should fill him with the desire for patience and for-bearance. If he was in the service, his amazement will be com-plete that fifty or more young men can .live together cheerfully, peacefully sharing a life of work, study, prayer, and play. oIn the service, as h~ knows, men behaved quite differently; by contrast, the charity of seminarians clearly shows the effect of supernatural grace. He should reflect maturely that if he is annoyed at little gaucheries and breaches of etiquette, some thoughtlessness and lack of discipline, he will never find more serious faults; for however much he may see of thoughtlessness in the seminary, he will encounter no deliberate malice. Indeed, 212 July, 1960 LATE VOCATION one of his greatest sufferings may be his anguish that he ~cannot accept the small shortcomings of others with greater grace and equanimity. Nostalgia for the Lay State During the first two or three years of his training the older man may be subject to a fierce nostalgia for the lay state. Just as the Jews hungered for the delights of their former, life in Egypt, the older seminarian may sometimes be seriously tempted to think of his life "in the world" as much more useful and vital. This feeling will be all the stronger in the man of great vitality. At times all the reasoning that brought him to his priestly studies will become darkened and submerged. He will forget that one great reason for his having left everything behind was a dissatisfaction with what he was doing. He may begin to chafe at certain restrictions, desiring freedom from the restraint of the seminary rule. What he begins to miss is the habitual adult independence he has always known. Sometimes he will think: "I am too fiercely independent; I am not tem-peramentally suited to the regular life; these habits of inde-pendence are ingrained." As serious as this temptation may be, it will tend to dis-appear as his security in his vocation grows; and in most cases it will not be a source of great anxiety after the~pronouncement of perpetual vows. The nostalgia for the lay state is one temp-tation which .can best be handled in spiritual direction. The subject should regard it as a serious temptation and conscien-tiously follow the course his director prescribes for him. Once a man finds himself in the major seminary of a religious con-gregation, he can rest in complete confidence as to his choice of a state in life. He has chosen by heeding the call; whether he should continue is for his superiors and spiritual :directors to decide. The cool and firm acceptance of this fact will save. the man the added anguish of continually doubting his vocation when the temptation arises to return to his former state of life. Conclusion The older seminarian must train himself to face his trials and difficulties peacefully and tranquilly. His age may indeed tend to make him less flexible in certain respects; he will be less subject to "formation," more set in his attitudes and out-look on life. But this very situation may also be an advantage. If he is mentally awake, he will be at the very., peak of his learning powers. Years of training in judgment will compensate 213 DAVID B. WADHAMS for any alleged diminution of learning powers said to begin after full adulthood is reached. Although the older seminarian may be tempted to think that his best years are being wasted in the seminary, he should remember that, just because he is older, he will see more deeply into the problems of philosophy and theology and that he will draw from them a greater intel-lectual enrichment and practical value. Finally, there are two general attitudes that will greatly .help an older man along in his seminary life. The two attitudes, one natural, the other supernatural, are so diverse as to be almost incongruous when juxtaposed together. Yet the two can work together to ease the trials of seminary life for him. The first attitude is that of a sense of humor. The man who finds his own idiosyncrasies laughable has a safety valve which he will need to use frequently. Since he is constantly confronted with human foibles, especially his own, it is far better to laugh at them with hearty, tolerant, and loving amusement than to dwell on them as consant pricks to pride and self-esteem. The second attitude is one that has been hinted at above; it is a complete trust in Divine Providence. Whatever can be said on the human level of religious life, there is never any waste in the management of things by the fatherly hand of God. The years the older seminarian spent "in the world" as well as the protracted time spent in seminary life before ordination are not useless but completely functional from the viewpoint of the Father who has counted even the hairs of our head. In this sense there is no such thing as a late vocation; the call came and was answered at the time chosen by Divine Wisdom. In this con-nection it will assist the older seminarian to reflect and meditate upon the role of late vocations in the history of the Church; it is not mere fancy to say that without late vocations the entire history of the Church would assume a different cast and com-plexion. Remove, for instance, the three late vocations of Ambrose, Augustine, and Loyola from the history of the Church and consider the difference the removal would make in the course of the Church's history. Indeed it would seem safe to say that of the confessor saints who lived before modern times, a large part of them, if not the majority, were what are called today late vocations. Having seen the finger of Providence with regard to late vocations in the history of the Church, the older sem-inarian will be able to draw therefrom a greater trust in that same Providence with regard to his own late vocation. 214 Is Religious Disobedience Always a Sin? Joseph J. Farraher, S.J. THE CONSTITUTIONS of most religious institutes state explicitly that they do not bind under pain of s{n, even venial sin, except where the vow of obedience is explicitly invoked, or where they determine the matter of the other vows. Most also state explicitly, or at least imply, that the same holds for orders of superiors. Why then do some spiritual writers imply otherwise? For example, Father Cotel in the Catechism of the Vows, says: One sins against the virtue of obedience when one does not carry out a formal order of a legitimate superior. If an order of a superior only recalls an obligation of rule or a com-mandment of God or of the Church, failure to observe it is not a fault against the special virtue of obedience. Such conduct often involves a sin against another virtue.1 In a footnote he adds: According to very famous theologians (St. Thomas, Suarez and others) a simple act of disobedience does not constitute a sin against the special virtue of obedience, but it contains nearly always one or more sins against other virtues.2 And in a later section, he says: Unless the Constitutions determine otherwise, simple injunctions of superiors, commands which are not. made in virtue of the vow, do not always oblige under pain of sin. If the superior formally commands a particular act not determined by the Constitutions, but in conformity with them, it is our opinion that disobedience is always sinful.:~ Again he adds a footnote: "Some thhologians seem ho~v-ever to admit the contrary:''4 And Father Kirsch in his Spi~'itual Di~'ection of Siste'rs under the heading "Sins against the Virtue of Obedience" says: "A religious offends against the virtue of obedience by disobey- 'Peter Cotel, S.J., and Emile Jombart, S.J., Catechis~n of the Vows (New York: Benziger, 1945), pp. 83-84. ~Ibid. ~Ibid., p. 85. ~Ibid. The Reverend Joseph J. Farraher is stationed at Alma College, Los Gatos, California 215 JOSEPH J', FARRAHER Review for Religious ing without reason, the usual commands, regulations, counsels and wishes of the superiors.''5 How can these statements be reconciled with the explicit statement of the constitutions of most religious institutes that fione of the rules or orders of superiors bind under pain of sin unless they explicitly invoke the vow? First of all, Father Kirsch and Father Cotel's Catechism imply that there could be a sin against the virtue of obedience as distinct from the vow of obedience. In this matter, wh usually think of the Fourth Commandment as commanding obedience to all legitimate superiors. Are not religious superiors legitimate superiors? However, the Fourth Commandment commands us to obey all legitimate superiors according to their authority. For ex-ample, children are obliged to obey their parents in all things, except where there is sin, and except in the choice of a state of life: marriage or the religious life. In this last the parents have no authority, and therefore there is no sin of disobedience if children disobey their parents in their choice of life. What is the source of the authority i~f religious superiors to give commands which would be binding under pain of sin by the virtue of obedience? It is not from the natural law, since religious communities are not natural societies, but rather conventional, that is, they are formed by the mutual agreement of the members. Therefore, if there is authority in religious superiors, it will be according to the form under which the in-stitute was organized. But most modern religious institutes (and even some ancient ones) state in their constitutions that. orders of superiors will bind under pain of sin only when they command explicitly in virtue of the vow of obedience. Therefore, there is here no source of authority to command under pain of sin apart from invoking the vow. But some authors, even when they admit that disobedience would not be a sin against the virtue of obedience (which even Cotel seems grudgingly to admit in a later passage), still insist that it almost always involves a sin against some other virtue.6 This brings up the question, certainly a theoretical one but one with very important practical applications, of whether or not a positive imperfection is a venial sin. By a positive imper-fection is meant the deliberate choice of a less perfect action, 5Felix M. Kirsch, O.F.M.Cap., The Spiritual Direction of Sisters (New York: Benziger, 1930), pp. 483-84. 6Cotel, op. cir., pp. 86-87. 216 J~dy, 1960 RELIGIOUS DISOBEDIENCE or the deliberate omission of the better action. For example, I realize that it would be better for me to make a visit to the Blessed Sacrament at this. time; but I deliberately decide not to do so, with no question of the alternative being a sin in itself-- perhaps to continue reading a book. Some theologians have held that every such positive imperfection would be a venial sin. They base their argument on the principle that we are obliged to seek our last end in the best way possible. But this contradicts the opinion of the majority of theologians. We are certainly obliged to seek our last end, but not necessarily in the best way possible. And it seems to me that we have a very strong argument from Holy Scripture itself, in several places, that it is not sinful to choose the less perfect. The most explicit example, I think, is in St. Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians, in the seventh chapter, where he is talking about virginity and marriage. In verses seven and eight, he says: "I would that all men were even as myself [the im-plication is: virginal].; but everyone hath his proper gift from God: one after this manner, and another after that. But I say to the unmarried and. to the widows: it is good for them if they continue, even as I." And later in the same chapter: "Now con-cerning virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord, but I give counsel, as having obtained mercy of the Lord to be faithful. I think therefore that this is good for the present necessity : that it is good for a man so to be. Art thou bound to a wife? Seek not to be loosed. Art thou loosed from a wife? Seek not a wife. But if thou take a wife, thou hast not sinned. And if a virgin marry, she hath not sinned" (vv. 25ff.). And still a little further on, where St. Paul is talking about a father giving his daughter in marriage: "Therefore, both he that giveth his virgin in marriage doth well: and he that giveth her not doth better" (v. 38). Is not St. Paul saying explicitly here that while it is better to remain virginal, nevertheless it is not a sin to marry? This certainly is the choice between the better and the less good. And he does not qualify it by saying that if one cannot do the better, it is all right to do the less good. He simply gives a comparison: that for the same man, it is better if he does not marry, but it is good if he does, and he does not sin in marrying. So, this is at least one example where deliberately choosing the lesser good is 217 JOSEPH J. FARRAHER Review for Religious not a sin: which proves that the universal statement to the contrary is false. But some adversaries answer: At least to disobey a rule or order of superiors would almost always be a sin because it will involve a bad motive. They give as examples, that it will be done out of laziness or sensuality or human respect. For this, Father Gerald Kelly, S.J., has a good answer in his book on Guidance for Religious (pp. 258-59).7 He is talking about the obligation of daily morning and evening prayers; but, as he himself says, it applies also to the obligation of rules: They would say (i.e., those holding for sin): "Theoretically there is no obligation to pray every day: but in practice there is usually a sin in the omission of these prayers, because when daily prayers are omitted without a sufficient reason this is often due to a small fault of laziness, sensuality, or human respect." This formula, or a somewhat similar one, is sponsored by eminent theologians; and catechists who wish to follow it in explaining the duty of praying are certainly justified in doing so. But I would not recommend it. I find it confusing. It says, on the one hand, that daily prayers are not of obligation, yet on the other, it demands a sufficient reason under pain of sin for omitting them. This seems to beg the entire question; for if there is no obligation to say daily prayers, why should a reason be required under pain of sin for omitting them? As for the statement that failure to say these prayers could be a sin of laziness, it seems to ignore completely the distinction between imperfection and venial sin. [In a footnote at this point, Fr. Kelly admits that those who hold that every positive im-perfection is a venial sin would logically hold this doctrine.] Laziness is not a sin in the strict sense; it is an inordinate disposition or tendency, and it becomes sinful only when it leads to the neglect of some duty binding under pain of sin. In other words, laziness is an imperfection when it induces one to act against a counsel (for instance, to break a rule which does not bind under pain of sin), and it is a sin when it leads one to violate a precept (for instance, to miss Sunday Mass in whole or in part). And what I have said of laziness is similarly true of such things as sensuality and human respect. According to this doctrine of Father Kelly, if a person de-liberately violates a rule or ordination of superiors, because it is easier not to do the thing ordered, for love of comfort, or for laziness, if you want to call it that, it is not a sin. Obviously, to seek comfort is not of itself a sin, or we could not have any cushions, soft beds, pillows, or anything of the kind. A certain amount of comfort is even necessary. The love of comfort there-fore is not wrong in itself; it is wrong only when it leads one to do something that is sinful, or to omit something to which one is bound under pain of sin. To omit something to which one is not bound, because of the love of comfort, is not therefore a sin. 7Westminster: Newman, 1956. 218 July, 1960 RELIGIOUS DISOBEDIENCE Obviously, if the action one chooses in place of obeying the rule is something sinful in itself, it will be a sin. But the mere fact that it is breaking the rule, will not of itself ever make an action a sin that would not be a sin even if there were no rule. How then does one sin against obedience? Aside from dis-obeying those commands which are given in virtue of the vow of obedience, one can also sin against obedience by formal con-tempt for authority. All the authors agree that this does not mean contempt for the person who holds authority, but formal contempt for authority itself. One can also sin against other virtues in disobeying the rules. Formal contempt for religious life and religious rule in general would be a sin against the virtue of religion. And, as was said before, if there is a really sinful motive in one's action and not ,just a less perfect motive, then there will be a sin; but that is apart from the fact that a rule is being violated. There is a further way in which one might sin by dis-obedience to rules and regulations: if one does it habitually, one might very well be getting into a proximate danger of losing his vocation. For a novice, that would not be sinful, because a novice is not bound to that vocation. But one who has taken perpetual vows is bound for life. Therefore, to endanger the perpetuity of his vows knowingly and willingly could be a sin. Generally speaking, an individual violation of a rule or an order of superiors not invoking the vow of obedience would not be a sin in itself, unless the act is sinful apart: from any violation of the rule. I hope that it is cl,early understood that I am not suggesting that we should violate rules or orders of superiors. Certainly, if we truly want to signalize ourselves in the more perfect following of our Lord, we shall ordinarily do our best to observe all rules and regulations. But our motive should be the love of God, not the fear of sin. But is not the rule the will of God for us? Is it not wrong to go against God's will? It would be wrong to go against the preceptive will of God. But the rule is not the preceptive will of God; it is a counsel, a guidepost or directive to the better way of serving and loving God. And even then the statement must be qualified: ordinarily the rule indicates the better thing to be done. But, as we know, no rule made by a human being can be so perfect that it could not admit of exceptions in extraordinary circumstances. But at least ordinarily, in ordinary circumstances, 219 JOSEPH J. FARRAHER Review for Religious the rule is for us the indication of the better way of serving God. But what about the form of the rules? Some will say that they are in the form of laws and all true laws bind in conscience. Some thelogians, myself included, would not agree that all laws must bind in conscience,s But if such a statement is admitted, then the rules are not laws. Because they do not intend to bind in conscience, regardless of how they are worded. This is clear from the constitutions themelves in stating that they do not bind under pain of sin. So, regardless of their wording, they are meant as mere directives to the more perfect following of Christ. Is there any sense in which they contain an obligation? Yes, I think there is- but not under pain of sin. What does obligation mean ? It seems to be a form of necessity in the moral order. When I say moral order here, I mean not in the physical or metaphysical order, but in the order of human conduct. It is a conditional necessity. If we want to achieve a certain end, we must do this particular thing. When we speak of a moral obli-gation, not simply an obligation in the moral order, but an obligation binding under pain of sin, we mean this: that if we want to achieve our ultimate end, we must do a certain thing. Now, we are obliged to seek our ultimate end, therefore we have an absolute necessity to take the necessary means. But if the end itself is not absolutely necessary, then we have no absolute necessity to take the means. We have only a conditional necessity. If we want this particular end, we must take these means. There are obvious examples of this use of words implying obligation which are certainly outside the realm of sin. For instance, if you are playing bridge and bid two spades, you must take eight tricks. That is an obligation, an obligation not under Pain of sin, but an obligation of the game. If you do not take eight tricks, you will receive a penalty. There is no moral fault in not taking the required number of tricks, nor does the in-flicting of a penalty imply this. But there is a certain necessity to take the eight tricks, if you want to succeed at the game. So also in the moral order : we might speak of the conditions of gaining an indulgence. One must fulfill all the conditions, if one wants to gain the indulgence. But one is not obliged to gain the indulgence. Therefore, one is not obliged absolutely to do these things required for the indulgence. For ihstance, if one sSt. Thomas also holds that counsels are an ordinary part of the law, Summa Theologiae, 1-2, 104, 4. 220 J~dy, 1960 RELIGIOUS DISOBEDIENCE wishes to say the same prayer, but not fulfill the conditions of the indulgence, he is free to do so. But if one wants to gain the indulgence, one must fulfill the conditions. You can call that a form of obligation, but not under pain of sin. So also with the rules. If we want to follow the more perfect way, we must do what the rule commands. But are we not obliged to seek.the more. perfect way by our profession as religious? No, the religious profession binds us under pain of sin only to those.things which are explicitly vowed, ~vhich are poverty according to the constitutions, chastity in its perfection, including celibacy or virginity, and obedience in those things which are commanded in virtue of the vow. This is a more perfect way of life, and to this much we are strictly obliged under pain of sin. But we are not obliged by the vows to seek the most perfect in everything we do: If we want to be more perfect still, we must follow the rules and regular;ions. But we are not obliged to them under pain of sin. If we so neglect them that we proximately endanger the fulfillment of our vows or their perpetuity, then of course we are sinni.ng,. Are we not obliged under pain of sin at least by the law.of the Church, which in canon 593 says that religious should order their lives in accordance with the rules and constitutions of their own order and so strive for perfection? A Claretian moralist, Father A. Peinador recently proposed this argument.9 But practically all authorities on canon law, including the out-standing Claretian expert on the canon law of religious, Father Goyeneche,1° agree that this canon adds no new obligation, and that, in fact, a religious can sin against the specific obligation of striving for perfection only by contempt, and not even by individual violations of his vows. In spite of Father Peinador's worries, the individuality of each order is still preserved by the fact that the rules and constitutions determine the matter of the vows and further determine the matter in ~vhich superiors can invoke the vow of obedience. Two. other arguments are proposed by Father Peinador in his effort to prove that the rules and constitutions, oblige under pain of sin in spite of his admission, that this is contrary ~"'Obligan o no obligan las reglas?" Vida Religiosa, 16 (1959), 149-52, 216-20. I°Qt~aestio~es Ca~tonicae de Ittre Religiosor~¢~, 2 (Naples: D'Auria, 1955), 8. Cf. also Bouscaren-Ellis, C(t~ton Law (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1953), p. 285. 221 JOSEPH J. FARRAHER Review for Religious to the wishes of both-their authors and the Church herself. The first is based on the expression, used by St. Thomas and others, that the rules oblige ad poenam: It is true that some authors have interpreted this to mean that, although the rules do not oblige to their immediate object, they do impose an obligation under pain of sin to accept any penance imposed for their viola-tion. Father Peinador thinks that it is absurd to hold that the rules would impose a heavier obligation to accept a penance than to do what is enjoined in the first place. But if it is an absurdity (and I am among those who agree that it is), the conclusion should not be that "therefore the rules oblige under pain of sin," but rather, "therefore there is no obligation under pain of sin to accept a penance imposed by rule or by superiors unless it is imposed in virtue of the vow (as some few are in some con-stitutions), or unless the avoidance of the penance would be a sin for some other reason.''11 Some further explanation may seem required here; but as was hinted above, to discuss the whole question of the obligation of law in general and of purely penal laws in particular, would take too much time and space. Let it suffice for now to point out two briefer answers: either that the constitutions and rules are not truly laws, as Father Peinador himself holds; or, that the expression ad poenam,really means what we would usually indicate by sub poena. This is clear from St. Thomas's use of the expression in opposition to ~d culpam, in English we might translate sub poena (and hence ad poenam as used by St. Thomas) as under threat of penalty, just as we usually translate ad culpam or sub culpa as under pain of sin. Finally, Father Peinador complains that if the rules do not oblige "under pain of sin" (sub culpa), they oblige only "under pain of imperfection" (ba]o imperfecci6n), which to him does not make sense. The expression does sound peculiar; I have never before seen it used. What is usually held is that the violation of a rule is usually an imperfection. I do not think that anyone considers this a threat, as ba]o would seem to imply. It does imply that desire for perfection for love of God rather than fear of sin should be our motive for obeying the rule. If Father Peina-dor means to imply that every positive imperfection is a sin, his objection has already been answered above. l~That this is true of purely penal laws is taught by Vermeersch, I, n. 472, and St. Alphonsus, Theologia moralis, lib. I, n. 145. 222 July, 1960 RELIGIOUS DISOBEDIENCE To summarize: one would sin against religious obedience only on two scores: by a direct violation of an order given in virtue of the vow, or by formal contempt for authority (admit-tedly a very rare form of sin). Endangering the fulfillment of the vows, or contempt for religious life or constitutions could be a sin against religion. Otherwise, a violation of a rule or regulation will be a sin only if the act would be sinful apart from all idea of disobedience. An example of what might be a sin on the occasion of a violation of a rule would be a violation of silence in sfich a way as to disrupt the common order and to cause real inconvenience and mental suffering to those who are trying to serve God in a more perfect way according to the rule. The principles of what is given above are those taught by practically all theologians, including St. Thomas Aquinas,I~ St. Alphonsus,13 and Suarez.14 The practical application as to how often a violation of a rule may involve a sin for some other reason differs from Suarez, who judges that a violation will almost always involve a venial sin because of a venially sinful motive. In this he is correctly cited in Father Cotel's footnote cited earlier. St. Thomas and St. Alphonsus hold that a violation can and perhaps often does involve a venial sin because of a venially sinful motive. All three agree that no violation of a rule will be a venial sin because it is a violation of a rule, but only if the act would be a sin apart from any violation of the rule. Some who follow Suarez' rather severe judgment of fact are heard at times to say such things as: a violation of the rule of silence almost always (or very frequently) involves a venial sin against charity. That seems a rather severe judgment. If one sincerely held that, he would have to hold that almost all conversation, even during recreation times, involves sins against charity. I would not like to admit that. 1"-'Summa Theologiae, 2-2, 186, 9, for the rule; 104, 5, for orders of superiors; 186, 3, on the obligation to perfection. ~'~Theologi~ moralis, lib. IV, n. 38, for the rule; n. 42 for orders of superiors.In both places he simply gives the text of Busenbaum without further comment. ~4De religione, tract. 8, lib. 1, "De obligationibus religiosorum . . . ," cap. IV, nn. 12-13. 223 JOSEPH J. FARRAHER In a'll this we must always remember that the chief motive for embracing religious life should be the more perfect serving of God, and that love of God, not fear of sin, should lead all religious ordinarily to follow all rules and regulations of superiors.15. -. l~Father Rene Carpentier, S.J., in his Life in the City of God (New York: Benziger, 1959), ~vhich according to the title-page is "a completely recast edition, of A Catcchis~t of the Vows," emphasizes the motive of love throughout the book. He also states the obligations of religious obedience under pain of sin, pp. 158-63, much more in the manner outlined in this article. 224 The Problem of Transition for the Junior Sister Sister Mary Magdalen, OoP. In a narrow circle the mind contracts; Man grows with his expanded needs.I THESE WORDS of the eighteenth-century poet apply to any of us at any one stage of our lives; and we who have the rich treasury of the Church always at our disposal must, indeed, blush if our needs do not precipitate that growth which "enriches the harvest o~ charity so that [we] will have abun-dant means of every kind for all that generosity which gives proof of our gratitude toward G6d" (2 Cor 9:10-11). At certain times in our life of grace we reach a plane where a marked change or growth takes place, from which we emerge with new attitudes, firmer convictions to reach for higher alti-tudes. We are not "that which we have been.''2 We have expe-rienced a transition, a "development or evolution from one clearly-defined stage to another"; a "changing from an earlier to a later form with the blending of old and new features"; a building-up which enhances and brings to completion the foun-dation already laid. Such transitions we will experience often enough as we go life's journey; one such is the particular aim of the juniorate period, following the novitiate formation in religious houses. The areas of sensitivity in this development are not difficult to ascertain as we watch the junior sister try to find her place in professed life. She must adapt herself to a more intensive study program, to a more mature assuming of responsibility under obedience, to new social relations that include some secular contacts, to a wider range of age levels and interests in her own religious family. She finds herself being urged toward develop-ing her individuality, yet toward a more virile obedience ; toward creativity, yet toward a zealous dedication to the common life; 1Schiller, Prologues, 1.59. :Byron, Childe Harold, Canto 4, stanza 185. Sister Mary Magdalen is Mistress of Jt~niors at St. Catherine's Convent, Racine, Wisconsin. 225 SISTER ~/~ARY MAGDALEN Review for Religious she is confused in her new environment of "thinking for your-self" and "thinking with the community." Above all, she is not a little appalled by the large issue of resolving~everything within her obligation to grow daily in the love of God, a duty she freely assumed ~with her vows. "How," she asks, bewildered, "do I harmonize it all?" It becomes the task of the junior mistress, then, and of all who deal with the juniors, to analyze the situation, to provide gradually the helps they need to adapt, to take root, and to grow. Since the juniorate provides an intensive study program, what transition will be involved here? Perhaps this is the place, if it has not been previously achieved, to give a clearer under-standing of a truly integrated liberal arts program and the end toward which it aims. We find that though this has been dis-cussed from the postulant's beginning year, the junior sister, probably entering her junior academic year in college, will now be more ready to appreciate such a program. Study is much more the dominant activity of her day than in the earlier years when the novelty of the life, novitiate formation, absence of stability of profession--all militated somewhat against an inten-sive concentrated life of study. Indeed, it may even be somewhat of a problem to convince all junior sisters of the proportionate importance of study in their lives. To sound this note last August we prepared a sym-posium and informal discussion before college classes began on: "The Place of Study in Religious Life." The outline used follows at the end of this paper. Since at this time some of the young sisters still need help with the self-discipline of study, a candid reporting and dis-cussion of these difficulties individually with the mistress offers a helpful way to arouse the sincere desire and effort to establish the habit. Study time must, of course, be provided, and the course load be kept within limits, credit-wise. Long periods of study from two to three hours, at least sometimes, are a real necessity. Along with developing an attitude toward study, these are the years during which to build an attitude toward a habit of broad and well-chosen reading. The young sister must be helped in this by providing the right reading matter, by dis-cussion and motivation toward the choice she will be required to make. The sister must be shown that the need for a profes-sional woman is to keep well-informed on current trends, cul-tural, economic, scientific, to know the mind of the Church on 226 July, 1960 THE JUNIOR SISTER controversial matters, to discuss opinions intelligently (first, to have some), and to choose books that will broaden her ability to evaluate literature, history, the arts, and contemporary move-ments. Here the college instructors must be interested, as, indeed, we find them to be. The Directed Readings courses in the various fields of concentration challenge the sisters to a critical evalua-tion of works ranging through Plato, Aristotle, and Longinus to Tawney's Religion and the Rise of Capitalism, Karl Marx's Kapital, Veblen's Theory of the Leisure Class, works of Newman, Maritain, Hemingway, and Riesman. This practice in seeing'rela-tion of parts to a whole, in evaluation, and in individual and group critical thinking is a facility that can be used by way of transition in attitudes toward religious life. At a recent Chicago meeting of the AHE (Association for Higher Education) the emphasis in a sectional discussion centered on the need for a right conformity along with creativity in thinking and adting. Mr. Kenneth Little of the University of Wisconsin, quoting St. Augustine, reminded the educators present that "the best indi-viduality will ultimately lead to a slavery to God." The whole trend of thinking was that basic disciplines in the classical tradi-tions alone will prepare the mind to develop its own freedom in thinking on contemporary issues and problems. Conformity, rightly understood, and creativity must be seen to be comple-mentary rather than incompatible. The thoughtful junior sister will soon transfer this understanding to' her life of obedience and the development of her own personality. The principles of integration found in the curriculum will take on a new meaning for the sister student at this level. She will begin to relate her biological and physical sciences to the philosophical concepts at her disposal, and her theology, besides becoming a stronger personal defense in her religious life, will serve as a norm to which each discipline will look, while retain-ing its individual distinction as a science. Literature will become a laboratory in which human problems are tested and tried but never completely solved and from which vision .will often arise; contemporary changes on the technological, political, economic scene will prove a challenge, fitting themselves into place in human history, posing questions for the present, challenges for the immediate future. From these understandings and attitudes we can help the young sister in her personal problem of living her vows. From conformity and individuality in analyzing literature, art; and 227 SISTER MARY MAGDALEN Review for Religious history, we can lead her to a clearer appreciation of the en-nobling power of obedience, of her duty to expand her talents, to enrich her personality, and to strengthen her character. She can find her penance in the long hours of severe mental and physical discipline demanded by study; she can direct this pen-ance by her will to love ; she will find her reward both in growth in grace and in love of learning. Father Gustave Weigel, S.J., puts it thus: "Esteem for scholarship will not be produced by legislation or even construction of programs. It is a matter of creative love. To love you must be acquainted. To look for new acquaintances, there must be dissatisfaction with what is at hand.'''~ This dissatisfaction will prompt her to forge ahead in both her intellectual and her supernatural life, for we must help her constantly to see these as one. When to interpret for herself, when to seek advice, when the letter, when the spirit of the law--these knowledges must come to her somewhat through experience, even, as to all of us, through trial and error. No-where will she find the standard rule, the "capsuled" formula, though she will eagerly seek it. We can instruct with examples, but we must also leave room for failure, that necessary human-izing experience from which we as a people shrink. The junior sister must be encouraged to think out her own problems, to do some interpreting of emergency situations, to come out with the wrong answer and face her own mistake. She must be helped through this to the courage to start over, to smile through difficulties, to laugh at herself at times. Many of these understandings and developed appreciations of her religious life, then, will be incidental, casual, imbibed along with her daily living. A formal program of instruction, is, of course, necessary also. We have found the third part of Father McElhone, C.S.C.'s, Spirituality for Postulate, No~)itiate, Scholasticatea an excellent and practical guide for weekly instruc-tions. It lends itelf to natural deviations as the needs of the group demand. The divisions are: Sacrifice, Charity, Humility, Offense to God, Love of God, Accusation of Faults and Sins, Security of Rules and Vows, Temptation, Identification with Christ, Communion, Authority, The Trinity, Eternal Life. The material will easily spread itself over a two-year period. In covering "Sacrifice" we spent some weeks discussing sacrifice 3Gustave Weigel, S.J., "American Catholic Intellectualism," Review Politics, 19 (July, 1957), 275-307. 4Notre Dame: Ave Maria Press, 1955. 228 July, 1960 THE JUNIOR SISTER and renewing our undertanding and appreciation of the Mass, concentrating especially on My Mass by Joseph Putz, S.J.5 Then the virtues of sacrifice, humility, and charity were studied as they w~re portrayed in the lives of our Dominican Saints and our foundress, Mother Benedicta Bauer, O.P. This carried us through the first semester. "Offense to God" and "Accusation of Faults and Sins" we combined in a study of the use of the sacrament of penance, of general and particular examen of ~onscience, and the relation of these to meditation and recol-lection. Our object here was to challenge the sister to see these aspects of her religious growth as a unit, to help her approach her subject of particular examen positively, through the practice of recollection, through harmonizing it .when possible with meditation and mental prayer, with her efforts at self-knowledge. This is to militate against the discouragement commonly ex-pressed by the young sister: "If I make a resolution after meditation, one in my particular examen, one after confession, if I try to concentrate on something quite different during silence by way of recollection, where do I end?--in confusion!" We make an effort, then to "integrate" here, though admittedly it is uphill work, one which is only begun, since it involves patient waiting for the Holy Spirit. Meanwhile we show the importan'ce of constantly striving anew, of making consistent efforts at particular examen, recollection, and mental prayer, cardinal points on which ultimate success hinges. One can help the sister here, individually again; but the approach to the individual conference should put the burden of effort, at least apparently, on the sister herself. Does she need help? Does she want help? Let her go on from there. In still another sphere, we find the junior sister facing a transition--that of adjusting to secular companions in some of her classes and to a more mature group of sisters. We believe in having the juniors mix with the other professed. While we do have provisions for separate recreations, our junior sisters have free contact with all the sisters and join them in many of their recreations. This is an idea] situation for their better under-standing of the older s~sters, for a new relationship with their college teachers. It gives them an insight into the life and valuable services of our nurses and domestic sisters. There are opportunities to observe and test their own youthful impru- ~Westminster: Newman, 1958. 229 SISTER MARY MAGDALEN Review for Religious dences; to visit the sick and read to them; to share experiences with sisters who are not engaged in the schools; to get a better picture of the personnel needed to do all of the community's work. In the classroom situation, too, ihey meet secular students. They are sometimes confronted with unexpected competition, with views, outlooks, examples which alert them to problems of a world from which they are otherwise easily removed. They are challenged at making small decisions as to conversation, explanation, to a sense of poise and graciousness expected of them, to a loyalty to their community, experienced in practice for the first time. We might ask, now, besides the religious instruction and individual counselling, what other approaches can be t~sed to help the juniors in these important transitions? Here, more than ever before in the formation period, must we help her to help herself. An effective and appealing method to face and penetrate mutual problems is the group discussion--in any form. We mentioned earlier an orientation-to-school discussion on "The Place of Study in the Religious Life." The topic was broken down thus : I. Definition of Terms. II. St. Thomas and Study. The virtue of studiousness. a. What it is. b. What it is not. III. Study and the Religious Life. a. Purpose. b. Integration. IV. Practical Considerations. a. Attitudes: . b. Motives. c. Advantages. V. The Apostolate and Study. a. Need for preparation. b. Responsibility of an "apostle." The sisters admitted to a new alertness in the importance of the role of study in their lives. We feel it convinced them that study was truly the chief duty of their state for the time being. Another topic for discussion suggested by the young sisters themselves later in the year as representing a direct need was: "Practical Aspects of Poverty." Our approach this time: Each 230 Ju~, 1960 THE ,.]'UNIOR SISTER sister was asked to submit a question of her own on the subject. These were classified and duplicated so that all might consider, discuss, investigate, and mull over in informal conversation before the final discussion. Other discussions fruitful in broad-ening and stabilizing the sisters' views were centered on "Criti-cism and Censorship in Art and Literature," and on two rather controversial lectures delivered by Ashley Montagu and Vance Packard respectively. We hold, also, weekly, an informal dis-cussion of the Sunday Gospel with the question in mind: "What is Christ telling or asking of us in these words of His?" Quite frequently the discussion leads to a healthy "housecleaning" on points of courtesy, rule, and schedule, and to a group resolution, spontaneously arrived at. Summarily, if the atmosphere of the juniorate and of the sister's entire environment is one of mutual generosity and sin-cere desire to help them make the most of this valuable time, if they are encouraged in the virtues of honesty, candor, and justice, if they are helped to.appreciate somewhat the challenge of the complexities of life, no matter where it is lived, the efforts of all involved will be greatly repaid. We can, then, app~:oach this transition period with the junior sister, aware of the challenge, alert to the possibilities for development, humbly confident that "according to the grace that is given us" (Rom 5:2) we can help .her grow up toward her full stature in Christ. 231 Survey of Roman Documents R. I~. Smith, S.J. IN THIS ARTICLE a summary will be given of the documents that appeared in Acta Apostolicae Sedis (AAS) during January, February, and March, 1960. All references throughout the survey will be to the 1960 AAS (v. 52). The Christmas Message The 1959 Christmas message (pp. 27-35) was devoted by John XXIII to the subject of peace. The first and most important part of the message was concerned with three types of peace and the conditions under which each type can exist, l~eace, His Holiness said, is first of all peace of heart, an interior state of the spirit of each individual. The condition for this kind of peace, he added, is a loving and filial dependence on the will of God. The Second type of peace considered by the Holy Father was social peace, harmony within nations. This peace, he stated, must be based on a deep respect for the personal dignity of each man. ~Christ's incarnation and redemption, he continued, has dignified not only the human race, but each individual of the race. For if He has so loved the individual as to give Himself for him (Gal 2:20), then each man deserves to be given an absolute respect. This attitude is fundamental to all the Church's social teaching, according to which wealth, economy,, and the state are for man, and not man for them. The internal peace of nations, he warned, is threatened by treating men as mere instruments, simple means of production. Contrariwise only by recognizing the dignity of man will a natioa be able to dissolve civil discord. The Vicar of Christ then discussed the third type of peace, inter-national peace. The basis for this peace according to the Pope's message ¯ is truth. The Christian saying that the truth will make men free is also valid on the level of international relations. Hence in the pursuit of peace on the international level, force, nationalism, and the like must be sur-passed; and attempts towards peace must be based on rational and Christian moral principles. From truth, he added, proceeds justice; and justice in turn must be sustained by Christian charity which by its nature embraces all men. Then only will there be a real international life and not merely a coexistence. In the second part of the message the Holy Father pointed out errors b~eing made today by those who are striving to bring peace to the world. Peace, he said in this connection, is indivisible; hence it must be present in all its elements. Accordingly social and international peace are impossible without peace of heart. For true peace men must first of all 232 ROMAN DOCUMENTS be "men of good will." Hence the first step towards peace must be to remove the moral obstacles to it, especially in view of the present dis-equilibrium between scientific progress and moral progress. In the third part of the message the Pope spoke of the work of the Church for peace. He pointed out that she prays for peace; moreover she uses all her means, especially the treasures of her doctrine, to produce peace. It is indeed in and through her doctrine that she has been able to formulate the leading causes of modern international disturbance. These causes are the following: violations of the human person, of the family, and of labor; a disregard of the true and Christian idea of the state; the deprivation of the liberty of other nations; the systematic oppression of the cultural and linguistic characteristics of national minorities; a selfish use of economic resources to the damage and injury of other nations; and the persecution of religion and of the Church. In the fourth and final part of the message John XXIII called on all Catholics to be active in the work for peace and to be conscious of the fact that they have a command from on high for such activity. He then expressed his best wishes to all men especially the poor, the humble, and the suffering. The Consistories On December 14 and December 17, 1959 (pp. 5-24), the Pontiff held three consistories for the creation of eight new cardinals. In the first consistory, which was a secret one, the Pope delivered an allocution in which he stated that his choice of the new cardinals had been governed by a desire to show forth not only the unity of the Church but her univer-sality as well. The rest of his allocution was concerned with a summary of the principal events in the preceding year of his pontificate. Thereafter there took place the creation of the new cardinals; Cardinals Cicognani and Copello changed their cardinalatial churches; appointments to the hierarchy since the last consistory were read out; and the consistory closed with the postulation of the pallium b y newly appointed archbishops. In the second and public consistory the Holy Father imposed the red hat on the new cardinals. In the third consistory, which again was a secret one, the latest appointments to the hierarchy were announced and cardinalatial churches were assigned to the new members of the Sacred College. To the Laity On January 10, 1960 (pp. 83-90), His Holiness addressed an allocution to members of Catholic Action of the diocese of Rome. In the first part of the allocution the Pontiff detailed his long interest in Catholic Action, remarking that he has been actively associated with it since the year 1922. He also expressed his utmost confidence in Catholic Action for the future. In the second part of the allocution the Vicar of Christ developed some of the characteristics of Catholic Action. He told his listeners that Catholic Action was first of all a help to the clergy, as its classic definition 233 R. F. SMITH Review for Religious as the collaboration of the laity in the a~ostolate of the hierarchy shows. The work of Catholic Action, he pointed out, is an effort towards the ful-fillment of that part of the Our Father which reads,."Thy kingdom come." This work of the laity began already in ~he time of the apbstles; it was in this time too that the principle was laid down that nothing should be done without the bishop. The work of Catholic Action, however, can never be achieved without a solid spiritual formation of the individual member. Hence he exhorted his listeners to a life of habitual prayer accompanied by a deep liturgical spirit and a profound sense of the Church. Catholic Action, the Pope continued, is also a spectacle of disciplined unity. The unity of the Church, he said, has an irresistible attractiveness for men. Accordingly Catholic Action must be and appear an organization of union and concord; and this harmony must be shown simultaneously on the level of ideas, of plans, and of execution. Finally the Pontiff said that Catholic Action must be a luminous sign for modern times; it must be the angel in Apoc 14:6 wl~ich carried aloft the eternal gospel. Catholic Action will be. such a sign by defending the fundamental principles of Christian social order, by safeguarding the rights of man, and by validating the things that constitute man's dignity, his liberty, and his inalienable rights. The subject of education was also treated by the Pope in another written message of January 10, 1960 (pp. 100-103). This message was directed to the Interamerican Congress of Catholic Education held at Ciudad de San Josg in Costa Rica. In the message he told the congress that every true and deep education is the work of grace; hence the chief work of the educator is to cooperate with that grace. In order that an adolescent will persevere in the spiritual life given to him by the school, it is necessary, said the Pope, that the school develop in the child a spirit of initiative and an atmo~sphere of spontaneity and sincerity. Moreover, religious training must be directed not only to the intellect but to the will and heart as well. Furthermore, the Pontiff continued, religious culture should parallel the youth's growth in literary and scientific matters. Finally, religiou~ training should prepare the youth for his future family~ civic, and professional responsibilities; it should also provide him with an exercise of the apostolate and of charity. On November 25, 1959 (pp. 54-55), John XXIII directed a written message to the International Federation of Catholic Youth, meeting in Buenos Aires. Among ~other pieces of advice to them, the Vicar of Christ urged them to a great love and respect for their priests and chaplains, telling them that it is these priests who will open to them the sources of Christian doctrine, imbue them with the spirit of sacrifice and self-mastery, and lead them to a generous life of prayer and self-giving. A written message of December 8, 1959 (pp. 96-98), was directed by the Vicar of Christ to the meeting of Pax Romana held in Manila and devoted to the theme of the social responsibility of the student and the intellectual. He told the group that they should be proud of having been. chosen by 234 July, 1960 ROMAN DOCUMENTS Christ to be His witnesses even to the ends of the world. They must, he wrote, make themselves worthy of their call by living a profoundly Christian life; and they must endeavor to gain the respect of their col-leagues by their professional and moral competence. He also bade them to direct their studies to the Church's social doctrine, since the countries of Asia are now in a period of rapid economic growth. Finally he urged them to translate the message of Christian truth into forms appropriate to the Oriental soul. On February 9, 1960 (pp. 158-60), the Holy Father sent a written message to the school children of the United States asking them to pray for the needy children of other lands that they may be kept free from sin and have the strength to overcome temptation. He also asked them to be generous in contributing gifts, clothes, and money to such children. On December 8, 1959 (AAS, pp. 45-50), His Holiness addressed a group of Italian Catholic lawyers. Since the group had previously dis-cussed the subject of freedom of the press, it was this subject that the Pontiff considered in his allocution to them. He disclosed to his listeners his grave anxiety over much that is being printed today and its effects on the young and the innocent. In the matter.of the liberty of the press, he continued, it is always.necessary to have a clear conscience as well as one that is balanced, not insensitive, and not lax. The right to truth, he said, and the right to an objective morality based on the permanence of divine law is anterior and superior to every other right and need. Accord~ ingly there are necessary limitations to the freedom of the press and these limitations are found especially in matters that may do violence to the innocence of the child and the adolescent. Is it ever licit, he asked his listeners, to make a criminal deed the occasion of description and narration that are nothing else than a school of sin and an incentive to vice? In this area, the Pope insisted, the limitations of the press must be rigorously defined; and he called on his audience to study the matter carefully. He also told the lawyers that they should not fea~ to reprove the press and should endeavor to subject it to a human, civil, and Christian discipline. They should especially see to it that the press does not violate fundamental human rights. It would, he concluded, be the legalization of license, if the press were fred to subvert the r.eligious and moral foundations of the people. On December 30, 1959 (pp. 57-59), the Holy Father sent a written message to a meeting at Utrecht of the International Office of Catholic Education; the meeting had been called to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of Pius XI's encyclical on education, Divini illius Magistri. The encyclical, the Pope told the group, has lost none of its truth; today as then the Church still declares the rights of herself and of the family in regard to education to be anterior to those of the state in the same matter. He also mentioned that since at the present moment national and international authorities are anxious about the intellectual and moral elevation of the human race, it is now more important than ever to have active members of the Church who are ready to explain and defend 235 R. F. SMITH Review for Religious the Church's point of view. They should also strive to adapt the principles of the encyclical to the new situations that have arisen since its publica-tion; and on the personal level they should strive to become the profes-sional and moral elite which the world and the Church need. Miscellaneous Documents On December 18, 1959 (pp. 166-69), the Sacred Congregation of Rites officially affirmed the heroicity of the virtues of the Servant of God, Elizabeth Ann Seton (1774-1821). On February 17,' 1960 (pp. 91-94), the Pope delivered an allocution at the solemn obsequies h~ld for Cardinal Stepinac in St. Peter's, telling the congregation that the deceased cardinal gave a modern example of Christ's words that a true pastor gives his life for his flock. By the Apostolic Letter, Maiora in dies, dated December 8, 1959 (pp. 24-26), the International Marian Academy was made a Pontifical Academy. On February 17, 1960 (pp. 152-58), the Pope delivered an allocution to the faculty and student body of the Pontifical Biblical Institute on the fiftieth anniversary of its foundation. After recalling the Institute's work and success during the last fifty years, he told the Institute to look forward to the future. He urged them to a life of scientific serious-ness which would employ all modern means of investigation and work and which would have the courage to face the problems aroused by recent research and discoveries. Their work, however, should also be characterized by prudence and sobriety, so that they do not propose as definitive that which is only a working hypothesis. He pointed out to the Institute and its members that their work was not merely to form Biblical specialists, but also men who are filled with sacredotal zeal and who brave the souls of prophets and apostles. The work of the Institute, therefore, is a truly priestly work. In all their work they must also have an absolute fidelity to the deposit of faith and to the teaching authority of the Church. Finally in their efforts to understand the pages of Scripture," they must recall the advice of St. Augustine: "Pray in order that you may understand." On December 6, 1959 (pp. 51-52), the Pontiff broadcast a message to the faithful of the Philippines at the beginning of their national mission year. On December 13, 1959 (pp. 52-53), the Pope sent a radio message to the people of Ecuador on the occasion of their presentation of a crown to a statue of our Lady of the Rosary. On January 1, 1960 (pp. 98-100), he sent a written message to the people of Nicaragua on the occasion of the nation's consecration to the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary. On January 22, 1960 (pp. 90-91), John XXIII addressed an allocution to Konrad Adenauer, Chancellor of Germany, and on February 22, 1960 (pp. 95-96), to President Manuel Prado of Peru. Under the date of December 22, 1959 (pp. 61-62), the Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary issued the text of a prayer composed by the Pope to be recited by members of newly-founded churches. Faithful of such churches can gain an indulgence of three years each time they recite the prayer devoutly and with contrite heart. Moreover once a month they 236 July, 1960 VIEWS, NEWS, PREVIEWS may gain a plenary indulgence under the usual conditions provided they have recited the prayer daily for a month. 0n.December 14, 1959 (p. 105), the Sacred Consistorial Congregation named Cardinal Caggiano, archbishop of Buenos Aires, as military vicar of Argentina. A decree of the same congregation dated December 29, 1959 (pp. 164-65), provided for the continuation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the military vicariate of Colombia when the office of military vicar becomes vacant; it also assigned the proper tribunals for ecclesiastical cases of the same military vicariate. In a decree of January 5, 1960 (p. 60), the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office placed the follow-ing anonymous volumes on the Index: Il Poema di Gesu and Il Poema dell'UomooDio (Isola del Liri: Tipografia M. Pisani). Views, News, Previews Institute Jesus Magister Brother Cecilius, S.C., who is presently stationed in Rome at the Generalate of the Brothers of the Sacred Heart, has sent the REVIEW information concerning the Institute Jesus Magister (Jesus the Teacher). The Institute, .which is now an integral part of the Lateran University, was founded by Pins XII with the purpose of providing for the intellec-tual, cultural, and religious development of teaching brothers. The foundation of' the Institute was announced in the summer of 1957; in the fall of the same year the Institute held its first academic courses°. Accordingly the academic year 1959-1960 was only the third in the history of the Institute. The president of the Institute is the rector of the Lateran" Univer-sity, who at present is Msgr. Antonio Piolanti. The vice-president and director of Jesus Magister is BrotKer Anselmo, F,S.C. The faculty for the academic year 1959-1960 was composed of twenty-six professors, nine of whom were diocesan priests, eleven were .religious 'priests, and six were brothers. During the same year ninety-five brothers attended the Institute. The brothers in attendance came from twenty-three countries and from nine different religious institutes as the following tables show: 237 VIEWS, NEWS, PREVIEWS Review for Religious Countries Represented Among the Students of Jesus Magister Number of Number of Country Students Country Students Canada 13 Mexico 3 U.S.A. 11 Chile 2 Spain 10 Nicaragua 2 Italy 9 Peru 2 Brasil 8 Ruanda 2 Australia 5 Cuba 1 France 5 Ecuador 1 Eire 5 Malay 1 Argentina 4 Portugal 1 England 4 South Africa 1 Colombia 3 Venezuela 1 Vietnam 1 Religious Institutes Among Students of Jesus Magister Institute Number of Students Brothers of Christian Schools 38 Marist Brothers 26 (Irish) Christian Brothers 11 Brothers of the Sacred Heart 7 Brothers of Mary (Marianists) 4 Brothers of Christian Instruction (Ploemel) 3 Xaverian Brothers 2 Brothers of Christian Instruction of St. Gabriel 2 Josephite Brothers of Ruanda 2 From the tables it can be seen that besides the intellectual development imparted to them by the Institute, the brothers also profit by contact with fellow brothers of other countries and institutes. At the present time the. Institute offers a four-year course. The first year of the course is chiefly devoted to Thomistic philosophy and fundamental theology; the last three years are concerned principally with dogmatic and moral theology, Sacred Scripture, ecclesiastical history, and catechetics. The courses are presently given in both English and French; other languages will be added as the need arises. At the end of two years of the course, the students are made bachelors in re-ligious sciences; and at the successful completion of the entire four-year program they are given a licentiate in religious sciences. There i~ a possibility that, as the Institute grows, an additional program leading to a doctorate in religious sciences will be added. Brothers interested in studying at the Institute must have a degree which permits them to enter a graduate faculty or a university of their own country. Moreover they are expected to have a sufficient reading knowledge of Latin to be able to handle the texts necessary for their 238 VIEWS, NEWS, PREVIEWS studies in the Institute; such texts, for example, would be the Vulgate, the works of St. Thomas, and the code of canon law. The candidate must also make a written application for admission into the Institute; with the application he must include a birth and a baptismal certificate, copies of degrees held, written authorization of his major superior, and two photographs (passport size). Auditors, that is, students not studying for a degree, are also admitted with the permission of their superiors. Finally laymen who are engaged in teaching religion on the primary or secondary level are admitted, provided they 'have the necessary quali-fications for the Institute's program. Persons interested in the Institute can obtain more information about it by writing: Ill.mus Fr. Anselmo Balocco, F.SoC. Instituto Jesus Magister Pontificia Universith Laterano Piazza S. Giovanni in Laterano, 4 Rome, Italy Christ to the World Founded three years ago, this "International Review of Apostolic Experiences" has spread to 125.countries and is contributing in a very efficacious way to the work of the apostolate among unbelievers. The aim of the review is to promote the apostolate in pagan and dechris-tianized environments by pooling apostolic experiences and making known the most fruitful apostolic efforts undertaken throughout the world. In presenting these experiences, the review stresses the method followed, the means used, the difficulties encountered and how they were overcome, the results obtained and the lessons drawn from the experience which will prevent future repetitions of the same mistakes. A sample copy of an issue dealing with the problems one indicates interest in will be sent on request by Reverend L. P. Bourassa, Circulation Manager, Christ to the World, Lungotevere dei Vallati, 1, Roma. Brothers' Newsletter: Menus and Recipes The Brothers' Newsletter reported in its November issue that Brother Herman Zaccarelli, C.S.C., has published a book on menu-planning and recipes for Catholic institutions. This is the first book ever to be written taking into account the specialized food problems of the vow of poverty, feasts, and fasts of the Church year. In the summer of 1960, Brother plans to direct the first school of culinary arts for religious at Stonehill College, North Easton, Massachusetts. He hopes to build this summer course up to a regular three-year program. For his work on the book, Brother received grants from several food com-panies serving Catholic institutions. 239 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review for Religion,s The interesting facts and events relating to the life and training of brothers which the Newsletter contains are available without subscrip-tion fee. Write to Brother William Haas, S.J., West Baden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana, or to Brother Walter, S.V.D., Divine Word Seminary, Techny, Illinois. )uestions ond Answers [The following answers are given by Father Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., pro-fessor of canon law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland.] 24. I was teaching a summer course to sisters from several congregations. Canonical questions on the religious life occasionally arose. One sister told me that her constitutions state that a parish convent cannot be a canonically erected religious house because at the commencement of the scholastic year the community of such a house may be composed of new members. Another sister stated that in her congregation all houses of less than four sisters are filial houses, those of four or more are canon-ically erected houses. Difficulties on obedience, according to this sister, arise in filial houses because of the fact that the one at the head of a filial house is not a real superior. To avoid this, higher superiors strive to have all houses canonically erected; and they believe that this is accomplished by the mere fact of assigning at least four religious to a house. They also believe that the'sole fact of assigning three or less sisters to a house makes it filial. My reply to both sisters was in the negative. Was I correct? A canonically erected religious house, because it is a moral person, can cease only by suppression or extinction. A moral person in the Church is of its nature perpetual. If only one member remains in it, all rights of the moral person devolve on him. A moral person and therefore a religious house becomes extinct only when it has ceased to exist, that is, has had no members, for a hundred years (c. 102)'. As a collegiate moral person, a canonically erected house must consist of at least three religious at the time of its erection. Since a moral person is of its nature perpetual, it is evident that the continued existence of a religious house does not depend on the permanent residence. 5f the religious who originally constituted the community. These may constantly change, as they do in other moral persons, for example, an institute or province. The same juridical perpetuity proves that a religious house continues to exist as such if the number of religious assigned to it after its erection becomes less than three. The superior of such a reduced religious house remains a superior in the proper sense of the word, Since he is a superior of a canonically erected house. A higher superior cannot change a canonically erected house into a filial house merely by assigning less religious to it (cf. Larraona, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 3 [1922], 48, note 176). This 240 July, 1960 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS change demands an extinction or the formalities of a suppression and the permission to open a filial house. Neither may he change a filial house into a canonically erected house merely by assigning more religious to it. This change requires the formalities for the canonical erection of a house. Goyeneche (Quaestiones Canonicae, I, 115) anal Jone (Com-mentarium in Codicem Iuris Canonici, I, 404) deny that such formalities are necessary in this case. They maintain that the change of a filial into a canonically erected house is a mere internal change and conse-quently demands no permission of external authority (cf. Question .17). But such a change certainly and evidently implies the erection 5f a moral person. Canon 497 does not grant the right of erecting a moral person, solely on their own authority, to the superiors of any religious institute. The law on internal and external changes presupposes an existing moral person and its purpose is to determine whether the change has so altered this existing moral person as to make it a different moral person. In the opinion of Goyeneche and Jone, an exempt in-stitute could open a filial house with th.e permission of only the local ordinary; and then, merely at the will of its superiors, with no further permission of the ordinary and no permission whatever of the Holy See, could canonically erect an exempt religious house. But canon 497, § 1, demands the permission of the Holy See for the canonical erection of any exempt religious house. A house becomes a new moral person when it undergoes a formal external change (Question 18) or is moved to such a distance (Question 19) that the formalities of a new erection are necessary and are obtained. It need not be mentioned that religious owe the same reverence and submission to delegated as to ordinary authority. The ultimate source of the authority is the same and the motive of religious obedience is the same in both cases. 25. If we are able to suppress the religious house mentioned in Question 23, to whom does the property of the suppressed house belong? Unless the particular constitutions contain a different enactment, the property of a suppressed or extinct house appertains to the im-mediately higher moral person, that is, to the province or, if there are no provinces, to the institute (c. 1501). The property of a sup-pressed or extinct separated establishment already appertains to the house to which it is attached. All obligations of justice, all rights ac-quired by others, and the intentions of founders and donors are to be respected and observed. 26. Are parish school convents of sisters in fact ~anonically erected or merely filial houses? It is presupposed that the house had the antecedent requisites for a canoncially erected house at the time of its erection (cf. Question 3). If so, such convents are canonically erected religious houses unless the 241 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review for Religious explicit or implicit intention of the local ordinary in particular cases was merely for a filial house (cf. Questions 11-13). This follows from the fact that such convents are only exceptionally filial houses. Parish convents are termed houses in approved constitutions equally with other canonically erected houses, for example, academies, colleges, and hospitals. Their superiors are in the same way superiors in the proper sense of this word, and not mere delegates of a higher superior or another local superior. Their superiors are held to the limit of the three-year term and to two such consecutive terms in the samehouse (c. 505). These same superiors are also equally ex officio members of the provincial or general chapter. Parish convents have their own councilors and bursar or treasurer, and these are proper to canonically erected houses (c. 516, §§ 1-2; cf. Question 6). Furthermore, some constitutions make this general sense clear by stating that only the smaller houses of two or three sisters are to be filial houses (cf. Question 6). It is true that a moral person, by the positive law of the Church, should be perpetual (c. 102, § 1); but the sense is that it may not be erected for a definite time, for example, five years. It is perpetual in the sense of the law when it is erected for an indefinite time (cf. Michiels, Principia Gen-eralia de Personis in Ecclesia, 535). The particular constitutions may add requisites for a canonically erected house. If so, the petitioning of the consent for the establishment of houses is made according to such norms and the houses are canonically erected or filial according to the same norms. 27. What do you think of the enactment of our constitutions that the portress should every night carry the keys of the convent to the superioress? This enactment was contained in article 319 of the Normae of 1901, on which the constitutions of practically all lay congregations are based. However, it was not repeated in the similar norms of the Sacred Con-gregation of the Propagation of the .Faith of 1940, nor is it by any means contained in all constitutions. In some convents, the superior would be the nocturnal custodian of a sufficient number of keys. The efficiency and practicality of this practice are at once questionable. Its necessity is equally doubtful. I personally have never heard of any alarming number of attempts to break into convents at night. The doors should be securely locked at night, but it is not the custom in the United States to use locks that can be operated only by a key from inside. We may also question whether this type of lock is more secure, and a door is not the only means of entrance favored by burglars. The principal objection against the practice is the danger of fire and the fire regulations. To repeat what we have already stated on two occasions: "All doors used in connection with exits shall be so arranged as to be always readily opened from the side from which egress is made. Locks, if provided, shall not require a key to operate from the inside. Latches or other re-leasing devices to open doors shall be of simple types, the method of 242 July, 1960 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS operation of which is obvious even in darkness" (REVIEW FOR RE-LIGIOUS, 15 [1956], 284-85; 18 [1959], 165). It seems evident that all doors leading to the outside should be capable of being used as exits in case of fire; and an exit door locked from the inside, with the key in the superior's room, is a fire hazard of the first order. II. Local Superiors 28. Is a minimum age prescribed for local superiors? Every canonically erected religious house must have a local superior in the proper sense of this term. The prescriptions of canon 505 on the term of office and reappointment affect only minor local superiors. A minor local super

With President Milei's election in Argentina, dollarization is suddenly on the table. I'm for it. Here's why. Why not? A standard of valueStart with "why not?'' Dollarization, not a national currency, is actually a sensible default. The dollar is the US standard of value. We measure length in feet, weight in pounds, and the value of goods in dollars. Why should different countries use different measures of value? Wouldn't it make sense to use a common standard of value? Once upon a time every country, and often every city, had its own weights and measures. That made trade difficult, so we eventually converged on international weights and measures. (Feet and pounds are actually a US anachronism since everyone else uses meters and kilograms.  Clearly if we had to start over we'd use SI units, as science and engineering already do.) Moreover, nobody thinks it's a good idea to periodically shorten the meter in order to stimulate the economy, say by making the sale of cloth more profitable. As soon as people figure out they need to buy more cloth to make the same jeans, the profit goes away. PrecommitmentPrecommitment is, I think,  the most powerful argument for dollarization (as for euorization of, say, Greece): A country that dollarizes cannot print money to spend more than it receives in taxes. A country that dollarizes must also borrow entirely in dollars, and must endure costly default rather than relatively less costly inflation if it doesn't want to repay debts. Ex post inflation and devaluation is always tempting, to pay deficits, to avoid paying debt, to transfer money from savers to borrowers, to advantage exporters, or to goose the economy ahead of elections. If a government can precommit itself to eschew inflation and devaluation, then it can borrow a lot more money on better terms, and its economy will be far better off in the long run. An independent central bank is often advocated for precommitment value. Well, locating the central bank 5,000 miles away in a country that doesn't care about your economy is as independent as you can get!The Siren Vase. Greek 480-470 BC. Source: The Culture CriticPrecommitment is an old idea. See picture. It's hard. A country must set things up so that it cannot give in to temptation ex post, and it will regret and try to wriggle out of that commitment when the time comes. A lot of the structure of our laws and government amount to a set of precommitments. An independent central bank with a price-level mandate is a precommitment not to inflate. A constitution and property rights are precommitments not to expropriate electoral minorities. Especially in Argentina's case, precommitment is why full dollarization is better than an exchange rate peg or a currency board. A true exchange rate peg -- one dollar for one peso, as much as you like -- would seem to solve the temptation-to-inflate problem. But the country can always abrogate the peg, reinstitute currency controls, and inflate. An exchange rate peg is ultimately a fiscal promise; the country will raise enough taxes so that it can get the dollars necessary to back its currency. When that seems too hard, countries devalue the peg or abandon it altogether. A currency board is tougher. Under a currency board,  every peso issued by the government is backed by a dollar. That seems to ensure adequate reserves to handle any conceivable run. But a strapped government eyes the great Uncle-Scrooge swimming pool full of dollars at the currency board, and is tempted to abrogate the board, grab the assets and spend them. That's exactly how Argentina's currency board ended. Dollarization is a burn the ships strategy. There is no return. Reserves are neither necessary nor sufficient for an exchange rate peg. The peg is a fiscal promise and stands and falls with fiscal policy. A currency board, to the governmentFull dollarization -- the country uses actual dollars, and abandons its currency -- cannot be so swiftly undone. The country would have to pass laws to reinstitute the peso, declare all dollar contracts to be Peso contracts, ban the use of dollars and try to confiscate them. Dollars pervading the country would make that hard. People who understand their wealth is being confiscated and replaced by monopoly money would make it harder -- harder than some technical change in the amount of backing at the central bank for the same peso notes and bank accounts underlying a devalued peg or even an abrogated currency board. The design of dollarization should make it harder to undo. The point is precommitment, to make it as costly as possible for a following government to de-dollarize, after all. It's hard to confiscate physical cash, but if domestic Argentine banks have dollar accounts and dollar assets, it is relatively easy to pronounce the accounts in pesos and grab the assets. It would be better if dollarization were accompanied by full financial, capital, and trade liberalization, including allowing foreign banks to operate freely and Argentinian banks to become subsidiaries of foreign banks. Absence of a central bank and domestic deposit insurance will make that even more desirable. Then Argentinian bank "accounts" could be claims to dollar assets held offshore, that remain intact no matter what a future Peronist government does. Governments in fiscal stress that print up money, like Argentina, also impose an array of economy-killing policies to try to prop up the value of their currency, so the money printing generates more revenue. They restrict imports with tariffs, quotas, and red tape; they can restrict exports to try to steer supply to home markets at lower prices; they restrict currency conversion and do so at manipulated rates; they restrict capital markets, stopping people from investing abroad or borrowing abroad; they force people to hold money in oligopolized bank accounts at artificially low interest rates. Dollarization is also a precommitment to avoid or at least reduce all these harmful policies, as generating a demand for a country's currency doesn't do any good to the government budget when there isn't a currency. Zimbabwe dollarized in 2009, giving up on its currency after the greatest hyperinflation ever seen. The argument for Argentina is similar. Ecuador dollarized successfully in much less trying circumstances. It's not a new idea, and unilateral dollarization is possible. In both cases there was a period in which both currencies circulated. (Sadly, Zimbabwe ended dollarization in 2019, with a re-introduction of the domestic currency and redenomination of dollar deposits at a very unfavorable exchange rate. It is possible to undo, and the security of dollar bank accounts in face of such appropriation is an important part of the dollarization precommitment.) The limits of precommitmentDollarization is no panacea. It will work if it is accompanied by fiscal and microeconomic reform. It will be of limited value otherwise. I'll declare a motto: All successful inflation stabilizations have come from a combination of fiscal, monetary and microeconomic reform. Dollarization does not magically solve intractable budget deficits. Under dollarization, if the government cannot repay debt or borrow, it must default.  And Argentina has plenty of experience with sovereign default. Argentina already borrows abroad in dollars, because nobody abroad wants peso debt, and has repeatedly defaulted on dollar debt.  The idea of dollar debt is that explicit default is more costly than inflation, so the country will work harder to repay debt. Bond purchasers, aware of the temptation to default, will put clauses in debt contracts that make default more costly still. For you to borrow, you have to give the bank the title to the house. Sovereign debt issued under foreign law, with rights to grab assets abroad works similarly. But sovereign default is not infinitely costly and countries like Argentina sometimes choose default anyway. Where inflation may represent simply hugging the mast and promising not to let go, default is a set of loose handcuffs that you can wriggle out of painfully. Countries are like corporations. Debt denominated in the country's own currency is like corporate equity (stock): If the government can't or won't pay it back the price can fall, via inflation and currency devaluation. Debt denominated in foreign currency is like debt: If the government can't or won't pay it back, it must default. (Most often, default is partial. You get back some of what is promised, or you are forced to convert maturing debt into new debt at a lower interest rate.) The standard ideas of corporate finance tell us who issues debt and who issues equity.  Small businesses, new businesses, businesses that don't have easily valuable assets,  businesses where it is too easy for the managers to hide cash, are forced to borrow, to issue debt. You have to borrow to start a restaurant. Businesses issue equity when they have good corporate governance, good accounting, and stockholders can be sure they're getting their share. These ideas apply to countries, and the choice between borrowing in their own currency and borrowing in foreign currency. Countries with poor governance, poor accounting, out of control fiscal policies, poor institutions for repayment, have to borrow in foreign currency if they are going to borrow at all, with intrusive conditions making default even more expensive. Issuing and borrowing in your own currency, with the option to inflate, is the privilege of countries with good institutions, and democracies where voters get really mad about inflation in particular. Of course, when things get really bad, the country can't borrow in either domestic or foreign currency. Then it prints money, forcing its citizens to take it. That's where Argentina is. In personal finance, you start with no credit at all; then you can borrow; finally you can issue equity. On the scale of healthier economies, dollarizing is the next step up for Argentina. Dollarization and foreign currency debt have another advantage. If a country inflates its way out of a fiscal mess, that benefits the government but also benefits all private borrowers at the expense of private savers. Private borrowing inherits the inflation premium of government borrowing, as the effective government default induces a widespread private default. Dollarization and sovereign default can allow the sovereign to default without messing up private contracts, and all prices and wages in the economy. It is possible for sovereigns to pay higher interest rates than good companies, and the sovereign to be more likely to default than those companies. It doesn't always happen, because sovereigns about to default usually grab all the wealth they can find on the way down, but the separation of sovereign default from inflationary chaos is also an advantage. Greece is a good example, and a bit Italy as well, both in the advantages and the cautionary tale about the limitations of dollarization. Greece and Italy used to have their own currencies. They also had borders, trade controls, and capital controls. They had regular inflation and devaluation. Every day seemed to be another "crisis" demanding another "just this once" splurge. As a result, they paid quite high interest rates to borrow, since savvy bondholders wanted insurance against another "just this once."They joined the EU and the eurozone. This step precommitted them to free trade, relatively free capital markets, and no national currency.  Sovereign default was possible, but regarded as very costly. Having banks stuffed with sovereign debt made it more costly.  Leaving the euro was possible, but even more costly. Deliberately having no plan to do so made it more costly still. The ropes tying hands to the mast were pretty strong. The result: borrowing costs plummeted. Governments, people and businesses were able to borrow at unheard of low rates. And they did so, with aplomb. The borrowing could have financed public and private investment to take advantage of the new business opportunities the EU allowed. Sadly it did not. Greece soon experienced the higher ex-post costs of default that the precommitment imposed. Dollarizaton -- euroization -- is a precommitment, not a panacea. Recommitments impose costs on yourself ex post. Those costs are real.  A successful dollarization for Argentina has to be part of a joint monetary, fiscal, and microeconomic reform. (Did I say that already? :) ) If public finances aren't sorted out, a default will come eventually. And public finances don't need a sharp bout of "austerity" to please the IMF. They need decades of small primary surpluses, tax revenues slightly higher than spending, to credibly pay down any debt. To get decades of revenue, the best answer is growth. Tax revenue equals tax rate times income. More income is a lot easier than higher tax rate, which at least partially lowers income. Greece and Italy did not accomplish the microeconomic reform part. Fortunately, for Argentina, microeconomic reform is low-hanging fruit, especially for a Libertarian president. TransitionWell, so much for the Promised Land, they may have asked of Moses, how do we get there? And let's not spend 40 years wandering the Sinai on the way. Transition isn't necessarily hard. On 1 January 1999, Italy switched from Lira to Euro. Every price changed overnight, every bank account redenominated, every contract reinterpreted, all instantly and seamlessly. People turned in Lira banknotes for Euro banknotes. The biggest complaint is that stores might have rounded up converted prices. If only Argentina could have such problems. Why is Argentina not the same? Well, for a lot of reasons. Before getting to the euro, Italy had adopted the EU open market. Exchange rates had been successfully pegged at the conversion rate, and no funny business about multiple rates. The ECB (really the Italian central bank) could simply print up euros to hand out in exchange for lira. The assets of the Italian central bank and other national central banks were also redenominated in euro, so printing up euros to soak up national currencies was not inflationary -- assets still equal liabilities. Banks with lira deposits that convert to Euro also have lira assets that convert to euro. And there was no sovereign debt crisis, bank crisis,  or big inflation going on. Italian government debt was trading freely on an open market. Italy would spend and receive taxes in euros, so if the debt was worth its current price in lira as the present value of surpluses,  it was worth exactly the same price, at the conversion rate, in euro. None of this is true in Argentina. The central problem, of course, is that the government is broke. The government does not have dollars to exchange for Pesos. Normally, this would not be a problem. Reserves don't matter, the fiscal capacity to get reserves matters. The government could simply borrow dollars internationally, give the dollars out in exchange for pesos, and slowly pay off the resulting debt. If Argentina redenominated interest-bearing peso debt to dollars at a market exchange rate, that would have no effect on the value of the debt. Obviously, borrowing additional dollars would likely be difficult for Argentina right now. To the extent that its remaining debt is a claim to future inflationary seigniorage revenues, its debt is also worth less once converted to dollars, even at a free market rate, because without seigniorage or fiscal reforms, budget deficits will increase. And that leads to the primary argument against dollarization I hear these days. Yes it might be the promised land, but it's too hard to get there. I don't hear loudly enough, though, what is the alternative? One more muddle of currency boards, central bank rules, promises to the IMF and so forth? How do you suddenly create the kind of stable institutions that Argentina has lacked for a century to justify a respectable currency? One might say this is a problem of price, not of quantity. Pick the right exchange rate, and conversion is possible. But that is not even clearly true. If the state is truly broke, if pesos are only worth anything because of the legal restrictions forcing people to hold them, then pesos and peso debt are genuinely worthless. The only route to dollarization would be essentially a complete collapse of the currency and debt. They are worth nothing. We start over. You can use dollars, but you'll have to export something to the US -- either goods or capital, i.e. stock and bonds in private companies -- to get them. (Well, to get any more of them. Lots of dollars line Argentine mattresses already.) That is enough economic chaos to really put people off. In reality, I think the fear is not a completely worthless currency, but that a move to quick dollarization would make peso and peso claims worth very little, and people would rebel against seeing their money holdings and bank accounts even more suddenly worthless than they are now. Maybe, maybe not. Just who is left in Argentina counting on a robust value of pesos? But the state is not worth nothing. It may be worth little in mark to market, or current dollar borrowing capacity. But a reformed, growing Argentina, with tax, spending, and microeconomic reform, could be a great place for investment, and for tax revenue above costs. Once international lenders are convinced those reform efforts are locked in, and Argentina will grow to anything like its amazing potential, they'll be stumbling over themselves to lend. So a better dollarization plan redeems pesos at the new greater value of the post-reform Argentine state. The question is a bit of chicken and egg: Dollarization has to be part of the reform, but only reform allows  dollarization with a decent value of peso exchange.  So there is a genuine question of sequencing of reforms. This question reminds me of the totally fruitless discussion when the Soviet Union broke up. American economists amused themselves with clever optimal sequencing of liberalization schemes. But if competent benevolent dictators (sorry, "policy-makers") were running the show, the Soviet Union wouldn't have failed in the first place. The end of hyperinflation in Germany. Price level 1919-1924. Note left-axis scale. Source: Sargent (1982) "The ends of four big inflations." A better historical analogy is, I think, the ends of hyperinflation after WWI, so beautifully described by Tom Sargent in 1982. The inflations were stopped by a sudden, simultaneous, fiscal, monetary, and (to some extent) microeconomic reform. The fiscal problem was solved by renegotiating reparations under the Versailles treaty, along with  severe cuts in domestic spending, for example firing a lot of government and (nationalized) railroad workers. There were monetary reforms, including an independent central bank forbidden to buy government debt. There were some microeconomic reforms as well. Stopping inflation took no monetary stringency or high interest rates: Interest rates fell, and the governments printed more money, as real money demand increased. There was no Phillips curve of high unemployment. Employment and the economies boomed. So I'm for almost-simultaneous and fast reforms. 1) Allow the use of dollars everywhere. Dollars and pesos can coexist. Yes, this will put downward pressure on the value of the peso, but that might be crucial to maintain interest in the other reforms, which will raise the value of the peso. 2) Instant unilateral free trade and capital opening. Argentina will have to export goods and capital to get dollars. Get out of the way. Freeing imports will lower their prices and make the economy more efficient. Capital will only come in, which it should do quickly, if it knows it can get out again. Float the peso. 3) Long list of growth - oriented microeconomic reforms. That's why you elected a Libertarian president.  4) Slash spending. Reform taxes. Low marginal rates, broad base. Subsidies in particular distort prices to transfer income. Eliminate. 5)  Once reforms are in place, and Argentina has some borrowing capacity, redenominate debt to dollars, and borrow additional dollars to exchange pesos for dollars. All existing peso contracts including bank accounts change on the date. Basically, you want people to hold peso bills and peso debt in the interim as claims on the post-reform government. Peso holders have an incentive to push for reforms that will raise the eventual exchange value of the peso.   6) Find an interim lender. The central problem is who will lend to Argentina in mid stream in order to retire pesos. This is like debtor in possession financing but for a bankrupt country. This could be a job for the IMF. The IMF could lend Argentina dollars for the purpose of retiring pesos. One couldn't ask for much better "conditionality" than a robust Libertarian pro-growth program. Having the IMF along for the ride might also help to commit Argentina to the program. (The IMF can force conditionality better than private lenders.) When things have settled down, Argentina should be able to borrow dollars privately to pay back the IMF. The IMF might charge a decent interest rate to encourage that. How much borrowing is needed? Less than you think. Interest-paying debt can simply be redenominated in dollars once you pick a rate. That might be hard to pay off, but that's a problem for later. So Argentina really only needs to borrow enough dollars to retire cash pesos. I can't find numbers, but hyper inflationary countries typically don't have much real value of cash outstanding. The US has 8% of GDP in currency outstanding. If Argentina has half that, then it needs to borrow only 4% of GDP in dollars to buy back all its currency. That's not a lot. If the peso really collapses, borrowing a little bit more (against great future growth of the reform program) to give everyone $100, the sort of fresh start that Germany did after WWII and after unification, is worth considering. Most of the worry about Argentina's borrowing ability envisions continued primary deficits with slow fiscal adjustment. Make the fiscal adjustment tomorrow."You never want a serious crisis to go to waste," said Rahm Emanuel wisely. "Sequencing" reforms means that everything promised tomorrow is up for constant renegotiation. Especially when parts of the reform depend on other parts, I'm for doing it all as fast as possible, and then adding refinements later if need be. Roosevelt had his famous 100 days, not a 8 year sequenced program. The Argentine reform program is going to hurt a lot of people, or at least recognize losses that had long been papered over in the hope they would go away. Politically, one wants  to make the case "We're all in this, we're all hurting. You give up your special deal, preferential exchange rate, special subsidy or whatever, but so will everyone else. Hang with me to make sure they don't get theirs, and in a year we'll all be better off." If reforms are in a long sequence, which means long renegotiation, it's much harder to get buy in from people who are hurt earlier on that the ones who come later will also do their part.  The standard answersOne standard critique of dollarization is  monetary policy and "optimal currency areas." By having a national currency, the country's wise central bankers can artfully inflate and devalue the currency on occasion to adapt to negative shocks, without the inconvenience and potential dislocation of everyone in the country lowering prices and wages. Suppose, say, the country produces beef, and exports it in order to import cars. If world demand for beef declines, the dollar price of beef declines. The country is going to have to import fewer cars. In a dollarized country, or with a pegged exchange rate,  the internal price of beef and wages go down. With its own country and a floating rate, the value of the currency could go down, leaving beef and wages the same inside the country, but the price of imported cars goes up.  If lowering prices and wages causes more recession and dislocation than raising import prices, then the artful devaluation is the better idea.  (To think about this question more carefully you need traded and non-traded goods; beef, cars, and haircuts. The relative price of beef, cars, and haircuts along with demand for haircuts is also different under the two regimes). Similarly, suppose there is a "lack of demand'' recession and deflation. (90 years later, economists are still struggling to say exactly where that comes from.) With its own central bank and currency, the country can artfully inflate just enough to offset the recession. A country that dollarizes also has to import not-always-optimal US inflation. Switzerland did a lot better than the US and EU once again in the covid era. This line of thinking answers the question, "OK, if Argentina ($847 bn GDP, beef exports) should have its own currency in order to artfully offset shocks, why shouldn't Colorado ($484 bn GDP, beef exports)?''  Colorado is  more dependent on trade with the rest of the US than is Argentina. But, the story goes, people can more easily move across states. A common federal government shoves "fiscal stimulus" to states in trouble. Most of all, "lack of demand" recessions seem to be national, in part because of the high integration of states, so recessions are fought by national policy and don't need state-specific monetary stimulus. This is the standard "optimal currency area" line of thinking, which recommends a common currency in an integrated free trade zone such as US, small Latin American countries that trade a lot with the US, and Europe. Standard thinking especially likes a common currency in a fiscal union.  Some commenters felt Greece should keep or revert to the Drachma because the EU didn't have enough common countercyclical fiscal policy. It likes independent currencies elsewhere.I hope you're laughing out loud by now. A wise central bank, coupled with a thrifty national government, that artfully inflates and devalues just enough to technocratically exploit price stickiness and financial frictions, offsetting national "shocks" with minimum disruption, is a laughable description of Argentina's fiscal and monetary policies. Periodic inflation, hyperinflation and default, together with a wildly overregulated economy with far too much capital and trade controls is more like it. The lure of technocratic stabilization policy in the face of Argentina's fiscal and monetary chaos is like fantasizing whether you want the tan or black leather on your new Porsche while you're on the bus to Carmax to see if you can afford a 10-year old Toyota. Another reason people argue that even small countries should have their own currencies is to keep the seigniorage. Actual cash pays no interest. Thus, a government that issues cash earns the interest spread between government bonds and interest. Equivalently, if demand for cash is proportional to GDP, then as GDP grows, say 2% per year, then the government can let cash grow 2% per year as well, i.e. it can print up that much cash and spend it. But this sort of seigniorage is small for modern economies that don't have inflation. Without inflation, a well run economy might pay 2% for its debt, so save 2% by issuing currency. 2% interest times cash which is 10% of GDP is 0.2% of GDP. On the scale of Argentinian (or US) debt and deficits, that's couch change.  When inflation is higher, interest rates are higher, and seigniorage or the "inflation tax" is higher. Argentina is living off that now. But the point is not to inflate forever and to forswear bigger inflation taxes. Keeping this small seigniorage is one reason for countries to keep their currency and peg to the dollar or run a currency board. The currency board holds interest-bearing dollar assets, and the government gets the interest. Nice. But as I judge above, the extra precommitment value of total dollarization is worth the small lost seigniorage.  Facing Argentina's crisis, plus its catastrophic century of lost growth, lost seigniorage is a cost that I judge far below the benefit. Other countries dollarize, but agree with the US Fed to rebate them some money for the seigniorage. Indeed, if Argentina dollarizes and holds 10% of its GDP in non-interest-bearing US dollars, that's a nice little present to the US. A dollarization agreement with Argentina to give them back the seignorage would be the least we can do. But I don't think Argentina should hold off waiting for Jay Powell to answer the phone. The Fed has other fires to put out. If Argentina unilaterally dollarizes, they can work this sort of thing out later. Dollarization would obviously be a lot easier if it is worked out together with the US government and US banks. Getting cash sent to Argentina, getting banks to have easy payment systems in dollars and links to US banks would make it all easier. If Argentina gets rid of its central bank it still needs a payment system to settle claims in dollars. Accounts at, say, Chase could function as a central bank. But it would all be easier if the US cooperates. Updates:Some commenters point out that Argentina may be importing US monetary policy just as the US imports Argentine fiscal policy. That would lead to importing a big inflation. They suggest a Latin American Monetary Union, like the euro, or using a third country's currency. The Swiss franc is pretty good. Maybe the Swiss can set the world standard of value. Both are good theoretical ideas but a lot harder to achieve in the short run. Dollarization will be hard enough. Argentines have a lot of dollars already, most trade is invoiced in dollars so getting dollars via trade is relatively easy, the Swiss have not built out a banking infrastructure capable of being a global currency. The EMU lives on top of the EU, and has its own fiscal/monetary problems. Building a new currency before solving Argentina's problems sounds like a long road. The question asked was dollarization, so I stuck to that for now. I imagined here unilateral dollarization. But I didn't emphasize enough: The US should encourage dollarization! China has figured this out and desperately wants anyone to use its currency. Why should we not want more people to use our currency? Not just for the seigniorage revenue, but for the ease of trade and international linkages it promotes. The Treasury and Fed should have a "how to dollarize your economy" package ready to go for anyone who wants it. Full integration is not trivial, including access to currency, getting bank access to the Fed's clearing systems, instituting cyber and money laundering protocols, and so forth. Important update: Daniel Raisbeck and Gabriela Calderon de Burgos at CATO have a lovely essay on Argentinian dollarization, also debunking an earlier Economist article that proclaimed it impossible. They include facts and comparison with other dollarization experiences, not just theory as I did. (Thanks to the correspondent who pointed me to the essay.) Some quotes:At the end of 2022, Argentines held over $246 billion in foreign bank accounts, safe deposit boxes, and mostly undeclared cash, according to Argentina's National Institute of Statistics and Census. This amounts to over 50 percent of Argentina's GDP in current dollars for 2021 ($487 billion). Hence, the dollar scarcity pertains only to the Argentine state....The last two dollarization processes in Latin American countries prove that "purchasing" the entire monetary base with U.S. dollars from one moment to the next is not only impractical, but it is also unnecessary. In both Ecuador and El Salvador, which dollarized in 2000 and 2001 respectively, dollarization involved parallel processes. In both countries, the most straightforward process was the dollarization of all existing deposits, which can be converted into dollars at the determined exchange rate instantly.in both Ecuador and El Salvador, dollarization not only did not lead to bank runs; it led to a rapid and sharp increase in deposits, even amid economic and political turmoil in Ecuador's case....There is a general feature of ending hyperinflation: People hold more money. In this case, people hold more bank accounts once they know those accounts are safe. Short summary of the rest, all those dollar deposits (out of mattresses into the banking system) allowed the central bank to retire its local currency liabilities. Emilio Ocampo, the Argentine economist whom Milei has put in charge of plans for Argentina's dollarization should he win the presidency, summarizes Ecuador's experience thus:People exchanged their dollars through the banks and a large part of those dollars were deposited in the same banks. The central bank had virtually no need to disburse reserves. This was not by design but was a spontaneous result.In El Salvador also, Dollar deposits also increased spontaneously in El Salvador, a country that dollarized in 2001. By the end of 2022, the country's deposits amounted to 49.6 percent of GDP—in Panama, another dollarized peer, deposits stood at 117 percent of GDP.El Salvador's banking system was dollarized immediately, but the conversion of the circulating currency was voluntary, with citizens allowed to decide if and when to exchange their colones for dollars. Ocampo notes that, in both Ecuador and El Salvador, only 30 percent of the circulating currency had been exchanged for dollars four months after dollarization was announced so that both currencies circulated simultaneously. In the latter country, it took over two years for 90 percent of the monetary base to be dollar‐​based.Cachanosky explains that, in an El Salvador‐​type, voluntary dollarization scenario, the circulating national currency can be dollarized as it is deposited or used to pay taxes, in which case the sums are converted to dollars once they enter a state‐​owned bank account. Hence, "there is no need for the central bank to buy the circulating currency" at a moment's notice.Dollarization starts with both currencies and a peg. As long as people trust that dollarization will happen at the peg, the conversion can take a while. You do not need dollars to soak up every peso on day 1. Dollarization is, above, a commitment that the peg will last for years, not a necessary commitment that the peg will last a day. I speculated about private borrowing at lower rates than the sovereign, once default rather than inflation is the only way out for the sovereign. This happened: ... as Manuel Hinds, a former finance minister in El Salvador, has explained, solvent Salvadorans in the private sector can borrow at rates of around 7 percent on their mortgages while international sovereign bond markets will only lend to the Salvadoran government at far higher rates. As Hinds writes, under dollarization, "the government cannot transfer its financial costs to the private sector by printing domestic money and devaluing it."A nice bottom line: Ask people in Ecuador, El Salvador, and Panama what they think:This is yet another lesson of dollarization's actual experience in Latin American countries. It is also a reason why the vast majority of the population in the dollarized nations has no desire for a return to a national currency. The monetary experiences of daily life have taught them that dollarization's palpable benefits far outweigh its theoretical drawbacks. Even more important update:From Nicolás Cachonosky How to Dollarize Argentina  The central problem is non-money liabilities of the central bank. A detailed plan. Many other blog posts at the link. See his comment below.  Tyler Cowen on dollarization in Bloomberg. Great quote: The question is not how to adopt a new currency, it is how to adopt a new currency and retain a reasonable value for the old one. Dollarization is easy. Hyperinflate the Peso to zero a la Zimbabwe.  Repeat quote. Emilio Ocampo on dollarization as a commitment device. One of the main reasons to dollarize is to eliminate high, persistent, and volatile inflation. However, to be effective, dollarization must generate sufficient credibility, which in turn depends critically on whether its expected probability of reversal is low.... The evidence suggests that, in the long-run, the strongest insurance against reversal is the support of the electorate, but in the short-run, institutional design [dollarization] can play a critical role.Fifty years ago, in testimony to U.S. Congress, Milton Friedman argued that "the whole reason why it is an advantage for a developing country to tie to a major country is that, historically speaking, the internal policies of developing countries have been very bad. U.S. policy has been bad, but their policies have been far worse. ... (1973, p.127)."In this respect, not much has changed in Argentina since. Craig Richardson explains how dollarization failed in Zimbabwe, a wonderful cautionary tale. Deficits did not stop, the government issued "bonds" and forced banks to buy them, bank accounts became de linked from currency. Gresham's law prevailed, the government "bonds" circulating at half face value drove out cash dollars. With persistent government and trade deficits there was a "dollar shortage." 

 Draft Translation: Not for CitationWhat follows is another attempt at a translation of an important text by André Tosel on the Marx/Spinoza relation. It is not a finished, or polished translation, but a rough sketch put forward to help people get a sense of this overlooked articulation of the relation between Marx and Spinoza.For a Systematic Study of the Relation of Marx to Spinoza: Remarks and Hypotheses

André Tosel Published in 2008 in the book Spinoza au XIXe Siècle  The question of relation of the thought of Marx to that of Spinoza has up until now been the subject of more of a hermeneutic investigation than a philology. It is easier to construct a history of the different interpretations of Spinoza at the center of different Marxisms then to have determined the precise function of the reference to Spinoza in the work of Marx and to define the use Marx made of the spinozist problematic and the elaboration of his thought.  More or less the Marxists that were first developed a relation to Spinoza were an important milestone on the way to developing what could be called a historical and materialist dialectic. The relation begins in the midst of the Second International. The singularity of Spinoza's thought has often been reduced to a stepping stone on the way to "monist" immanentism, which is supposed to be its philosophical structure at least in the reception of two thinkers, as Plekhanov has asserted in some preliminary texts working from some notes of Engels in manuscripts published in the USSR under the title of the Dialectic of Nature. In the dogmatic frame of the struggle between idealism and materialism, Spinoza anticipates materialism by his thesis of the unity of nature and by his doctrine of the equal dignity of the attribute of extension in relation to the attribute of thought. The doctrine of mode and substance causality, coupled with the critique of final causality and the illusions of superstition, signifies at the same time an overcoming of mechanistic thinking and the first form of the dialectic. Rare were those who, like Antonio Labriola, were careful not to oppose two conceptions of the world head-on and maintained a certain distance with polemical opposition, preferring instead to indicate that Marx did for mode of production what Spinoza had done for the world of the passions—a geometry of their production. In the Soviet Union before the Stalinist freeze, this interpretive tension is reproduced: Spinoza becomes the terrain through which the clarification of the dialectic takes place opposing mechanists and anti-mechanists, and original articulation of the thesis of liberty as the comprehension of necessity. These problems have been clarified somewhat. (Zapata, 1983; Seidel, 1984; Tosel, 1995)One would have to wait for the deconstructive enterprise of Louis Althusser for this movement to be reversed. Spinoza is no longer a moment in the teleology which is integrated and surpassed on the way to Marxism-Leninism. His work is the means of theoretical production for reformulating the philosophical and scientific revolution of Marx without recourse to only the Hegelian dialectic. Spinoza is the first to have elaborated a model of structural causality that makes it possible to think the efficacy of the structure as an absent cause over its effects. The theory of knowledge is not one that authorizes absolute knowledge, but it announces this infinite exigency of a break with ideology without the hope of arriving at transparent knowledge. It obliges one to renounce any idea of communism as a state of a final reconciliation in social relations which would be deprived of any contradictions. "We have always been spinozists,' Althusser announces in the Elements of Self-Criticism, and then proceed to the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect from the Hegelian dialectic. It is then only an epistemological obstacle which prevents Marx from realizing the full power of his critique of political economy and to explore the continent of history that he discovered. Spinoza for clarifying Marx himself. Everything has been clarified. (Cotten 1992; Raymond, Moreau, 1997).  In terms of historical research, the spinozist studies that have been made after the end of the nineteen sixties in France and Italy have often been made by researchers who have rubbed shoulders with Marxism. We find the same oscillation between a tendency to read Spinoza according to a pre-marxist perspective, in the sense of a dialectic of emancipation, or liberation from a theological political complex and disalienation, even constituent power, and another tendency insisting on the infinity of the struggle against all illusions, even those of total liberation, affirming the unsurpassable dimension of the imagination in the constitution of the conatus and in the production of the power of the multitude. This oscillation is manifest often in the same commentators, often itself a function of the change of the historical conjuncture. However, up until now, there has never been an attempt to study from Marx's works themselves the structural function of the spinozist reference in the constitution of Marxist theory, one which would permit us to better understand the understanding that Marx made of Spinozist work. The interpretations have anyway have developed from a certain exteriority to the letter of Marxists texts.  Several years ago, a German researcher, Fred E. Schrader, in a short text dedicated to the thematic of "substance and concept" chez Marx (Substanz und Funktion: zur Marxsrezeption Spinoza's) drew attention to this situation (1984). He rightly noted that it was necessary to distinguish two moments in the research to avoid any merely external confrontation: a) first, obviously, document the explicit and implicit mentions of Spinoza in Marx's text; 1) then, reconstruct the position of the reference to Spinoza in the process of the constitution of the critique of political economy which is the central Marxist work, alongside of the references to "Hegel" which one knows were constitutive in the years of 1857-1858. Only this philological and philosophical work can permit us to renew the state of the question.
Schrader's study must be considered. We propose to develop it and comment on it because up until now it has not received the attention that it merits. Before everything else, it is necessary to be precise. The work envisioned must be considerable, it includes taking into account the texts published by Marx, those published posthumously by Engels and by Kautsky, and all of those—collections of notes and thematic notebooks—which make up the incomplete nature of Capital, including Marx's correspondence. The MEGA 2, Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe, still incomplete, has not finished being scrutinized. This work could begin from the hypothesis that we can conceptualize two periods in Marx's work from which it is possible to reassemble occurrences that conceptualize the reference to Spinoza in order to determine their structural function. The first period corresponds to the years of his formation and the interlinking of the critique of politics and the early critique of political economy, it begins with the concept of history underlying the German Ideology and culminates in the Poverty of Philosophy and the Communist Manifesto. The second period begins with the research operating under the title of the critique of political economy beginning in 1857, interrupted provisionally in January of 1859 and beginning again in 1861. The reference to Spinoza is more explicit in the first period where it is a matter of an specifically political practice, articulating a materialism of practice. It is less explicit in the second period, it functions nonetheless as a fundamental operator in the essential theory of the substance of value in capital. The Philosophical Intensifier of Spinoza of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. Destruction of the Theologico-Political Complex and Democratic Radicalism.  Marx encounters Spinoza in the beginning of his theoretical and political journey. In 1841 we know from the preface by Alexandre Matheron (Cahiers Spinoza), Marx, after his doctorate, reproduced the extracts he copied from the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (MEGA 2 VI/I Berlin, 1977). He is curiously presented as the author of these texts and moreover they are reorganized in their own order which is not that of the Tractatus itself. The chapters containing the critique of the supernatural, of the miracle, and all of all forms of superstition are brought forward as essential and open on the properly political chapters dedicated to the freedom of thought (XX) and the foundation of the republic (XVI). The Ethics is not ignored but it is not reproduced, Letter XII takes the place of a speculative text and is accompanied with Letter LXXVI to Burgh. Everything takes place as if Marx considered as the most important question to be that of theological politics and is concentrated on the question of human freedom in its radical ethico-political dimension. What is important is that the revolutionary democratic state is realized according to this concept.  One could also consider that Spinoza is utilized here as one of the figures that a Doctorate of Philosophy considers along with Aristotle, Kant, Fichte, and Hegel as provocations, of that which puts knowledge in the service of a life liberated from the fear of authorities, which reappropriates humanity's power of thinking and acting confiscated in the service of gods and fetishes. In a certain manner Epicurus is the paradoxically the first of the thinkers who claims that "it is a misfortune to live in necessity, but it is not necessary to live under necessity." This truth finds a new application, after the French Revolution, in the age of a new ethics, where free individuals recognize themselves in a free state.  2. The explicit reference to Spinoza is displaced in the texts of the years 1841-1843—the Kreuznach manuscript dedicated to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, followed by the introduction and the Jewish Question. These constitute the Feuerbachian moment of Marx, at the heart of his theory of the alienation of the human essence. One must not make this critique of politics a simple transition towards the discovery of the alienation of social powers, nor understand it as an end of a politics understood as primarily statist. It is the ethico-political liberation which requires a transformation of social relations and which is a transvaluation or emancipation of social powers. Spinoza is not named, but certain passages from the TTP are repeated almost to the letter: Spinoza figures as the index of a new task , that is lacking in Hegel which is that of thinking beyond the dualism of civil society and the state. The name of this passage is democracy or true democracy. Marx returns to the letter of the Spinozist thesis according to which democracy is not only the name of a constituted political regime, but the essence of politics, the most natural regime, constituting the power of the people. The intensive force of Spinoza is that of democracy not as a mystical act or utopian ecstasy, but as a process of constitution that replaces actual void of the Hegelian state where the people lack themselves, in which the state becomes something separate, still theologico-political. Democracy is the active process by which the people is refigured as the negative instance of any separate political form and gives a political form to its social power. "Democracy is the truth of monarchy, monarchy is not the truth of democracy. Monarchy is necessarily democracy in contradiction with itself, whereas the monarchial moment is no contradiction within democracy. Monarchy cannot, while democracy can be understood in terms of itself In democracy none of the moments obtains a significance other than what befits it. Each is really only a moment of the whole Demos. In monarchy one part determines the character of the whole; the entire constitution must be modified according to the immutable head. Democracy is the generic constitution; monarchy is a species, and indeed a poor one. Democracy is content and form; monarchy should be only form, but it adulterates the content.
In monarchy the whole, the people, is subsumed under one of its modes of existence,. the political constitution; in democracy the constitution itself appears only as one determination, and indeed as the self-determination of the people. In monarchy we have the people of the constitution, in democracy the constitution of the people. Democracy is the resolved mystery of all constitutions. Here the constitution not only in itself, according to essence, but according to existence and actuality is returned to its real ground, actual man, the actual people, and established as its own work. The constitution appears as what it is, the free product of men." It is possible to remark that this constituent power of the demos tends to be presented as a sort of causa sui in the order of world of social relations. The naturalist dimension thematized in the Ethics is not posited here with the insistence of humanity as part of nature, with the thematization of the relations between internal and external causality. Necessity seems to have disappeared for an instant. It is notable that this in the same moment that Feuerbach defends Spinoza's naturalism against Hegelian idealism and makes the author of the Ethics the Moses of modern thought who has destroyed theology by his pantheism, while reproaching him, for not having arrived at a radical humanist affirmation, since he maintained an equivocal equivalence between the naturalization of god and the divinization of nature. The Marxist reference is primarily to the ethico-political Spinoza, one of the "intellectual heroes of morality" as he says in a text contemporary with it, "Comments on the Latest Russian Censorship—" along with Kant and Fichte he is one of the heroes that found and defend the principal of moral autonomy. Spinoza makes it possible to undertake a philosophical political of Hegel, the people would be the only ontological instance that constitutes the political constitution, which is to say democracy, of civil society. Spinoza makes it possible to introduce a new dialectic within the incomplete dialectic of The Principles of the Philosophy of Right. This dialectic is simultaneously a critique. The object of this critical dialectic is the self-constitution of political activity in the struggle to overcome the domination of abstract entities erected into speculative abstractions defining the latest avatars of the theological-political complex.  Schrader does not say more in the exposition of the reference to Spinoza in this first period. We could take a step beyond his analysis. A unpublished path seems to be presented. We could in fact explore it as Yovel has done (Spinoza and Other Heretics); also the first book of Matheron, Individu et communauté chez Spinoza (1968) examines the double relation of the human conatus to other conatuses and objects that suit them or do not suit them the rudiments of a theory of objectification of the human essence that Marx elaborates in the texts of 1844 where he analyzes the people under the figure of the proletariat subject and object of alienated labor. The reading can shed light on Spinoza, but Marx has for his interlocuters Hegel, Adam Smith, and Feuerbach. Spinoza does not intervene here explicitly. It is preferable to follow the letter of his texts.  3. The text which follows, The Holy Family of 1845, indicates an unexamined reversal of perspective. Far from finding in Spinoza a radical thinker of liberty through the radicalization of the democratic process and developing Feuerbach's theses of the virtues of Spinoza's naturalization, far from continuing the anti-idealist elements of Spinoza, Marx for the first time distances himself from Spinoza placing him on the side of Descartes, of Malebranche, of Leibniz, of abstract rationalist metaphysics, in a paragraph before celebrating the materialists in which he inscribes himself. These are the materialists of the French Enlightenment, La Mettrie, Holbach, Helvétius, which are lauded for having operated outside of metaphysics. These are the authors that Plekhanov reinscribes as a defenders of monistic materialism in the thought of nature and in the theory of history. Certainly as Olivier Bloch in an important contribution has demonstrated ("Materialism, genesis of Marxism, 1981, reprinted in Matières à penser, Vrin, 1997), this chapter of the history of philosophy is a plagiarism by Marx who literally takes it from the Manuel d'histoire de la philosophie moderne by Charles Renouvier (1844). The soviet Diamat has been founded by a French critic… But the fact remains that Marx endorses this reconstruction which prefers Bacon, Hobbes and Locke to Spinoza, lauding them for the empiricism and nominalism: the English thinkers critique metaphysic speculation and open directly the way to materialism. Pierre Bayler in France can be considered the only fellow traveler of British empiricism by his scepticism he dissolves the metaphysics of Spinoza and Leibniz (The Holy Family, 171).  The Spinoza criticized here is that of the Ethics understood as a dogmatic treatise of metaphysics which has a "profane content" but it has lost its historical condition. This is no longer the antitheological political Spinoza but the speculative philosopher. Is it necessary to conclude that this is a contradiction on the part of Marx and to forget his previous theses? It is a surprising oversight because that which Marx and Renouvier give credit to Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke can be imputed to Spinoza as well. Everything takes place as if Marx, put off by the metaphysics of the Ethics forgets what he had found in the TTP—and this seems to be a permanent transformation. In fact the contradiction is not only apparent, or, more to the point, it concerns Spinoza himself. Marx does not have as his object an analysis of Spinozism. He uses the latter by breaking it down according to the needs of his task which is at this moment is to study the activity of real man and the possibility of his transformation by bringing together the theoretical humanism of Feuerbach, the French communism and socialism, and the English thinkers who represent this humanism in the domain of practice. "[Metaphysics] will be defeated for forever by materialism which has now been perfected by the work of speculation itself and coincides with humanism. As Feuerbach represented materialism in the theoretical domain, French and English socialism and communism represent materialism in the practical field which now coincides with humanism." (The Holy Family, pg. 168) One can detect in this passage the presence of a schematic of the history of modern philosophy which has echoes of Moses Hess and Ludwig Feuerbach, the two have confronted the problem of the critical comprehension of Hegel and have begun to present a reinterpretation of the grand moments of the history of philosophy after their master.  Marx deviates from the interpretation of Hess given in a text which had a particular impact: The Sacred History of Mankind by a Young Disciple of Spinoza (1838). Hess appropriates Spinoza's theory of knowledge and exploits his theory of the imagination to develop a positive sense of social utopia, and overall makes Spinoza the true alternative to Hegel's Christian philosophy. Far from being an acosmism, the theory of substance is the perfect incarnation of the Hebraic idea of the unconditional unity of all. It is paradoxical, the other part, of the interpretation by Renouvier followed by Marx recovers and conceals that of Feuerbach that one can find in the same period in Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy (1842) and Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843). Marx brushes up against these theses of Feuerbach on Spinoza without reproducing them in their entirety. They make Spinoza an important moment in modern philosophy: at the heart of this movement they make this philosophy an important realization of the humanization of God, Spinoza remains still a speculative philosopher who is at once produces the realization and negation of God. Speculative metaphysics realizes with him its ultimate phase which is determined contradictorily as theism and atheism in the form of pantheism. "Spinoza is the originator of speculative philosophy, Schelling its restorer, Hegel its perfecter."(Thesis 102) Pantheism becomes the only consequential theology in that it anticipates the end of theology in atheism. The Spinozist substance transforms all independent beings into predicates, into attributes of a unique and independent being. God is no longer only a thing thought, it is equally an extended thing (Thesis 3). Spinoza does not make the self-activity of self-consciousness the attribute that unifies and transforms substance into subject. This was Hegel's tour de force but he paid for it with an absolute idealism of spirit since once again spirit prevails over extension and concrete man is subject to abstraction separated from reality of self-consciousness.
This inscription of Spinoza in metaphysics is all the more paradoxical because Marx finds in empiricism and British materialism the theses that Feuerbach attributes to Spinoza, and Marx accepts a definition in which materialism coincides with communism. As can be seen in this passage from Principles of the Philosophy of the Future  Pantheism is theological atheism or theological materialism; it is the negation of theology while itself confined to the standpoint of theology, for it turns matter, the negation of God, into a predicate or an attribute of the Divine Being. But he who turns matter into an attribute of God, declares matter to be a divine being. The realisation of God must in principle presuppose godliness, that is, the truth and essentiality of the real. The deification of the real, of that which exists materially – materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism – or the negation of theology, is the essence of the modern era. Pantheism is therefore nothing more than the essence of the modern era elevated into the divine essence, into a religio-philosophical principle. Empiricism or realism – meaning thereby the so-called sciences of the real, but in particular the natural science – negates theology, albeit not theoretically but only practically, namely, through the actual deed in so far as the realist makes the negation of God, or at least that which is not God, into the essential business of his life and the essential object of his activity. However, he who devotes his mind and heart exclusively to that which is material and sensuous actually denies the trans-sensuous its reality; for only that which constitutes an object of the real and concrete activity is real, at least for man. "What I don't know doesn't affect me." To say that it is not possible to know anything of the supersensuous is only an excuse. One ceases to know anything about God and divine things only when one does not want to know anything about them. How much did one know about God, about the devils or angels as long as these supersensuous beings were still objects of a real faith? To be interested in something is to have the talent for it. The medieval mystics and scholastics had no talent and aptitude for natural science only because they had no interest in nature. Where the sense for something is not lacking, there also the senses and organs do not lack. If the heart is open to something, the mind will not be closed to it. Thus, the reason why mankind in the modern era lost the organs for the supersensuous world and its secrets is because it also lost the sense for them together with the belief in them; because its essential tendency was anti-Christian and anti-theological; that is, anthropological, cosmic, realistic, and materialistic. [In the context of the present work, the differences between materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism are, of course, irrelevant.] Spinoza hit the nail on the head with his paradoxical proposition: God is an extended, that is, material being. He found, at least for his time, the true philosophical expression for the materialistic tendency of the modern era; he legitimated and sanctioned it: God himself is a materialist. Spinoza's philosophy was religion; he himself was an amazing man. Unlike so many others, Spinoza's materialism did not stand in contradiction to the notion of a non-material and anti-materialistic God who also quite consistently imposes on man the duty to give himself up only to anti-materialistic, heavenly tendencies and concerns, for God is nothing other than the archetypal and ideal image of man; what God is and how he is, is what man ought to be or wants to be, or at least hopes to be in the future. But only where theory does not belie practice, and practice theory, is there character, truth, and religion. Spinoza is the Moses of modern free-thinkers and materialists. 4. The anti-metaphysical fury of Marx, the blind submission to Renouvier, limits him in developing an interpretation of the Ethics more nuanced and sensitive to the historical contradictions. This situation is even more strange because it is in The Holy Family that Marx interprets materialist philosophers such that they are a Feuerbachian Spinoza. On can find then three theses that Marx distributes to different representatives of materialism and that can also be imputed to Spinoza. --Thesis 1. Nature is a primary reality, it can be explained by itself without recourse to the principle of a creator. Nothing comes from nothing. One can then have recourse to Bacon for who "the primitive forms of matter are essentially living forms, individuals, and it is they that produce specific differences." He follows, as does Hobbes, in adding that "one cannot separate thought from the matter which thinks." Thought cannot be separated from matter capable of thought.  --Thesis 2. The human order is inscribed in a specific manner in nature. This specificity does not specify anything extra-worldly of human activity. Hobbes has demonstrated the sensible nature of activity. "Man is subordinate to the same laws that nature. Power and liberty are identical." The Holy Family) This order is known to promote the art of forming ideas, the human species is fundamentally educatable. ---Thesis 3. What is important is to think the constitution of this human order according to radical possibilities of the ways of transforming these necessary conditions of experience of liberty-power. "If man is unfree in the materialist sense, i.e., is free not through the negative power to avoid this or that, but through the positive power to assert his true individuality,
crime must not be punished in the individual, but the anti-social source of crime must be destroyed, and each man must be given social scope for the vital manifestation of his being. If man is shaped by his surroundings, his surroundings must be made human. If man is social by
nature, he will develop his true nature only in society, and the power of his nature must be measured not by the power of separate individuals but by the power of society." (The Holy Family 176).  It is not necessary to give the history of philosophy presented in The Holy Family a structural importance. It acts as a provisionally constructed polemical text where Marx has given the means for his own philosophical conception in broad strokes in order to better understand the intersection of humanism, materialism, and communism. The incongruence of the treatment of Spinoza, reinterpreted to be behind Feuerbach's position, was not overlooked by Marx's comrades in combat since H. Krieg (himself denounces by Marx in a virulent circular as a confused partisan of religious socialism), he wrote in a letter of June 6, 1845 in order to restore Spinoza's battle against metaphysics overlooked by Marx, "you're probably right about what it says in the English Hobbes and Locke [i.e. that they vacillate contradictorily between materialism and theism], the same for Voltaire and his direct partisans; but Holbach is practically Spinozist, and it is with and Diderot that the Enlightenment reaches its summit and becomes revolutionary." (cited by Maximilien Rubel and his edition of the philosophical texts of Marx titled Philosophie) 5. The instrumental and fluctuating character of the reference to Spinoza as a metaphysician is confirmed precisely by The German Ideology. Marx returns in passing to the place of Spinoza in modern philosophy. Spinoza has developed the principle of substantial immanence but he has not integrated the principle with self-consciousness. Hegel would be the unity of Spinoza and Fichte (The German Ideology, 107). But for Marx this representation consigns him to a partial aspect of the Hegelian synthesis. Self-consciousness is at once a hypostasis of the real activity of human beings in the process of their self-production and the "the real consciousness of the social relations in which they appear to exists and to which they appear to be autonomous." In a similar manner substance is "an ideal hypostatized expression of the world as it exists" that is take as the foundation of the world "existing for itself." Marx returns to Feuerbach for clarification of substance and it anthropological resolution. We do not know much more, but the text seems to distinguish the Hegelian critique of substance and its possible materialist significance as "the existing world." We would have expected considerations on the immanence of modes in natura naturans and of their dynamic interdetermination.
In any case, Marx refuses the young Hegelain opposition between self-consciousness and substance, and proposes to maintain the category of substance as an inseparable unity of the existing mode and the beings which constitute the world in the play of their relations. Marx's criticism has as its target the mystification of self-consciousness and its anti-substantial phobia. Everything takes place as if the ontological categories of Spinoza up until now rejected as conservative metaphysics have an intensive force irreducible to the critique of the young Hegelians. However, it remains that in this complex itinerary the use value of the reference to Spinoza is concentrated in the theological political constellation and the political constitution of the political force of social force. This reference becomes the presupposition of the materialist conception of history, but it does not intervene in the texture of these concepts.  The Spinoza Reference in the Critique of Political Economy, Substance and Concept Returning to Schrader and his propositions for the study of the second moment of the reference to Spinoza, that of the Marxist use of Spinozist concepts from the Ethics in the development of the critique of political economy in the development of Capital. Schrader pays particular attention to the reappearance in the margins of the reference to Spinoza in the period of the creation and exposition of the critique of political economy which is developed from 1851 to 1863. An important letter from Marx to Lassale from May 31, 1858 which was published in an obscure book on Heraclitus, gives to Spinoza's metaphysics the same status that he gave to Hegel in a famous letter to Engels a few months before.  Even among philosophers who give a systematic form to the works, as for example Spinoza, the true inner structure of the system is quite unlike the form in which it was consciously presented. The true system is only present in itself. (Marx MEW, 29, Berlin, 1963, 561).

What was of great use to me as regards method of treatment was Hegel's Logic at which I had taken another look by mere accident... If ever the time comes when such work is again possible, I should very much like to write 2 or 3 sheets making accessible to the common reader the rational aspect of the method which Hegel not only discovered but also mystified. (Correspondence Marx-Engels)  Marx makes it clear that the elaboration of the critique passes through the utilization of elements of philosophical works which others appear to have completely bypassed. The presence of Hegel is the center of the interpretation of Capital. It would appear certain to this period that Marx no longer takes inspiration from the Feuerbachian critique of abstract speculation. In this case, the Idea separated from its contents generates the latter in a mystified way by legitimizing the crudest aspects, losing the benefit of seizing the real as a contradictory process, as is explained in The Holy Family or The Poverty of Philosophy. Hegel is from now on solicited for his dialectical discoveries: he elaborates the dialectic as an immanent process of thought and his discoveries serve Marx in developing his proper critique. The presence of Hegel in the period up to the publication of the first volume of Capital in 1867, in passing through diverse manuscripts of 1857-1858 (The Grundrisse) and the manuscripts from 1861-1863, has been attested to and demonstrated by works, either to reaffirm the heretical Hegelianism of Marx, (Rosdolsky, Reichelt, Zelenyi, all dedicated to research the logic of Capital, all following one of the most famous injunctions of all times, Lenin in the Notes on Dialectics) or to combat it in order to argue that Marx was Hegelian or anti-Hegelian (Althusser, and Bidet in his famous study, The Making of Marx's Capital).
This usage of Hegel consists essentially in using the categories of logic to expose the theoretical structure of the passages which operate from the commodity to value, from money as the measure of value to money as the means of exchange and as the universal means of payment, from money to capital. Schrader proposes the following recovery of the Marxist exposition of Hegelian categories: --Exchange value and the form of value correspond to the pure quantity of Hegel: this value and its measure is realized as money. The Marxist measure of value adopts the Hegelian determinations of the quantitative relations and their measure. --The circulation of commodities and money is described by the concepts of an infinite qualitative and quantitative process.  --Finally the passage from money to capital transposes the passage from being to essence. Marx has thus read and reused these conceptual determinations for the diverse functions of commodity, value, money and circulation.  And what about Spinoza? According to Schrader, he intervenes to resolve a logical problem that is at this point unresolved, that of the determination of the concept of capital supposed to integrate the logically preceding determinations. In good Hegelianism, Marx has made the movement of capital that of the essence of the concept. When Marx maintains that exchange value is realized in the circulation of other substances, in an indefinite totality, without losing the determination of its form, always remaining money and commodities, he makes capital the totality of substances. However, it thus impossible to maintain the internal connection between capital and labor, and more precisely abstract labor. Spinoza intervenes to make possible another use of the category of substance: that would not have its function to subsume the plurality of all substances, but to determine the quality of the fluent quantity that defines abstract labor.  One can see this in the text of Volume One of Capital, revised by Marx in 1873 for the French translation of J. Roy. The category of substance is introduce in the passage from the commodity to its determination as the contradictory unity of use value and exchange value. The exchange of commodities is only possible if the their values are "expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantities." This something is a substance specific to all commodities. "This common "something" cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities…[] it is evident that one makes an abstraction from use value when one exchanges, and that the relation of exchange is characterized by this abstraction (Capital). Exchange and the production process which supports it operate this real abstraction from the useful qualities of the objects to be exchanged. This utility, although necessary, does not render possible the exchange of objects of value insofar as they products of labor. Exchange concerns the objects considered as products of labor.  If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract.  Capitalism cannot be grasped as a subject enveloping the totality of the process of the development. It is no longer a simple quantity in indefinite expansion. It is thought as the "social substance of as exchange values." This substance can be determined as capital, but it goes beyond this process of determination by constituting a remainder, a "residue" that constantly reappears. "Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of the same unsubstantial reality in each, a mere congelation of homogeneous human labour, of labour power expended without regard to the mode of its expenditure. All that these things now tell us is, that human labour power has been expended in their production, that human labour is embodied in them. When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values." The concept of Capital is not that of the concept of substance becoming subject., it returns to the concept of social substance defined as abstract labor creator of value, substance of value, and substance which increases value: purely progressive quantity reduced to its infinity which is a true infinity irreducible to the logic of bad infinity, that of capital which nonetheless subsumes it.  However it is said that this reconstruction does not rest on an explicit reference to Spinoza. The objection is well founded. Schrader responds that it is Marx who reread Hegel and saw that the formal system of Spinoza could be used against Hegel critique of the concept of substance in the Logic. It is a matter of the problem of determination. Omnis determination negatio, Marx keeps reminding everyone of this. If it is Hegel who validates Spinoza's judgement by demonstrating its insufficiency which for Marx transforms into a sufficient truth to permit him to avoid identifying capital with the Hegelian concept. Capital can increase its reality only by determining this social substance of abstract labor, by negating it. The tendency of capital, its ideal, is the absolute negation of this substance. Marx makes the insufficiency of Spinoza's substance according to Hegel into a virtue.  In the Logic the principle according to which determination is negation is recognized as essential. But Spinoza, according to Hegel, remains with determination as limit which is founded on an other being. The mode is in another from which it derives its being but this other is in itself. It is the integral concept of all realities. But its immanence is only apparent. Each mode negates each other, determination of each is the result of the determined negation of all of the others. Far from determining itself in these negations, substance is negated in its absolute indifference. It does not reflect itself in these negations no more than they reflect it. The Spinozist principle does not arrive at absolute negation that it anticipates contradictorily. The substance is posed by an external reflection which compromises the otherwise affirmed subsistence of the determinations which become an effervescent moment (attributes and modes). This can be read in the texts from The Science of Logic dedicated to Spinoza.  "Of this proposition that determinateness is negation, the unity of Spinoza's substance — or that there is only one substance — is the necessary consequence. Thought and being or extension, the two attributes, namely, which Spinoza had before him, he had of necessity to posit as one in this unity; for as determinate realities they are negations whose infinity is their unity. According to Spinoza's definition, of which we say more more subsequently, the infinity of anything is its affirmation. He grasped them therefore as attributes, that is, as not having a separate existence, a self-subsistent being of their own, but only as sublated, as moments; or rather, since substance in its own self lacks any determination whatever, they are for him not even moments, and the attributes like the modes are distinctions made by an external intellect. Similarly, the substantiality of individuals cannot persist in the face of that proposition."Hegel, Science of Logic  "Since absolute indifference may seem to be the fundamental determination of Spinoza's substance, we may add that this is indeed the case in so far as in both every determination of being, like every further concrete differentiation of thought and extension and so forth, is posited as vanished. If we stop short at the abstraction [of substance] then it is a matter of complete indifference what something looked like in reality before it was swallowed up in this abyss. But when substance is conceived as indifference, it is tied up with the need for determining it and for taking this determination into consideration; it is not to remain Spinoza's substance, the sole determination of which is the negative one that everything is absorbed in it. With Spinoza, the moment of difference — attributes, thought and extension, then the modes too, the affections, and every other determination — is introduced empirically; it is intellect, itself a mode, which is the source of the differentiation." Hegel, Science of Logic  3. It is capital which fails to realize its ideal determinations of essence and which falls back into the residue of the social substance, of the abstract labor which it masks. Capital as a mode of production is ruled by the real abstractions of exchange value which are not comprehended by social agents. Value is a social abstraction that is produced from the base of multiple dispersed evaluations, that the understanding of the economist produces only after the fact, but can be known as a real abstraction operated by society and which is determined as a social substance of abstract time. The determination of the common substance as abstract labor makes it possible to dissipate the mystification produced by the appearance of capital as the self moving essence of value. All of the people, who are modes of this substance, cannot immediately represent to themselves the internal determinations of this substance in which they appear other than as representation of theological-political complex, the same as the agents of capital who cannot represent to themselves the determinations of capital (commodity-value-money-forms of capital) without fetishizing them as autonomous movements of the value form. Theoretical knowledge, the Wissenschaft, does not dissolve this fetishism because the mechanisms of its social reproduction are founded on the constitution of these forms of representation and their real efficacy. Capital cannot arrive at self-identity in terms of an absolute reflection. The determination that Hegel imputes to Spinoza negatively of substance as exterior reflection can better convey the determinations of moments of its critique. This places within the development of initial economic forms this sort of equivalent of the attribute of extension that is human labor, this common social substance comprising the forms of modal representations which capture it, that is to say that the forms of consciousness and their functional relations in the material process of reproduction. It is therefore the relationship between the substances of abstract human labor and mystified or adequate forms of social representations of this substance that Marx finds in in the hidden Spinozian system and that he utilizes in order to escape the limits of Hegel's categories, which tend to sublimate substance into the concept and therefore annul the contradictions of capital in the passage from substance to the essence and the concept. From this point of view, Hegel and Spinoza would both be utilized without reservations by Marx as the complimentary and constitutive means of production of the critique of political economy. Spinoza would thus be primarily critical to the extent that the process of the development of the determination of capital cannot be ruled by the teleological order of being-essence-concept. The theory of the substance of abstract labor interrupts the movement of the idealization of capital from the mimesis of the Hegelian order that has been opposed. Spinoza is a moment of the emendation of the intellect internal to the Marxist critique, not an external instance that would be opposed in the confrontation with exteriority.  On an Incomplete Analysis  1. Schrader goes no further. The outline of his work remains open. In particular this analysis
Postulates as evidence a substantial theory of abstract labor, one that has come under criticism from multiple non-marxist thinkers (Croce, Pareto, Menger) and also, more recently, by Marxists (Althusser and Bidet). In this case the relation to Spinoza would lose its fecundity. But if one leaves to the side the labor theory of value and its supposed foundational role, on the internal level the analysis still remains allusive, because it would have been necessary to exceed the level of Volume One of Capital in order to demonstrate the decisive character of Spinoza's conceptuality in the Marxist conception.  Despite these uncertainties, the perspective opened by Schrader is stimulating in that can necessitate a more rigorous study, tempering the contradictory interpretations by the rigors of philology.  2. Schrader's final remarks seem to us be more provocative. Starting from the idea that
Spinoza and Marx begin from two different historical moments—that of manufacturing capital limited by the desire of hoarding and that of capitalism fully developed—the logical and ethico-political thesis of the submission of needs to absolute monetary enrichment, and that therefore the refusal of money as an end in itself, he begins to construct a shocking analogy between the third type of knowledge in Spinoza and the knowledge of the capitalist which exposes its money to circulation in order to multiply it. The determination of particular things sub specie aeternitas, as deepening the knowledge of their essence would symbolize with the effort of capitalists to insert money to measure things in their circulation sub specie capitalis. The reference to Marx attests to the irony of Marx: if the movement of true knowledge is infinite, this infinity cannot be confused with that of monetary accumulation which becomes a bad infinity because the means of accumulation are reversed and perverted to be posited as an end in itself.  3. It is more correct, as Schrader makes apparent, to find a space more effective for the
forma mentis common to Marx and Spinoza: the two both diagnosis the pathology of the understanding and that of a form of life proper to a given historical world. Both understand the irreversible character of modern passions and set to understand and eventually cure these pathologies.
Spinoza, son of a merchant enriched by international trade and a merchant himself in his youth, does not have contempt for money and the new wealth of nations promoted by capitalist economy. He does not dream of a return to oikos of finite needs in a household setting, he is not an aristoltean who condemns bad infinity of the circulation of merchandise which has as its object money and not the use value of merchandise. He registers the emergence of exchange value, he sees, as Aristotle did, that it is the subordination of true value.
Remember the famous text from Ethics IV Appendix, consecrated to the function of money.  XXVIII. Now to achieve these things the powers of each man would hardly be sufficient if men did not help one another. But money has provided a convenient instrument for acquiring all these aids. That is why its image usually occupies the mind of the multitude more than anything else. For they can imagine hardly any species of joy without the accompanying idea of money as its cause.  XXlX. But this is a vice only in those who seek money neither from need nor on account of necessities, but because they have learned the art of making money and pride themselves on it very much. As for the body, they feed it according to custom, but sparingly, because they believe they lose as much of their goods as they devote to the preservation
of their body. Those, however, who know the true use of money, and set
bounds to their wealth according to need, live contentedly with little. The realization of money as a concept, the accumulation of money for accumulation, is unrealized. Marx adds that this goal is inaccessible because the character of use value of commodities contradicts the universal sociality of value. The common social substance in so far as it is measured in abstract labor time is measured according to quantitatively determined portions. Money is supposed to represent value in its infinite becoming of an end in itself, but it can only effectively represent a determined part. This contradiction is resolved in the deplacement that money makes in becoming capital, exchange value multiplied in profit. Spinoza's therapeutic of desire also concern the intellect of calculation: the latter is not condemned, it is superior to the intellect of avarice which theorizes by avarita and does not develop the capacity to act and think. This understanding, however, is called upon to better understand the monetary economy by subordinating it to immanent true utility, that which is inscribed in the republic of free citizens. It is only in this sense that the accumulation of wealth under the monetary form can enter into the correct perspective of knowledge of the third kind. Marx in his own way wants to understand the action of human beings without deploring or flattering them. Capital cannot be understood going from substance to the essence of the concept, but it has its basis in substance, the social substance of abstract labor, and can be rethought and regrouped in the forms of economic understanding. Capital also has as its goal a particular therapeutic manner, the health and well-being of a social body that cannot be subsumed under capital but must encompass the increase of the capacities of acting and thinking that capital subordinates to itself.  4. This anti-teleological function of the concept of substance/abstract labor is not
maintained by Marx for long in his dialectic. Certainly the function of the subject cannot be attributed to capital, but it is displaced and given a different support, not that of abstract labor with its internal multiplicity and impersonality, but its bearer, that of the working class, the proletariat, the people of the people. The substance of abstract labor becomes subject in the determination that Marx always uses with the English term general intellect. One could thus see a final return of Hegel which interrupts Marx's return to Spinoza. The communism developed by the general intellect is the practical substitute of the Hegelian concept and imposes an anthropological version and anthropocentric teleology that Spinoza would not accept. What does the general intellect represent? It represents the capacity of the proletariat to organize the ensemble of forces defining the collective worker and the cooperation associated with it, under the direction of formation of the factory in the constitution of the unqualified worker, all representing the advance front of the progressive socialization of the social productive forces. Communism is not something that is imposed as a simple moral ideal, it is a product of the real historical process.  However, Marx does not escape here the teleologism that he shares with majority of
German idealism. The socialization of productive forces—that for Marx leads the process of the self-production of humanity realizing its immanent end and to which he attributes the function of the concept—is not realized at the level of society. It cannot in any way constitute itself as a causa sui. The human world remains a world of world of modal relations and interactions: if the effects of liberation can realize themselves at the level of the individual (by the knowledge of singular things) or at the level of collectivity ( by the democratic constitution of the multitude), these effects would not be made from a mode as a complete cause of itself under all points of view. The capacity of a mode to act and think, human individual or society, can be more or less adequate, but this adequation does not annul the difference that separates the mode which is produced by and in another which it requires to subsist and which is produced in and by itself and becomes a cause of itself. The identity of natura naturata and natura naturans cannot grant a mode the capacity to be cause of itself under all points of view: it permits it to do so under certain points of view and certain conditions which are sufficient for an ethical realization. Communism to the extent that Marx thinks in terms of the becoming concept of the collective worker exceeds the conditions and possibilities of action predicated on modes.  To this structural impossibility we can add the consideration of an analytical one: modern society is not immense and singular enterprise under the order of the collective worker, it is, to say the least, a network of antagonistic enterprises in which on the contrary the process of work is fragmented to the point where it loses all material and ideal unity, a fragmentation that has been imposed by the imperative of capitalist society. Exploitation is not only maintained but it is generalized, it is only in compensation that the recomposition of labor process itself as something collective, cooperative, and associated that Marx believes leads the dialectic of the process of capitalist production. Spinozist realism is here irreducible. It does not limited us in taking the measure of the problem posed generally by Marx, it excludes, however, the solution envisioned from speculative teleology and it compels us to attempt to comprehend the modal form in which exploitation is reproduced. How can we form a new theory of the capacity for insurrection of the multitude subordinated to capital while they also resist it. What effects of liberation can still be manifested by producing new subjectivities which are embedded in real productive activities, not prisoners of unproductive ghettos ravaged by self-destructive violence, nor recluse themselves in the powerless rumination of a moral salvation? How can we escape forms of historical impotence? How can we avoid being reduced to the status of spectators of this impotence? Such are the questions posed by Marx and which are posed again today along with Spinoza and his critique of the teleological illusions of the general intellect, questions which have not arrived at the end of their road. But it is historically vain to ask Marx these questions: they are ours and it is up to us to answer them.

Innovation in family firms is still a controversial issue within the academic community and poses some unique challenges for family business owners and managers. This special issue on innovation in family firms results from the cooperation of both academic and business guest editors, in a pioneering initiative that is not usual in academic journals. Indeed, a key feature of this Special Issue has been the collaboration with two family business leaders, who have been involved in the editorial process together with the academics.
The two business editors that we involved are Antonio Gallardo, Vicepresident of Almiralland former director of FBN-Family Business Network,andIgnacio Osborne, CEO of the Osborne Groupand Chairman of the Spanish Family Firm Institute.
In order to introduce the six papers that make up this special issue on innovation in family firms, we as academic editors are pleased to include some comments from the business editors that emerged during our interactions with the aim to make a step forward toward bridging the gap between research and practice on family business innovation, acknowledging the different perspectives and approaches adopted by academics and practitioners. As the business editor Mr. Osborne points: "Innovation issues in family firms are nowadays more important than ever, due to the rapid developments that are occurring in the business world and its corresponding technologies".
Despite being a topic analyzed by a number of authors over time (Feranita, Kotlar and De Massis, 2017; Aparicio, Iturralde and Sánchez-Famoso, 2020 in this issue; Chrisman, Chua, De Massis, Frattini and Wright, 2015), the study of innovation in family business still requires a greater volume of research to provide answers to the needs of family businesses. The distinctive nature of family firms results in a complex influence on the innovation process (De Massis, Frattini and Lichtenthaler, 2013), which is reflected in mixed research findings. For instance, the conclusions of the published research offer sometimes contradictory results, since family businesses can be considered innovative (Aronoff, 1998; Craig and Moores, 2006) or conservative (Sharma, Chrisman, y Chua, 1997; Zahra, Hayton y Salvato, 2004; Gómez-Mejía et al., 2007), with several studies that can support whatever of the two options.
Family businesses present a number of characteristics that, a priori, seem to favor innovation, such as long-term orientation (Tagiuri and Davis, 1996; Ward and Aronoff, 1994), the desire for continuity through the following generations (Miroshnychenko et al., 2020; Gallo, 1995), patient capital (De Massis, Audretsch, Uhlaner and Kammerlander, 2018; Sirmon and Hitt, 2003), and the long tenure of their main leaders (Lorenzo, 2020). The replacement of the prior generation by the next generation implies the access of younger people to the leadership of the company, who also often present a greater level of qualification (De Massis et al., 2008; Cabrera-Suárez, 2011). Young and qualified leaders would provide a new momentum to the firm, by means of the renewal of the firm (Núñez-Cacho and Lorenzo, 2020). Likewise, the successors receive an important legacy by means of the values of the family business (Erdogan et al., 2020), such as effort, perseverance, austerity, excellence, long-term orientation and entrepreneurial spirit, as basic foundations of their way of understanding business activity (Bermejo, 2008). Accordingly, the new generation managers could be in the best conditions to reinvent the company, since they know the business from within and they also provide the new vision of a person with a working life ahead. Another factor that favors the renewal impulse of the next generation is the familial support to carry out a prolonged tenure over time, which will not be as conditioned by short-term results as in other types of companies, by the so-called patient capital (Sirmon and Hitt, 2003) of the family business (Lorenzo, 2020). But, even if these ideal conditions are met in a specific family firm, it is not guaranteed that the company realizes the innovation it needs. Therefore, it is needed to shed more light about the determinants and conditions for innovation.
The editors of this special issue selected a number of papers to reflect the state-of-the-art on this topic, indicating some of the most promising research lines on innovation. According to the business editor Mr. Gallardo, "A very important aspect emerging from this special issue is that the papers published in it reveal that external contributions to the internal know-how of the family and the business are often vital to help produce the changes needed by a family firm for innovation to take place".
Innovation in the family business has been a phenomenon of great interest to researchers, especially in the last decade. This is highlighted in the article that opens this special issue by presenting a complete bibliometric review of the literature on innovation in family businesses. Generally, researchers have noted that the influence of the family is the factor that makes this type of businesses different from the other ones (Habbershon and Williams, 1999; Lorenzo and Núñez-Cacho, 2012). However, in order to conclude that this is really true, it is necessary to identify the nature of these differences and determine how and why they affect the innovative behavior of the family business.
The paper Innovation on family businesses: A holistic bibliometric(Aparicio, Iturralde and Sánchez-Famoso, 2020) offers an overview of the research field through an analysis of 207 articles that were published between 1994 and 2017. The authors complement other recent reviews such as those by Feranita, Kotlar and De Massis (2017) and Calabrò, Vecchiarini, Gast, Campopiano, De Massis and Kraus (2019), and reflect about the take-off of research on innovation that takes place since 2009. In the study two differentiated periods are highlighted: An initial one that covers the years 1994 to 2009, and one of expansion from 2010 to 2017. In addition, they identify the most influential journals, the most referenced articles, the most productive scholars -namely, De Massis, Frattini, Craig, Chrisman, Fang, Kotlar and Nordqvist appear as the most productive and referenced ones- and the main lines of research developed, providing a clear and synthetic map of innovation research in family businesses today. This paper approaches innovation from a more theoretical perspective, and also presents the lines of research that are currently being developed. These lines include the internal factors of the family business and its influence on innovation, as well as external factors, among others advances in research in the subject.
The paper An Analysis of Open Innovation Determinants: The Case Study of Singapore based Family owned Enterprises, by Koh, Kong and Timperio (2020, this issue) analyzes the drivers of open innovation by studying cases of family businesses in Singapore. The authors highlight the external determinants and catalysts of innovation projects, such as family and business culture, access to external funds, government support for initiatives, market dynamics and partnership between companies. In addition to these six external determinants, there are two other factors that have a great influence on open innovation. First, family capital, which is the main source of financing for innovative initiatives. Second, a strong external network, supported by Singapore's legal and regulatory framework that fosters innovation, promotes the development of an enabling business environment so that the spirit of innovation can truly thrive. Most of the surveyed companies' managers mentioned process innovation as the most critical aspect, and also organizational innovation. Process innovation is considered superior by the companies included in the sample due to their capabilities to drive product innovation, marketing and organizational structure (and people). Organizational innovation is also considered of utmost importance, due to the need to adopt technologies such as digitalization, robotics or automation, which require an adequate organizational structure. Some ideas from the surveyed managers highlight these statements, like: "The correct processes create the necessary conditions to shape the products, as well as the marketing and organization structures," as well as "Having cutting-edge processes underway is a key differentiator." This study also reflects the need to establish new financing mechanisms adapted to the peculiarities of innovation processes. External capital injection and stimulus policies are necessary, although not sufficient, since they must be combined with the determinants of the internal functioning of family businesses.
The relevance of the external network is also highlighted in the paper Collaborative innovation in the family SME: conceptualization, goals, and success factors, by Arzubiaga, Maseda, Uribarri and Palma Ruiz (2020, this issue), which analyzes the strategy of collaborative innovation that seeks the creation of knowledge, new product designs and Improving the efficiency of the production process.
Among the conditions of collaborative innovation, four groups stand out: The composition of the management team (in terms of family members percentage and number of generations involved in management), abilities (cognitive factors, absorption capacity and trajectory in innovation), attitudes, and legacy preservation, (referring to socio-emotional wealth and internal behavior). These factors of small and medium family businesses play a crucial role in the successful design and implementation of collaborative innovation. The main contributions of this paper can be summarized in the need for establish solid bases to deepen in the future the study of collaborative innovation. Moreover, a second contribution refers to the identification of the distinguishing characteristics of family SMEs. Arzubiaga, Maseda, Uribarri and Palma Ruiz (2020, this issue) also propose the analysis of the possible moderating effects of firm size and the sector to refine the impact of the variables in this model, looking to achieve excellence in collaborative innovation. As business reviewer, Mr. Osbornehave highlighted collaborative innovation as one of the relevant issues in order to reinforce the role of innovation in their companies.
Absorptive capacity is another aspect of great interest to researchers. There are numerous factors that condition it, some of them are features of the family character that make the behavior of family businesses paradoxical (Kotlar et al. 2020). The paper titled A mediating model of innovative capacity between absorptive capacity and family business performanceby Hernández-Perlines, Ariza-Montes and Araya-Castillo (2020, this issue) addresses the issue about absorptive capacity. Absorptive capacity is related to the identification, assimilation and exploitation of new knowledge by the company. Those family businesses that have these capabilities improve their performance. In addition, this effect is enhanced by the innovative capacity of the company, which acts as a mediator between absorption capacity and the company's performance, reinforcing this relationship. Thus, family business managers should focus their efforts on providing their organizations with the necessary skills to absorb and exploit knowledge. This will be easier if the company has developed innovative capabilities. In this sense, the business editor Mr. Gallardo points that: "There is also the possibility of establishing an advisory council with external collaborators that serves as a contrast to the company's board, in which oftentimes the weight of the family is too decisive."
The last two papers in this special issue address the role of family involvement in relation to innovation. Does too much love hinder innovation? Family involvement and firms' innovativeness in family-owned Small Medium Enterprises (SMEs), by Filippo Ferrari (2020, this issue) reflects on the role of family cohesion and its flexibility in the process of innovation, drawing upon the Olson Circumplex model (Olson, 2000) which is applied in a sample of Italian family businesses. The study indicates that unbalanced families show the lowest levels of innovation, although family cohesion and flexibility do not show a significant correlation with the overall level of organizational innovation. Flexibility shows a positive correlation with the process and behavioral innovation, which can be explained by the demand for new forms and organizational routines to deal with process innovation. Here the author suggests some human resources practices that promote flexibility, such as labor rotation (Ortega, 2001), or the development of a horizontal internal career (Ichniowsky et al. 1996, 1997, 1999). Families that lack cohesion show a negative correlation with strategic innovation and process innovation. Ferrari (2020, this issue) considers as disconnected family systems those in which family members are not cohesive and have little family loyalty. On the other hand, innovation in processes is encouraged with new ideas through contributions in terms of new ways of doing things. According to the authors, the Olson Circumplex model (Olson, 2000) offers a framework that can diagnose the extent to which family systems are balanced and how the effects of balanced or unbalanced family dynamics can affect the family business (Daspit et al. 2018). Business reviewers were especially interested on the conclusions of this paper, and also pointed that it would be necessary more research on that kind of negative influences stemmed from lack of cohesion within the business family.
Entrepreneurial orientation and product innovation: The moderating role of family involvement in management, by Fredyma, Ruiz Palomo and Diéguez (2020, this issue) addresses a classic concept closely linked to the study of innovation such as entrepreneurial orientation. The relationships between this variable and product innovation, incremental innovation and radical innovation are examined. The influence of family performance on the company is also analyzed. In their conclusions, Fredyma, Ruiz Palomo and Diéguez (2020, this issue) point out that family involvement weakens the positive effect of entrepreneurial orientation in product innovation, especially in case of radical innovation. Therefore, the family business must be aware of these weaknesses to correct them, professionalizing with non-family managers and including their participation in innovation decisions. This conclusion is stressed by both business editors, Mr. Osborne and Mr. Gallardo, who point out that: "Having a network of external collaborators, some of them generalists and others specialized in specific problems, is nowadays practically indispensable."
Finally, the academic editors sincerely appreciate the contributions of two prominent Spanish businessmen, who have contributed to enrich this special issue with a business perspective, which helps to overcome the division that is sometimes perceived between the academic world and the business one. Both Antonio Gallardo and Ignacio Osborne represent the entrepreneurial vision that they have been able to maintain in their families and in their companies for generations. We all know how challenging it is for a family business to be entrepreneurial across generations (e.g., De Massis, Eddleston and Rovelli, 2020). Last but now least, we want to express our gratitude to the editor of the European Journal of Family Business, Professor Vanesa Guzmán for her collaboration and contributions.
The Osborne Group, founded in 1772, is one of the oldest family businesses in Europe. The group evolved from the original business of raising and exporting wines from Jerez to a wider food and beverage group which includes quality wines from various Spanish designations of origin, premium spirits, and products derived from Iberian pork, with a growing international acceptance, entering markets as demanding as China. Ignacio Osborne, a member of the sixth family generation, is the current president of the company since 2017, after 21 years as CEO. The company has been especially innovative in marketing, creating the symbol of the bull in the 50s, which has become a symbol that identifies the Spanish, transcending its initial origin as a reference for the winery.
Almirallis a pharmaceutical company founded in 1943. It is currently run by the second generation, which are giving way to the third. Although innovation is an essential requirement to compete in pharmaceutics, Almirall has managed to develop some well-known products in Spain, as Almax and Cleboril, becoming one of most innovative companies in the industry. Antonio Gallardo is honorary vice president of his company, which he chaired for 26 years. In addition, he was also president of the Family Council and the Family Office, as well as a member of the Executive Committee of the Family Business Network and vice president of the Family Business Institute.

Innovation in family firms is still a controversial issue within the academic community and poses some unique challenges for family business owners and managers. This special issue on innovation in family firms results from the cooperation of both academic and business guest editors, in a pioneering initiative that is not usual in academic journals. Indeed, a key feature of this Special Issue has been the collaboration with two family business leaders, who have been involved in the editorial process together with the academics. The two business editors that we involved are Antonio Gallardo, Vicepresident of Almirall and former director of FBN-Family Business Network, and Ignacio Osborne, CEO of the Osborne Group and Chairman of the Spanish Family Firm Institute. In order to introduce the six papers that make up this special issue on innovation in family firms, we as academic editors are pleased to include some comments from the business editors that emerged during our interactions with the aim to make a step forward toward bridging the gap between research and practice on family business innovation, acknowledging the different perspectives and approaches adopted by academics and practitioners. As the business editor Mr. Osborne points: "Innovation issues in family firms are nowadays more important than ever, due to the rapid developments that are occurring in the business world and its corresponding technologies". Despite being a topic analyzed by a number of authors over time (Feranita, Kotlar and De Massis, 2017; Aparicio, Iturralde and Sánchez-Famoso, 2020 in this issue; Chrisman, Chua, De Massis, Frattini and Wright, 2015), the study of innovation in family business still requires a greater volume of research to provide answers to the needs of family businesses. The distinctive nature of family firms results in a complex influence on the innovation process (De Massis, Frattini and Lichtenthaler, 2013), which is reflected in mixed research findings. For instance, the conclusions of the published research offer sometimes contradictory results, since family businesses can be considered innovative (Aronoff, 1998; Craig and Moores, 2006) or conservative (Sharma, Chrisman, y Chua, 1997; Zahra, Hayton y Salvato, 2004; Gómez-Mejía et al., 2007), with several studies that can support whatever of the two options. Family businesses present a number of characteristics that, a priori, seem to favor innovation, such as long-term orientation (Tagiuri and Davis, 1996; Ward and Aronoff, 1994), the desire for continuity through the following generations (Miroshnychenko et al., 2020; Gallo, 1995), patient capital (De Massis, Audretsch, Uhlaner and Kammerlander, 2018; Sirmon and Hitt, 2003), and the long tenure of their main leaders (Lorenzo, 2020). The replacement of the prior generation by the next generation implies the access of younger people to the leadership of the company, who also often present a greater level of qualification (De Massis et al., 2008; Cabrera-Suárez, 2011). Young and qualified leaders would provide a new momentum to the firm, by means of the renewal of the firm (Núñez-Cacho and Lorenzo, 2020). Likewise, the successors receive an important legacy by means of the values of the family business (Erdogan et al., 2020), such as effort, perseverance, austerity, excellence, long-term orientation and entrepreneurial spirit, as basic foundations of their way of understanding business activity (Bermejo, 2008). Accordingly, the new generation managers could be in the best conditions to reinvent the company, since they know the business from within and they also provide the new vision of a person with a working life ahead. Another factor that favors the renewal impulse of the next generation is the familial support to carry out a prolonged tenure over time, which will not be as conditioned by short-term results as in other types of companies, by the so-called patient capital (Sirmon and Hitt, 2003) of the family business (Lorenzo, 2020). But, even if these ideal conditions are met in a specific family firm, it is not guaranteed that the company realizes the innovation it needs. Therefore, it is needed to shed more light about the determinants and conditions for innovation. The editors of this special issue selected a number of papers to reflect the state-of-the-art on this topic, indicating some of the most promising research lines on innovation. According to the business editor Mr. Gallardo, "A very important aspect emerging from this special issue is that the papers published in it reveal that external contributions to the internal know-how of the family and the business are often vital to help produce the changes needed by a family firm for innovation to take place". Innovation in the family business has been a phenomenon of great interest to researchers, especially in the last decade. This is highlighted in the article that opens this special issue by presenting a complete bibliometric review of the literature on innovation in family businesses. Generally, researchers have noted that the influence of the family is the factor that makes this type of businesses different from the other ones (Habbershon and Williams, 1999; Lorenzo and Núñez-Cacho, 2012). However, in order to conclude that this is really true, it is necessary to identify the nature of these differences and determine how and why they affect the innovative behavior of the family business. The paper Innovation on family businesses: A holistic bibliometric(Aparicio, Iturralde and Sánchez-Famoso, 2020) offers an overview of the research field through an analysis of 207 articles that were published between 1994 and 2017. The authors complement other recent reviews such as those by Feranita, Kotlar and De Massis (2017) and Calabrò, Vecchiarini, Gast, Campopiano, De Massis and Kraus (2019), and reflect about the take-off of research on innovation that takes place since 2009. In the study two differentiated periods are highlighted: An initial one that covers the years 1994 to 2009, and one of expansion from 2010 to 2017. In addition, they identify the most influential journals, the most referenced articles, the most productive scholars -namely, De Massis, Frattini, Craig, Chrisman, Fang, Kotlar and Nordqvist appear as the most productive and referenced ones- and the main lines of research developed, providing a clear and synthetic map of innovation research in family businesses today. This paper approaches innovation from a more theoretical perspective, and also presents the lines of research that are currently being developed. These lines include the internal factors of the family business and its influence on innovation, as well as external factors, among others advances in research in the subject. The paper An Analysis of Open Innovation Determinants: The Case Study of Singapore based Family owned Enterprises, by Koh, Kong and Timperio (2020, this issue) analyzes the drivers of open innovation by studying cases of family businesses in Singapore. The authors highlight the external determinants and catalysts of innovation projects, such as family and business culture, access to external funds, government support for initiatives, market dynamics and partnership between companies. In addition to these six external determinants, there are two other factors that have a great influence on open innovation. First, family capital, which is the main source of financing for innovative initiatives. Second, a strong external network, supported by Singapore's legal and regulatory framework that fosters innovation, promotes the development of an enabling business environment so that the spirit of innovation can truly thrive. Most of the surveyed companies' managers mentioned process innovation as the most critical aspect, and also organizational innovation. Process innovation is considered superior by the companies included in the sample due to their capabilities to drive product innovation, marketing and organizational structure (and people). Organizational innovation is also considered of utmost importance, due to the need to adopt technologies such as digitalization, robotics or automation, which require an adequate organizational structure. Some ideas from the surveyed managers highlight these statements, like: "The correct processes create the necessary conditions to shape the products, as well as the marketing and organization structures," as well as "Having cutting-edge processes underway is a key differentiator." This study also reflects the need to establish new financing mechanisms adapted to the peculiarities of innovation processes. External capital injection and stimulus policies are necessary, although not sufficient, since they must be combined with the determinants of the internal functioning of family businesses. The relevance of the external network is also highlighted in the paper Collaborative innovation in the family SME: conceptualization, goals, and success factors, by Arzubiaga, Maseda, Uribarri and Palma Ruiz (2020, this issue), which analyzes the strategy of collaborative innovation that seeks the creation of knowledge, new product designs and Improving the efficiency of the production process. Among the conditions of collaborative innovation, four groups stand out: The composition of the management team (in terms of family members percentage and number of generations involved in management), abilities (cognitive factors, absorption capacity and trajectory in innovation), attitudes, and legacy preservation, (referring to socio-emotional wealth and internal behavior). These factors of small and medium family businesses play a crucial role in the successful design and implementation of collaborative innovation. The main contributions of this paper can be summarized in the need for establish solid bases to deepen in the future the study of collaborative innovation. Moreover, a second contribution refers to the identification of the distinguishing characteristics of family SMEs. Arzubiaga, Maseda, Uribarri and Palma Ruiz (2020, this issue) also propose the analysis of the possible moderating effects of firm size and the sector to refine the impact of the variables in this model, looking to achieve excellence in collaborative innovation. As business reviewer, Mr. Osbornehave highlighted collaborative innovation as one of the relevant issues in order to reinforce the role of innovation in their companies. Absorptive capacity is another aspect of great interest to researchers. There are numerous factors that condition it, some of them are features of the family character that make the behavior of family businesses paradoxical (Kotlar et al. 2020). The paper titled A mediating model of innovative capacity between absorptive capacity and family business performanceby Hernández-Perlines, Ariza-Montes and Araya-Castillo (2020, this issue) addresses the issue about absorptive capacity. Absorptive capacity is related to the identification, assimilation and exploitation of new knowledge by the company. Those family businesses that have these capabilities improve their performance. In addition, this effect is enhanced by the innovative capacity of the company, which acts as a mediator between absorption capacity and the company's performance, reinforcing this relationship. Thus, family business managers should focus their efforts on providing their organizations with the necessary skills to absorb and exploit knowledge. This will be easier if the company has developed innovative capabilities. In this sense, the business editor Mr. Gallardo points that: "There is also the possibility of establishing an advisory council with external collaborators that serves as a contrast to the company's board, in which oftentimes the weight of the family is too decisive." The last two papers in this special issue address the role of family involvement in relation to innovation. Does too much love hinder innovation? Family involvement and firms' innovativeness in family-owned Small Medium Enterprises (SMEs), by Filippo Ferrari (2020, this issue) reflects on the role of family cohesion and its flexibility in the process of innovation, drawing upon the Olson Circumplex model (Olson, 2000) which is applied in a sample of Italian family businesses. The study indicates that unbalanced families show the lowest levels of innovation, although family cohesion and flexibility do not show a significant correlation with the overall level of organizational innovation. Flexibility shows a positive correlation with the process and behavioral innovation, which can be explained by the demand for new forms and organizational routines to deal with process innovation. Here the author suggests some human resources practices that promote flexibility, such as labor rotation (Ortega, 2001), or the development of a horizontal internal career (Ichniowsky et al. 1996, 1997, 1999). Families that lack cohesion show a negative correlation with strategic innovation and process innovation. Ferrari (2020, this issue) considers as disconnected family systems those in which family members are not cohesive and have little family loyalty. On the other hand, innovation in processes is encouraged with new ideas through contributions in terms of new ways of doing things. According to the authors, the Olson Circumplex model (Olson, 2000) offers a framework that can diagnose the extent to which family systems are balanced and how the effects of balanced or unbalanced family dynamics can affect the family business (Daspit et al. 2018). Business reviewers were especially interested on the conclusions of this paper, and also pointed that it would be necessary more research on that kind of negative influences stemmed from lack of cohesion within the business family. Entrepreneurial orientation and product innovation: The moderating role of family involvement in management, by Fredyma, Ruiz Palomo and Diéguez (2020, this issue) addresses a classic concept closely linked to the study of innovation such as entrepreneurial orientation. The relationships between this variable and product innovation, incremental innovation and radical innovation are examined. The influence of family performance on the company is also analyzed. In their conclusions, Fredyma, Ruiz Palomo and Diéguez (2020, this issue) point out that family involvement weakens the positive effect of entrepreneurial orientation in product innovation, especially in case of radical innovation. Therefore, the family business must be aware of these weaknesses to correct them, professionalizing with non-family managers and including their participation in innovation decisions. This conclusion is stressed by both business editors, Mr. Osborne and Mr. Gallardo, who point out that: "Having a network of external collaborators, some of them generalists and others specialized in specific problems, is nowadays practically indispensable." Finally, the academic editors sincerely appreciate the contributions of two prominent Spanish businessmen, who have contributed to enrich this special issue with a business perspective, which helps to overcome the division that is sometimes perceived between the academic world and the business one. Both Antonio Gallardo and Ignacio Osborne represent the entrepreneurial vision that they have been able to maintain in their families and in their companies for generations. We all know how challenging it is for a family business to be entrepreneurial across generations (e.g., De Massis, Eddleston and Rovelli, 2020). Last but now least, we want to express our gratitude to the editor of the European Journal of Family Business, Professor Vanesa Guzmán for her collaboration and contributions. The Osborne Group, founded in 1772, is one of the oldest family businesses in Europe. The group evolved from the original business of raising and exporting wines from Jerez to a wider food and beverage group which includes quality wines from various Spanish designations of origin, premium spirits, and products derived from Iberian pork, with a growing international acceptance, entering markets as demanding as China. Ignacio Osborne, a member of the sixth family generation, is the current president of the company since 2017, after 21 years as CEO. The company has been especially innovative in marketing, creating the symbol of the bull in the 50s, which has become a symbol that identifies the Spanish, transcending its initial origin as a reference for the winery. Almirall is a pharmaceutical company founded in 1943. It is currently run by the second generation, which are giving way to the third. Although innovation is an essential requirement to compete in pharmaceutics, Almirall has managed to develop some well-known products in Spain, as Almax and Cleboril, becoming one of most innovative companies in the industry. Antonio Gallardo is honorary vice president of his company, which he chaired for 26 years. In addition, he was also president of the Family Council and the Family Office, as well as a member of the Executive Committee of the Family Business Network and vice president of the Family Business Institute.

Purpose Tourism is one of the fastest growing global industries and plays a significant role in national and local economies. Global climate change, as well as sustainable development, especially from the point of view of research of beliefs and attitudes on climate change, is the current area of research by only a small number of scientists around the world, even though an expert group gathered at the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in the middle of the second decade of the 20th century has confirmed "with almost complete assurance that human activities are the dominant cause of global warming, leading to multiple manifestations of climate change". and thus climate change is only the subject of academic research. Taking into account all other environmental problems, climate change has become the biggest challenge and threat to the survival of human civilization, with many consequences and a very wide influence on virtually every aspect of human life, and undoubtedly on tourism as an activity. Between tourism and climate change there is a two-way relationship as tourism is largely dependent on the climate and is influenced by climate change that happens in real time. On the other hand it is estimated that tourism is responsible for at least 8 of global CO2 emissions. which is why great efforts are being made at the global and national level in order to mitigate the consequences of climate change and to plan and take measures to prevent further negative consequences that might be irreversible in the future. Tourism as a whole, especially transport related to arrivals and departures of tourists to destinations, and tourism accommodation per se, significantly contribute to global warming through greenhouse gas emissions and a significant carbon footprint of tourism. Given that the consequences of climate change lead, inter alia, to the increased risk of flooding and drought, melting glaciers, rising sea levels, loss of biodiversity, various human health threats and damage to all sectors of the economy, while at the same time having an extremely high contribution to tourism and the total gross domestic product (GDP) of national economies, any impact of climate change on tourism can have very important economic and development implications, especially in Croatia where tourism is the backbone of the economy. Starting from the assumption of a two-way relationship between climate change and tourism, as well as the importance of knowing the beliefs and attitudes of managers in entire tourist accommodation industry as key persons in tourism management as decision-makers and key actors in implementation of environmental protection and implementation of development and business policies in the area of sustainable development which is inseparable from climate change impacts, the main objective of the research would be to examine and analyze the beliefs and attitudes about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation and climate changes as the determinants of tourism offer, as well as the differences between managers in different tourist accommodation facilities. From the aforementioned, it is also the subject of scientific research that deals with analyzing, elaborating, researching and consistently determining the relevant features of tourist accommodation management beliefs and attitudes between climate change and tourism influence, as well as climate changes as the determinants of tourist offer. Purpose Knowledge of managers' attitudes and beliefs is extremely important in order to anticipate, plan and direct the use of mitigation measures and the prevention of negative impacts of climate change and the tourist accommodation industry, so that all subjects directly or indirectly linked to tourism can adapt in a suitable way to the new situation and minimize as far as possible the more negative consequences of climate change. The scientific problem or the subject of this scientific research is related to three primary objects of scientific research that are linked to a logical entity: climate change, tourism and design of tourist offer in the Republic of Croatia, attitudes and beliefs of managers about the impact of climate change and tourism in Croatia, as well as on climate changes as the determinants of tourist offer. In addition to the main goal, the research has also focused on several auxiliary/specific objectives that sought to determine whether certain characteristics of accommodation such as type of accommodation, type of guests, business orientation through wellness and SPA services, i.e. sports and fitness offer, accommodation locations in the coastal or continental counties, the seasonality of the business, as well as the possession of a clearly defined environmental policy, and an analysis of the influence of certain socio-demographic characteristics of respondents on the beliefs and attitudes of managers on climate change issues and the impact of climate change and tourist accommodation. Methodology The theoretical part of the doctoral thesis was based on the available scientific and professional literature results that were collected and analyzed using the historical method. Although limited by scope, the introductory part provides an overview showing the degree of development of this problem. Historical method illustrates the historical development and interrelationship of tourism and climate change with an emphasis on recent data on causes and proportions of climate events, scenarios of changes in the future, all in the context of tourism impact. The historical method analyzes collected data on the impact of climate change on individual destinations in Europe and the world, and predictions of future changes, as well as data on the attitudes of the general population, especially the stakeholders in tourism, about the impact of climate change and tourism. By studying related research, the abstraction and concretization methods extracted from the multitude of data are those relevant to the research. By the method of analysis and synthesis, a whole is studied by studying the components and by combining some elements of the research. In this scientific study a combination of scientific methods, such as inductive and deductive methods, was used, with logical, methodological and scientific empirical approaches to specific knowledge. The transition from individual and special characteristics to general characteristics was done by using generalization and specialization methods. Determining the legality of a court or claim was made by using evidence and denial methods. The comparative method was used to compare certain properties. Statistical methods in the area of descriptive statistics and difference statistics, and selected multivariate analysis methods (conformational factor analysis) were used to describe certain properties and their comparison. The survey was focused on 1084 facilities, representing the total population of all categorized facilities by type as hotels and aparthotels, then tourist resorts and tourist apartments as well as camps, and marinas in the Republic of Croatia covered by the latest available List of categorized facilities on 7 March 2019 officially issued by the Croatian Ministry of Tourism. For the purpose of determining the beliefs and attitudes on climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation, a questionnaire originally designed for this research was used. Out of the total number of questionnaires submitted, 283 questionnaires had been duly completed, representing 26.1% of respondents, including 4.60% of the members of the Management Board or the Supervisory Body, 46.65% of the Directors or Heads of the Facility or members of the Operational Management, 19% quality managers and 33.56% of middle management staff. Data processing was performed using the Microsoft Excel spreadsheet software. Kolmogorov-Smirnov's test analyzed the distribution of continuous numerical values and according to to the obtained data corresponding non-parametric tests were applied. Categorical and nominal values are shown using corresponding frequencies and shares. Continuous values are shown using medians and interquartile ranges, and the differences between them are analyzed by Kruskal-Wallis's, that is post-hoc Mann-Whitney U test, and presented in Box and Whisker's plot in which shows median values, interquartile ranges, minimum and maximum values, and extreme values which differ from the medians by more than 1.5 interquartile ranges. Confirmatory factor analysis with Varimax rotation was performed in which matrix and factor saturation were calculated for three factors (cognitive, behavioral and emotional domain) and for each factor the coefficient of the internal consistency of Cronbach alpha was satisfactory (> 0.700). Findings After the statistical analysis of the collected results it can be concluded that the main hypothesis of the survey was confirmed that managers in tourist accommodation facilities have established beliefs and attitudes about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation. When comparing the three components that are constituents of attitudes in accordance with the theory of the threefold structure of the stand, it has been shown that in the managers the most powerful and positively oriented was the behavioral component, then the cognitive and finally equally positively oriented conative component. In the case of auxiliary hypotheses from the results obtained it can be concluded that all the auxiliary hypotheses of the research were confirmed. It has been established that there are significant differences in the attitudes of managers who manage different categories of tourist accommodation facilities for all 36 statements from the basic questionnaire according to which they expressed their degree of acceptance, i.e. their beliefs and attitudes. It was demonstrated that there is a statistically significant difference in all three components of the attitude about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation are of managers that manage different categories of tourist accommodation facilities. There have been significant differences in the attitudes of managers managing tourist accommodation facilities of different categorization or different number of awarded stars in all the statements for which they expressed their position in all three components of the attitude. There are significant differences in the attitude of managers who manage tourist accommodation facilities that have ecological facilities and a SPA/wellness offer, or fitness offer, in relation to managers in tourist accommodation facilities where there is no SPA/wellness offer or fitness content offers in all the statements for which they expressed their attitude in all three components of the attitude, except in the emotional component associated with the sense of fear experienced by the respondents when contemplating climate change, irrespective of the observed characteristic of the accommodation. There have been significant differences in the attitudes of managers who manage tourist accommodation facilities that are open year-round in relation to managers in tourist accommodation facilities that are seasonal, in most of the statements they expressedtheir attitude about in all three components of the attitude. Statistically significant differences were observed in 18 of the 22 statements in the cognitive component of the attitude, in 3 of the 6 statements related to the emotional component of the attitude, and in 5 of the 8 claims related to the behavioral component of the attitude. There are significant differences in beliefs and attitudes about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation, as well as about climate changes as determinants of the creating tourist offer between managers in tourist accommodation facilities given the type and manner of guest arrival or between managers in tourist accommodation facilities which are oriented towards accommodation of individual guests in relation to managers in tourist accommodation facilities that are family-oriented or oriented towards organized groups. The differences were observed in 11 of 22 staements in the cognitive component of the attitude, in 5 of the 6 statements in the emotional component of the attitude, and in 6 of the 8 statements in the behavioral component of the attitude. There have been significant differences between the attitudes of managers who manage tourist accommodation facilities who have and those who do not have a clearly defined environmental and quality policy or environmental protection policy contained in any of the valid quality certificates in all the staements they have expressed their attitude about, in all three components of the attitude, except in the emotional component associated with the sense of fear experienced by the respondents when contemplating climate change. There are significant differences in attitudes between managers in tourist accommodation facilities located in coastal or continental counties, in all three components all the statements except in the statement which claims that the national government should set national targets for increasing the use of renewable energy, such as wind energy or solar energy. There are significant differences between attitudes about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation as well as about climate changes as the determinants of creating tourism offer among managers whose sphere of responsibility is quality policy in relation to managers who are focused on strategic management or in relation to managers that are part of the ownership structure, as there are also significant differences in the beliefs and attitudes between managers at the middle management level compared to managers in top management positions. There have been significant differences in the beliefs and attitudes about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation, as well as about climate changes as the determinants of tourism offer, depending on certain sociodemographic characteristics of respondents, especially their gender, level of education, length of service in the tourism sector, membership in ecological NGOs or activism in ecological actions and initiatives. Consequently, the beliefs and attitudes of managers in the tourist industry are the function of various characteristics of the accommodation facility, where stronger proecological attitudes and higher levels of ecological awareness about climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation, as well as climate changes as the determinants of tourism offer are shown by managers working in: in categorized tourist accommodation facilities of higher category (higher number of stars); categorized tourist accommodation facilities located in coastal counties; categorized tourist accommodation facilities that work all year round; categorized tourist accommodation facilities that have a strong orientation towards the SPA/wellness offer and amenities; categorized tourist accommodation facilities that have a clearly defined written quality policy and environmental protection and categorized tourist accommodation facilities aimed at organized groups and family guests who come for holiday. Also, stronger proecological attitudes and higher levels of ecological awareness of climate change and the interinfluence of climate change and tourist accommodation, as well as of climate changes as the determinants of creating tourist offer are shown by managers working in categorized tourist accommodation facilities in top management positions, by managers who have completed tertiary level of education, who are members of ecological NGOs and consider themselves activists, who are of female gender and those who have more years of work experience. Originality of the research The results of this paper provide a series of insights that may be relevant for the development of sustainable practices in the tourism sector and in particular hotel industry in general, as they contribute to understanding of the attitudes of key decision-makers and can provide the basis for predicting their behavior in relation to the application of environmental protection measures against the negative impact of tourism which is unambiguous.

Relevance of the research. Recognition and education of children and teenagers gifted in sporting activity is an important part of the attainment of particular results in sports. Identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports is a process, when athletes are recognised at the early stage of their development and have a possibility to attain high results in adulthood (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Vaeyens, Lenoir, Williams, Philippaerts, 2008). It means that individually or in combination, their physical, physiological, psychological and social features, as well as technical capabilities can help to predict their potential in the future (Williams, Reilly, 2000). Some scientists maintain that aiming to achieve high results in sports gifted athletes should be selected by appropriate methods at an early age and involved into a long and systematically planned training (Sevim, 2007; Bompa, Haff, 2009). However, recognition of young gifted athletes is a complex process, since the results of teenagers' physical development, as well as their value-based provisions, attitudes and motives change in the process of growing and development (Callender, 2010; Gonçalves, Rama, Figueriredo, 2012). According to some scientists (Byrne, Davenport, Mazanov, 2007), adolescence is a specific and rather complicated age period, when rapid and big changes occur not only in physical development, but also in psycho-social maturity. Therefore, recognition and selection of children and teenagers gifted for sports is a multi-faceted process, when it is important not only to evaluate an athlete's present appearance considering their physical, physiological, psychological, cognitive and sociological features, and technical capacities, but also evacuating such important aspects as social, emotional, motivational and temperamental factors (Pruna, Tribaldos, Bahdur, 2018). Whether the talents will be disclosed depends not only on an athlete's innate capabilities, but also on the educational factors affecting them. A great influence is made by the coach and educational environment created by the school, which allows developing and growing an athlete's personality (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Pensgaard, Roberts, 2002). However, it is not the school that affects the educational environment and motivational climate. The attitude of family members towards physical activity, their support for an athlete, the coach and his/her ability to appropriately plan the training content, teammates, facilities, attention from the media and other people, as well as values and social provisions also contribute to this process (Hassandra, Goudas, Chroni, 2003; Lenzen, Brouwers, Dejardin et al., 2004). An effective programme of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports can help to recognize talents at an early stage, which can become a vitally important element when trying to enhance successful competitiveness of the country (Vaeyens, Gullich, Warr, Philippaerts, 2009). The programmes of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports facilitate the process of athlete selection, which maximizes the number of gifted persons (Anshel, Lidor, 2012). Early recognition of gifted athletes can attract funding and training opportunities for athletes having the greatest potential for success (Durand-Bush, Salmela, 2001). Countries are concerned with creating research-based methods to select the most gifted athletes that could successfully compete on the international sports arena. Over the past two decades, the increasing number of studies have been accomplished trying to understand the issues concerning experience in the identification and education of children and teenagers gifted for sports (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Abbott, Button, Pepping et al., 2005; De Bosscher, De Knop, Van Bottenburg, Shibli, 2006; Pearson, Naughton, Torode, 2006; Lidor, Cote, Hackfort, 2009; Anshel, Lidor, 2012; Roth, 2012; Brouwers, De Bosscher, Sotiriadou, 2012; Nijs, Gallardo-Gallardo, Dries, Sels, 2014; Swann, Moran, Piggott, 2015). However, despite considerable achievements in the process of identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports, a universally recognized model of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports does not exist Hohmann, 2001; Abbott, Collins, 2004; Vaeyens, Lenoir, Williams, Philippaerts, 2008; Davids, Araujo, Vilar, Pinder, 2013; Louzada, Maiorano, Ara, 2016). There are cases when decisions concerning the selection of athletes are made subjectively, without scientific validation (Regnier, Salmela, Russell, 1993; Williams, Franks, 1998; Abbott, Button, Pepping, Collins, 2005), whereas a lot of potentially gifted athletes are not selected due to inappropriate selection criteria or applying no selection criteria at all, as well as due to athletes changing a sports branch or a large number of drop-outs from sports (Abbott, Collins, 2004; MacNamara, Collins, 2011; Tranckle, Cushion, 2006; Winfried, 2001). It is important that children and teenagers get interested in sports, are selected to appropriate sport branches, as well as attempts are made so that they do not break their sporting career too early (Schiffer, 2013); every year approximately 35% of young athletes quit sports and it is not clear if they ever resume their sporting activity again (Purcell, 2005; Breunner, 2012). Therefore, the application of these selection criteria and a large drop-out of athletes from sports can be partly justified in countries with high population. The principle of natural selection can have a greater influence. In the case of a small country (for instance, Lithuania), such a selection is not suitable. Trying to avoid subjectivity, the majority of the latest scientific studies in sports science are related to the investigation of the influence of innate (natural) and acquired (educated) features on sporting results (Baker, Bagats, Büsch, Schorer, 2012; Coutinho, Mesquita, Fonseca, De Martin-Silva, 2014; Davids, Baker, 2007). With the increasing competition among athletes over the past period (De Bosscher et al., 2006) and sports becoming a political and commercial phenomenon (Green, Oakley, 2001), there appears a necessity for timely and appropriate choice of a specific branch of sports, which would help to achieve good results in the future. Different methods and programmes of selecting the most capable athletes are applied all over the world. In the majority of countries, selection models consisting of several stages are applied, which rely on a coach's competence, test results and analysis of competition results, whereas the selected athletes are invited to learn and do sports in specialised schools. Similarly to some other countries, in Lithuania concern about (self-) education of children gifted for sports has led to the emergence of sports gymnasiums. Panevėžys Raimundas Sargūnas Sports Gymnasium is one of the three general education schools of Lithuania that implement basic and general education alongside with sports education, and in which a part of sports education in the field of specialized education aims at training students that have special educational needs due to their giftedness in sports for high excellence and results (Order No. V-1010 of the Minister of Education and Science of the Republic of Lithuania, 24 October 2014). The programme outlines the knowledge, abilities and attitudes that athletes should acquire to comply with physical, technical, tactical requirements, as well as requirements for fitness and achievements. The purpose of Panevėžys Raimundas Sargūnas Sports Gymnasium gives a possibility to analyse the gymnasium as a case revealing the aspects of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports, which can help to better understand what educational preconditions are created and how to select teenagers gifted for sports and to disclose their talents, as well as to help create and improve practical models for schools educating teenagers gifted for sports. Therefore, the research question was formulated: how does the selection of teenagers gifted for sports occur and how are the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports created? The problem-based question and the fact that a universal and effective model of the selection of children and teenagers gifted for sports does not exist, highlight the research object, i. e. the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. The aim of the research is to reveal the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. The research objectives: 1. To theoretically validate the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. 2. To identify the educational factors and notice of the choice of sporting activity by athletes. 3. To explore the physical and functional fitness of athletes and its dynamics. 4. To determine the attitudes of athletes as educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. 5. To determine the attitudes of coaches as educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Scientific novelty and practical significance of the doctoral research ● The validated educational factors that influence the selection of teenagers gifted for sports allow better understanding of the factors of choosing a sporting activity and survival in sports as educational preconditions for the development of capabilities. ● The determined dynamics of physical and functional fitness of teenage athletes in an educational environment beneficial to the development of their innate capabilities for sports helps to understand the dynamics and multi-dimensionality of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports as a process, as well as problematic control of its components when identifying and developing their capabilities. The case of one of the three sports gymnasiums of Lithuania has been explored in terms of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports – such studies have not been performed in Lithuania so far. ● The results of the theoretical and empirical research complement the theory of sports science with innovative and original data on the expression of the educational preconditions affecting the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Practical significance. The educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports that affect athletes' decision to choose a sporting activity from other spheres of supplementary education have been analysed and generalised. The determined peculiarities of motivation will help coaches to select appropriate pedagogical and psychological tools to motivate athletes to seek for high results in sports. The educational factors stimulating and aggravating athletes' selection and motivation to seek for high results in sports have been distinguished during the research, the role of a coach as one of educational factors has been revealed in the process of selecting and training athletes – these findings will allow a more purposeful planning of the (self-) development of coaches' competences and provision of all the necessary support concerning the selection of athletes to them. The analysis of the changes in the results of athletes' physical and functional fitness will give a possibility to make a more thorough selection of teenagers gifted for sports to 12 sports branches, as well as to train them more purposefully and effectively for national and international competitions. The research data can be applied in compiling model characteristics of different age periods and different sports branches by specifying training programmes and evaluating the changes in athletes' individual fitness. The research results can be used by the administration, coaches and other employees of athletes' educational centres, federations and sports schools. CONCLUSIONS 1. The search and selection of gifted children is a complex, dynamic, long-lasting, and special educational process that depends on a variety of factors interacting and constantly changing in the process. The factors influencing the selection and results in the sporting activity can be divided into four groups: genetic-physiological, psychological, social, and educational factors. The genetic potential, anthropometric data and physical abilities are essential indicators for the identification and selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Psychological features, such as perseverance, self-confidence, positive attitude, devotion, dedication, strong intrinsic motivation, concentration, attentiveness, and emotional control, are important in selecting gifted teenagers. Social factors include sports policy, culture, natural conditions, geographical location of the country, various opportunities, specific tendencies in the development of modern sports, and support rendered to the participants of the educational process. Educational factors – educational environments, parent support, practice, the coach and teammates, have an educational impact on athletes and can influence their decision making, motivation, habits, training and skills.Therefore, the selection of gifted teenagers should be specific to each sports branch and include a multi-disciplinary approach when clearing out athletes' motives, the attitudes of athletes and coaches, as well as implementing the monitoring athletes. 2. Regardless of gender and a group of sports branches, the main factors that motivate the choice of sports activities include educational (motivation of the coach, parents and friends) and internal cognitive motives (desire to master a sports technique). The least important motives involve material (possession of own inventory, good facilities for training), geographical (a sports school close to home), not being admitted into another sports branch, or lack of other choices. The choice of a sport from other areas of supplementary education is determined by a desire to be physically fit and a desire to engage in leisure activities. The least important motives are the desire to become famous and the desire to be attractive. Intrinsic motivation is more pronounced than extrinsic.The boys' external motivation is stronger than that of girls. Amotivation is more characteristic of the girls. The internal and external motivation is more expressed by the athletes of team sports; external motivation in individual sports appears to be the weakest, whereas the weakest intrinsic motivation and the strongest amotivation is revealed in duelling sports. 3. The results of physical development, physical fitness and functional capacity of stronger athletes are not always statistically significantly different from those of other athletes or control group athletes. A part of the indicators of stronger athletes are better, which leads to an assumption that alongside with psychosocial abilities, social factors, educational factors, and high motivation, they are essential to achieve high results. The correlation study reveals which indicators need to be taken into account and developed when selecting teenagers gifted for sports and achieving high results. 4. The most important factors for teenagers' decision to start doing sports and choose a sports branch include the surrounding environment, where the most important roles are ascribed to the coach, family members and friends. The genetic-physiological and psychological factors that are affected by the coaching and environmental factors are considered as the main factors determining success in sports. The coach is identified as the most important educational factor in the selection of gifted teenagers, whereas a favourable climate, motivating influence of the coach, his/her competence and ideal conditions help to disclose the athletes' talents and achieve high results. While choosing a sport and training, the self-educational factor is distinguished seeking to change oneself, as well as to change own or others' future relating it to sports. The factors that reduce the motivation of athletes and thus prevent the full potential of talented athletes, as well as leading them to end their sporting careers are highlighted: stabilisation of their progress in the results, injuries and high loads of physical activity. 5. The coaches distinguish the importance of psychological and physiological factors in selecting teenagers gifted for sports. The coaches consider the teenagers to be prospective athletes who have a strong internal and external motivation to train, innate capabilities, and physical abilities that are influenced by environmental factors, coaching competence, and practice. The role of the coach as the most important educational factor is highlighted in the search for gifted athletes among those already in the sport or referring to the competence of other coaches, recommending athletes who can achieve higher results in other sports branches. Identifying gifted teenagers-athletes, the coaches look for dedicated, hardworking and goal-seeking athletes with strong motivation. Family members and peers are recognised as educational factors that have a significant impact on athlete selection. The research also highlights the problems faced by coaches in the selection process. These are physiological and psychological changes in the body and the priorities of teenage athletes, which are influenced by their surrounding environment.

Relevance of the research. Recognition and education of children and teenagers gifted in sporting activity is an important part of the attainment of particular results in sports. Identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports is a process, when athletes are recognised at the early stage of their development and have a possibility to attain high results in adulthood (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Vaeyens, Lenoir, Williams, Philippaerts, 2008). It means that individually or in combination, their physical, physiological, psychological and social features, as well as technical capabilities can help to predict their potential in the future (Williams, Reilly, 2000). Some scientists maintain that aiming to achieve high results in sports gifted athletes should be selected by appropriate methods at an early age and involved into a long and systematically planned training (Sevim, 2007; Bompa, Haff, 2009). However, recognition of young gifted athletes is a complex process, since the results of teenagers' physical development, as well as their value-based provisions, attitudes and motives change in the process of growing and development (Callender, 2010; Gonçalves, Rama, Figueriredo, 2012). According to some scientists (Byrne, Davenport, Mazanov, 2007), adolescence is a specific and rather complicated age period, when rapid and big changes occur not only in physical development, but also in psycho-social maturity. Therefore, recognition and selection of children and teenagers gifted for sports is a multi-faceted process, when it is important not only to evaluate an athlete's present appearance considering their physical, physiological, psychological, cognitive and sociological features, and technical capacities, but also evacuating such important aspects as social, emotional, motivational and temperamental factors (Pruna, Tribaldos, Bahdur, 2018). Whether the talents will be disclosed depends not only on an athlete's innate capabilities, but also on the educational factors affecting them. A great influence is made by the coach and educational environment created by the school, which allows developing and growing an athlete's personality (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Pensgaard, Roberts, 2002). However, it is not the school that affects the educational environment and motivational climate. The attitude of family members towards physical activity, their support for an athlete, the coach and his/her ability to appropriately plan the training content, teammates, facilities, attention from the media and other people, as well as values and social provisions also contribute to this process (Hassandra, Goudas, Chroni, 2003; Lenzen, Brouwers, Dejardin et al., 2004). An effective programme of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports can help to recognize talents at an early stage, which can become a vitally important element when trying to enhance successful competitiveness of the country (Vaeyens, Gullich, Warr, Philippaerts, 2009). The programmes of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports facilitate the process of athlete selection, which maximizes the number of gifted persons (Anshel, Lidor, 2012). Early recognition of gifted athletes can attract funding and training opportunities for athletes having the greatest potential for success (Durand-Bush, Salmela, 2001). Countries are concerned with creating research-based methods to select the most gifted athletes that could successfully compete on the international sports arena. Over the past two decades, the increasing number of studies have been accomplished trying to understand the issues concerning experience in the identification and education of children and teenagers gifted for sports (Williams, Reilly, 2000; Abbott, Button, Pepping et al., 2005; De Bosscher, De Knop, Van Bottenburg, Shibli, 2006; Pearson, Naughton, Torode, 2006; Lidor, Cote, Hackfort, 2009; Anshel, Lidor, 2012; Roth, 2012; Brouwers, De Bosscher, Sotiriadou, 2012; Nijs, Gallardo-Gallardo, Dries, Sels, 2014; Swann, Moran, Piggott, 2015). However, despite considerable achievements in the process of identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports, a universally recognized model of the identification of children and teenagers gifted for sports does not exist Hohmann, 2001; Abbott, Collins, 2004; Vaeyens, Lenoir, Williams, Philippaerts, 2008; Davids, Araujo, Vilar, Pinder, 2013; Louzada, Maiorano, Ara, 2016). There are cases when decisions concerning the selection of athletes are made subjectively, without scientific validation (Regnier, Salmela, Russell, 1993; Williams, Franks, 1998; Abbott, Button, Pepping, Collins, 2005), whereas a lot of potentially gifted athletes are not selected due to inappropriate selection criteria or applying no selection criteria at all, as well as due to athletes changing a sports branch or a large number of drop-outs from sports (Abbott, Collins, 2004; MacNamara, Collins, 2011; Tranckle, Cushion, 2006; Winfried, 2001). It is important that children and teenagers get interested in sports, are selected to appropriate sport branches, as well as attempts are made so that they do not break their sporting career too early (Schiffer, 2013); every year approximately 35% of young athletes quit sports and it is not clear if they ever resume their sporting activity again (Purcell, 2005; Breunner, 2012). Therefore, the application of these selection criteria and a large drop-out of athletes from sports can be partly justified in countries with high population. The principle of natural selection can have a greater influence. In the case of a small country (for instance, Lithuania), such a selection is not suitable. Trying to avoid subjectivity, the majority of the latest scientific studies in sports science are related to the investigation of the influence of innate (natural) and acquired (educated) features on sporting results (Baker, Bagats, Büsch, Schorer, 2012; Coutinho, Mesquita, Fonseca, De Martin-Silva, 2014; Davids, Baker, 2007). With the increasing competition among athletes over the past period (De Bosscher et al., 2006) and sports becoming a political and commercial phenomenon (Green, Oakley, 2001), there appears a necessity for timely and appropriate choice of a specific branch of sports, which would help to achieve good results in the future. Different methods and programmes of selecting the most capable athletes are applied all over the world. In the majority of countries, selection models consisting of several stages are applied, which rely on a coach's competence, test results and analysis of competition results, whereas the selected athletes are invited to learn and do sports in specialised schools. Similarly to some other countries, in Lithuania concern about (self-) education of children gifted for sports has led to the emergence of sports gymnasiums. Panevėžys Raimundas Sargūnas Sports Gymnasium is one of the three general education schools of Lithuania that implement basic and general education alongside with sports education, and in which a part of sports education in the field of specialized education aims at training students that have special educational needs due to their giftedness in sports for high excellence and results (Order No. V-1010 of the Minister of Education and Science of the Republic of Lithuania, 24 October 2014). The programme outlines the knowledge, abilities and attitudes that athletes should acquire to comply with physical, technical, tactical requirements, as well as requirements for fitness and achievements. The purpose of Panevėžys Raimundas Sargūnas Sports Gymnasium gives a possibility to analyse the gymnasium as a case revealing the aspects of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports, which can help to better understand what educational preconditions are created and how to select teenagers gifted for sports and to disclose their talents, as well as to help create and improve practical models for schools educating teenagers gifted for sports. Therefore, the research question was formulated: how does the selection of teenagers gifted for sports occur and how are the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports created? The problem-based question and the fact that a universal and effective model of the selection of children and teenagers gifted for sports does not exist, highlight the research object, i. e. the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. The aim of the research is to reveal the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. The research objectives: 1. To theoretically validate the educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. 2. To identify the educational factors and notice of the choice of sporting activity by athletes. 3. To explore the physical and functional fitness of athletes and its dynamics. 4. To determine the attitudes of athletes as educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. 5. To determine the attitudes of coaches as educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Scientific novelty and practical significance of the doctoral research ● The validated educational factors that influence the selection of teenagers gifted for sports allow better understanding of the factors of choosing a sporting activity and survival in sports as educational preconditions for the development of capabilities. ● The determined dynamics of physical and functional fitness of teenage athletes in an educational environment beneficial to the development of their innate capabilities for sports helps to understand the dynamics and multi-dimensionality of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports as a process, as well as problematic control of its components when identifying and developing their capabilities. The case of one of the three sports gymnasiums of Lithuania has been explored in terms of the selection of teenagers gifted for sports – such studies have not been performed in Lithuania so far. ● The results of the theoretical and empirical research complement the theory of sports science with innovative and original data on the expression of the educational preconditions affecting the selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Practical significance. The educational preconditions for the selection of teenagers gifted for sports that affect athletes' decision to choose a sporting activity from other spheres of supplementary education have been analysed and generalised. The determined peculiarities of motivation will help coaches to select appropriate pedagogical and psychological tools to motivate athletes to seek for high results in sports. The educational factors stimulating and aggravating athletes' selection and motivation to seek for high results in sports have been distinguished during the research, the role of a coach as one of educational factors has been revealed in the process of selecting and training athletes – these findings will allow a more purposeful planning of the (self-) development of coaches' competences and provision of all the necessary support concerning the selection of athletes to them. The analysis of the changes in the results of athletes' physical and functional fitness will give a possibility to make a more thorough selection of teenagers gifted for sports to 12 sports branches, as well as to train them more purposefully and effectively for national and international competitions. The research data can be applied in compiling model characteristics of different age periods and different sports branches by specifying training programmes and evaluating the changes in athletes' individual fitness. The research results can be used by the administration, coaches and other employees of athletes' educational centres, federations and sports schools. CONCLUSIONS 1. The search and selection of gifted children is a complex, dynamic, long-lasting, and special educational process that depends on a variety of factors interacting and constantly changing in the process. The factors influencing the selection and results in the sporting activity can be divided into four groups: genetic-physiological, psychological, social, and educational factors. The genetic potential, anthropometric data and physical abilities are essential indicators for the identification and selection of teenagers gifted for sports. Psychological features, such as perseverance, self-confidence, positive attitude, devotion, dedication, strong intrinsic motivation, concentration, attentiveness, and emotional control, are important in selecting gifted teenagers. Social factors include sports policy, culture, natural conditions, geographical location of the country, various opportunities, specific tendencies in the development of modern sports, and support rendered to the participants of the educational process. Educational factors – educational environments, parent support, practice, the coach and teammates, have an educational impact on athletes and can influence their decision making, motivation, habits, training and skills.Therefore, the selection of gifted teenagers should be specific to each sports branch and include a multi-disciplinary approach when clearing out athletes' motives, the attitudes of athletes and coaches, as well as implementing the monitoring athletes. 2. Regardless of gender and a group of sports branches, the main factors that motivate the choice of sports activities include educational (motivation of the coach, parents and friends) and internal cognitive motives (desire to master a sports technique). The least important motives involve material (possession of own inventory, good facilities for training), geographical (a sports school close to home), not being admitted into another sports branch, or lack of other choices. The choice of a sport from other areas of supplementary education is determined by a desire to be physically fit and a desire to engage in leisure activities. The least important motives are the desire to become famous and the desire to be attractive. Intrinsic motivation is more pronounced than extrinsic.The boys' external motivation is stronger than that of girls. Amotivation is more characteristic of the girls. The internal and external motivation is more expressed by the athletes of team sports; external motivation in individual sports appears to be the weakest, whereas the weakest intrinsic motivation and the strongest amotivation is revealed in duelling sports. 3. The results of physical development, physical fitness and functional capacity of stronger athletes are not always statistically significantly different from those of other athletes or control group athletes. A part of the indicators of stronger athletes are better, which leads to an assumption that alongside with psychosocial abilities, social factors, educational factors, and high motivation, they are essential to achieve high results. The correlation study reveals which indicators need to be taken into account and developed when selecting teenagers gifted for sports and achieving high results. 4. The most important factors for teenagers' decision to start doing sports and choose a sports branch include the surrounding environment, where the most important roles are ascribed to the coach, family members and friends. The genetic-physiological and psychological factors that are affected by the coaching and environmental factors are considered as the main factors determining success in sports. The coach is identified as the most important educational factor in the selection of gifted teenagers, whereas a favourable climate, motivating influence of the coach, his/her competence and ideal conditions help to disclose the athletes' talents and achieve high results. While choosing a sport and training, the self-educational factor is distinguished seeking to change oneself, as well as to change own or others' future relating it to sports. The factors that reduce the motivation of athletes and thus prevent the full potential of talented athletes, as well as leading them to end their sporting careers are highlighted: stabilisation of their progress in the results, injuries and high loads of physical activity. 5. The coaches distinguish the importance of psychological and physiological factors in selecting teenagers gifted for sports. The coaches consider the teenagers to be prospective athletes who have a strong internal and external motivation to train, innate capabilities, and physical abilities that are influenced by environmental factors, coaching competence, and practice. The role of the coach as the most important educational factor is highlighted in the search for gifted athletes among those already in the sport or referring to the competence of other coaches, recommending athletes who can achieve higher results in other sports branches. Identifying gifted teenagers-athletes, the coaches look for dedicated, hardworking and goal-seeking athletes with strong motivation. Family members and peers are recognised as educational factors that have a significant impact on athlete selection. The research also highlights the problems faced by coaches in the selection process. These are physiological and psychological changes in the body and the priorities of teenage athletes, which are influenced by their surrounding environment.

La relación entre el emprendimiento, la globalización y la libertad económica ha vuelto a situarse en el centro del debate acerca de la contribución de la globalización sobre el desarrollo económico de las economías modernas. Tras experimentar décadas de una excepcionalmente fuerte globalización, el mundo está asistiendo a un resurgimiento del proteccionismo. Esta tendencia no solo está afectando a los acuerdos de libre comercio sino también a la integración económica que se había alcanzado en algunas áreas como la de la Unión Europea. En este contexto, las empresas menos competitivas y los desempleados con menor empleabilidad, son grupos que tratan de ejercer su poder de influencia sobre las instituciones y votar a opciones políticas que incorporen las preocupaciones de estos grupos (por ejemplo acciones proteccionistas o de endurecimiento de la política migratoria. La consecuencias de este proceso son una de las cuestiones calientes de la agenda de actuación política en el momento actual tras la Gran Recesión, dado que algunas industrias y grupos de población culpan a la globalización de ser la causa última de sus problemas y presionan para provocar una vuelta al proteccionismo y a la contención de los flujos migratorios, Para ellos, la expansión de la eficiencia y productividad que parecía prometerse como asociada a ia globalización parece no estar garantizada si las diferencias entre las instituciones de as diferentes naciones alteran la productividad y competitividad relativa. Así, podríamos argumentar que el ecosistema empresarial, esto es, el conjunto de instituciones para el desarrollo de los negocios es el principal determinante no solo de la contribución del entrepreneurship al crecimiento económico sino también a la creación de empleo e innovación. Por tanto la libertad económica en sus diferentes dimensiones (tales como el imperio de la ley, la eficiencia regulatoria, y en especial la libertad de empresa, las instituciones del Mercado de trabajo y el grado de integración de la economía (grado de apertura comercial) y el peso de 1 sector público, pueden ser considerados factores clave para determinar si una sociedad es "empresarial" o no. La única forma de resolver este tipo de controversias es proporcionar sólidas proposiciones y hallazgos empíricos para evaluar los efectos de la globalización sobre el crecimiento económico, la innovación, la creación del empleo y el entrepreneurship. En este contexto, el estudio de la relación entre la integración económica y el entrepreneurship es especialmente interesante, dado que el entrepreneurship es un determinante principal del desarrollo económico. En principio, la relación entre la globalización, la libertad económica y el entrepreneurship es ambigua, dado que podríamos encontrar explicaciones tanto para esperar relaciones bidireccionales y de diferente signo. Por un lado, y con respecto a la relación entre el entrepreneurship y la integración económica, podríamos suponer que la integración abre nuevas oportunidades de beneficio, propicia el aumento de las escalas gracias a la extensión de la demanda potencial que emerge gracias a la entrada en nuevos mercados. Desde esta perspectiva, más apertura es un factor positive no solo para promocionar el entrepreneurship sino también para aumentar la probabilidad de supervivencia y éxito. Por otra parte la globalización, aumenta la intensidad de la La relación entre el emprendimiento, la globalización y la libertad económica ha vuelto a situarse en el centro del debate acerca de la contribución de la globalización sobre el desarrollo económico de las economías modernas. Tras experimentar décadas de una excepcionalmente fuerte globalización, el mundo está asistiendo a un resurgimiento del proteccionismo. Esta tendencia no solo está afectando a los acuerdos de libre comercio sino también a la integración económica que se había alcanzado en algunas áreas como la de la Unión Europea. En este contexto, las empresas menos competitivas y los desempleados con menor empleabilidad, son grupos que tratan de ejercer su poder de influencia sobre las instituciones y votar a opciones políticas que incorporen las preocupaciones de estos grupos (por ejemplo acciones proteccionistas o de endurecimiento de la política migratoria. La consecuencias de este proceso son una de las cuestiones calientes de la agenda de actuación política en el momento actual tras la Gran Recesión, dado que algunas industrias y grupos de población culpan a la globalización de ser la causa última de sus problemas y presionan para provocar una vuelta al proteccionismo y a la contención de los flujos migratorios, Para ellos, la expansión de la eficiencia y productividad que parecía prometerse como asociada a ia globalización parece no estar garantizada si las diferencias entre las instituciones de as diferentes naciones alteran la productividad y competitividad relativa. Así, podríamos argumentar que el ecosistema empresarial, esto es, el conjunto de instituciones para el desarrollo de los negocios es el principal determinante no solo de la contribución del entrepreneurship al crecimiento económico sino también a la creación de empleo e innovación. Por tanto la libertad económica en sus diferentes dimensiones (tales como el imperio de la ley, la eficiencia regulatoria, y en especial la libertad de empresa, las instituciones del Mercado de trabajo y el grado de integración de la economía (grado de apertura comercial) y el peso de 1 sector público, pueden ser considerados factores clave para determinar si una sociedad es "empresarial" o no. La única forma de resolver este tipo de controversias es proporcionar sólidas proposiciones y hallazgos empíricos para evaluar los efectos de la globalización sobre el crecimiento económico, la innovación, la creación del empleo y el entrepreneurship. En este contexto, el estudio de la relación entre la integración económica y el entrepreneurship es especialmente interesante, dado que el entrepreneurship es un determinante principal del desarrollo económico. En principio, la relación entre la globalización, la libertad económica y el entrepreneurship es ambigua, dado que podríamos encontrar explicaciones tanto para esperar relaciones bidireccionales y de diferente signo. Por un lado, y con respecto a la relación entre el entrepreneurship y la integración económica, podríamos suponer que la integración abre nuevas oportunidades de beneficio, propicia el aumento de las escalas gracias a la extensión de la demanda potencial que emerge gracias a la entrada en nuevos mercados. Desde esta perspectiva, más apertura es un factor positive no solo para promocionar el entrepreneurship sino también para aumentar la probabilidad de supervivencia y éxito. Por otra parte la globalización, aumenta la intensidad de la competencia pero también las oportunidadesde empleo asalariado en el sector exportador hacienda que aumenten las transiciones desde el autoempleo al empleo asalariado., al menos entre ios empresarios marginales. Así a medida que la competencia global se intensifica, las empresas y empresarios más ineficientes cerrarán. Por otra parte a medida que aumenta la exposición a la competencia internacional, un menor número de ocupados eran autoempleados, tal y como el modelo de Diez and Ozdagli sugiere. Además, deberíamos considerar cómo todo este proceso afecta a la productividad del autoempleo es decir, a la distribución relativa del entrepreneurship entre autoempleo formal e informal. Sin embargo, la cuestión clave pasa por conocer si el efecto de una mayor exposición al comercio internacional, genera una reasignación óptima del trabajo entre el empleo y el autoempleo y entre las empresas menos productivas y las más productivas que contribuya al crecimiento económico la innovación y el empleo. Por tanto, el reto es proporcional evidencia empírica que arroje nueva luz acerca a este debate y a las actitudes hacia la globalización. Para lograr este objetivo, es importante no solo conocer los efectos de una mayor apertura sobre la intensidad exportadora del autoempleo sino también conocer si este proceso es mutuamente beneficioso tanto para los países más y menos desarrollaodos. Para abordar estas cuestiones esta tesis aborda una segunda cuestión de investigación. Una indagación sobre las razón del porqué los efectos de la globalización sobre el sector empresarial se abordan solo de manera cuantitativa y no también de forma cualitativa. En concreto, trataremos de proporcionar nueva evidencia empírica sobre la base de la aportación teórica de Acs and Sanders (2007). Para ellos la globalización no solo no destruye autoempleo sino que promoeve el modelo de producción entrepreneurial, con una trabnsición desde grandes corporaciones a pequeñas configuraciones empresariales (Acs and Audretsch, 1993; van Stel, 2006) lo que se traduce en una reducción del tamaño medio gracias a las nuevas oportunidades en el sector servicio que ha aparecido gracias al desarrollo de las Tecnologías de la Información y Comunicación (ICT), dos factores que probablemente se encuentren detrás de la sorprendente evolución de las tasas de autoempleo en los países más desarrollados. Audretsch and Sanders (2007) refuerzan esta idea al sugerir que la globalización y el desarrollo del sector ICT han supuesto una nueva división internacional del trabajo en la que las economías más avanzadas son ahora entrepreneurial driven, con más trabajadores de altos skills especializados en los procesos de innovación mientras que los países menos desarrollados y emergentes y con trabajadores menos cualificados se especializan en las etapas de la producción que han sido offshored. En definitiva, esta tesis tratará de analizar el triángulo entre entrepreneurship, globalización y libertad económica para ofrecer una mejor comprensión del cómo y el porqué de la contribución del sector empresarial nacional al crecimiento, la innovación y el empleo con diferente intensidad y características. ; The interplay between entrepreneurship and globalization and economic freedom backs into at the heart of the debate about self-employment contributions to the economic development of modem economies. After experienced a process of exceptionally strong globalization, the world is witnessing to an upsurge of protectionism. This new trend is threating not only free trade agreements but also the levels of economic integration achieved in some economic areas like the European Union. In this framework the less competitive firms and unemployed with low employability, are groups that will treat to lobby and to vote political options that incorporate the concerns of these groups (i.e. protectionist actions like less trade openness and restrictive migration policies. The consequences of this process are a hot policy issue at the time of writing after the great recession, since some industries and large sectors of the population considers globalisation as the ultimate cause of their problems, and advocate by any return to protection for national business and domestic employees against foreign firms and migrant workers. For them, the expected promotion of efficiency and productivity associated to globalisation is not guaranteed if the differences between institutions across countries alter the relative productivity and competitiveness. Thus, one could argue that the entrepreneurship ecosystem i.e. the institutional framework for business is the main determinant of the capacity of contribution of entrepreneurship to economic growth, job creation and innovation. Therefore, the economic freedom in its different dimensions, such as the rule of law, the regulatory efficiency and in especial business freedom and labor market institutions, the degree of integration into the global economy -i.e. the openness to trade- and the weight of the public sector on the overall economy might be considered as key factors, for determining whether a society is an entrepreneurial one or not The only way to resolve this type of controversies is providing solid economic propositions and empirical findings in order to evaluate the globalisation impact on economic growth, innovation, job creation and entrepreneurship. In this context, the study of the relationship between economic integration and entrepreneurship is particularly interesting, since entrepreneurship is a determinant of economic growth and job creation. In principle, the relationship between globalization, economic freedom and entrepreneurship is ambiguous, since one can argue that we can find plausible explanations for expecting both a positive and a negative relationship. Starting with the relation between entrepreneurship and economic integration, we all agree in that economic integration opens new business opportunities and encourages the self-employed firm size, since sales to foreign markets expands the potential demand. From this perspective, more trade openness is a positive factor not only for fostering entrepreneurship but also for enhancing the probability of survival and success. On the other hand, globalization increases the intensity of competition the opportunities of jobs and wages in the export sector leading a raise in the number self-employed workers due to the confluence of two phenomena: i) as global competition continuous to intensify some of them, the less competitive ones, could not withstand this competition, thus triggering the shutdown; ii) the greater the exposure to foreign competition, the smaller the fraction of self-employed people as the Diez and Ozdagli's (2011) model suggest. In addition we should also consider whether more openness influences on the relative distribution of entrepreneurship between productive and unproductive activities, i.e. between the so-called formal and informal self-employment. However, the key question is to know whether the effect of a higher exposure to international trade, leads, in any case, an optimal reallocation of labour between paid-employment and self-employment and between less productive firms to more productive exporters, and even across countries with positive effects on economic growth, innovation and job creation. Thus, the challenge is to provide empirical findings in order to shed light to the debate and attitudes towards globalization. To this end it is important to know the effects of more trade openness on the export intensity of self- employment is mutually beneficial, not only for higher-income countries but also for lower-income countries. In order to address these questions this dissertation also includes a second research question. In particular it presents an inquiry about the reasons of why the effects of globalization on national self-employed sectors should be analyzed not only in quantitative terms but also in qualitative ones. In particular we will treat to provide empirical findings for supporting the theoretical view of the effects of globalization on national entrepreneurial systems, provided by Acd and Sanders (2007). For them, globalization does not destroy self-employment but encourage the entrepreneurial model of production (Acs and Sanders, 2007. The shift away from large corporations and towards smaller entrepreneurial activity (Acs and Audretsch, 1993; van Stel, 2006) with the associated reduction in the average self-employed firm size, as well as the new business opportunities in the service sector for entrepreneurship thanks to the improvements in the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) are the two potential factors behind this surprising performance of the self-employment rate. Audretsch and Sanders (2007) reinforce this idea suggesting that globalization and the development of the ICT sector are leading a new international division of work, the advanced economies endowed with high skilled workers are specialized in early stages of the product life cycle introducing innovations in products or process, while the less developed economies endowed with low skilled workers are specialized in the off-shored production stage. In sum, this dissertation will treat to analyse the triangle entrepreneurship, globalization economic freedom, for providing a better understanding how and why the contribution of a national self-employed sector on economic growth, innovation and job creation can show different intensities.

Firms are increasingly facing their own limitations in today's complex and demanding environment. The need for cooperation is evident in an environment characterized by uncertainty, complexity and rapid technological progress. Small and medium-sized enterprises in particular are faced by a dilemma. On the one hand SMEs feel the urge to cooperate with others in order to acquire knowledge and other competencies; on the other hand they often face difficulties in finding partners and often they lack the knowledge base to be able to absorb the required knowledge. This dilemma clearly points to a need for understanding their environment, and brokers in particular, in order to deal effectively with the complex environment. Brokers, or intermediaries, are regarded as people who connect disconnected parties and facilitate knowledge flows in the local innovation system. Since brokers are becoming more and more important the need arises to provide SMEs with insight into the role of brokers in the network. The main question of this dissertation is: Which factors contribute to the capacity of main brokers in a SME network? This dissertation investigates their network environment, their inter-firm relations and intrinsic characteristics that facilitate networking at an individual level. The focus of this study is on the SME network of design and high-tech companies in Southeast Netherland. The fields ascribe to the research since their activities involve complex knowledge processes which in turn benefit highly of optimal knowledge creation and exchange. Design is seen as increasingly important in product development and there is an increase in efforts to establish co-operations between design and high-tech organizations. The design sector is a dynamic but highly fragmented industry. However, high-tech organizations (i.e. original equipment manufacturers, first, second and third tier suppliers) in the region seem to be highly interdependent. By this study we aim to gain a better understanding of efficiency across these particular fields. To study the network environment, inter-firm relations and intrinsic characteristics of brokers, we have conducted quantitative and qualitative research. A questionnaire was used to map the most important work relations between people who are active in the fields of design and high-tech industries. Respondents were asked to mention the names and organizations of at most ten Dutch business partners who had an important (qualitative) influence on their performance over the last five year. In order to take into account the full richness of relationships in the network the respondent had to identify who was important to them in what way. Everybody who was listed in the response also received an invitation to fill in the survey. Data collection took place in several waves. This snowball technique is developed to identify hidden members and relation patterns. Social network analysis is used to draw the actual network and to identify the brokers. The results in Chapter two and three are based on the main component of this network which includes 440 names and 584 relations mentioned by 93 respondents. Finally, in order to investigate what brokers actually do an empirical multiple case study is conducted. The information regarding the actual network across design and high-tech industries is used to select 12 brokers for semi-structured interviews. A qualitative comparative analysis of the results has provided a more general picture of how brokers span structural holes between various social groups. Question 1 This dissertation searches to answer five subquestion underlying the main research question. The first of these questions addresses connectivity and efficiency of the SME network across design and high-tech industries. These characteristics are likely to be different for networks of various industries. The growing importance of networks requires that SMEs thoroughly understand its characteristics, so they can use this knowledge to their own advantage. The first question of this research is: 1) What are the structural network characteristics of the SME network, in particular at network and subgroup level? Chapter two investigates if knowledge is transferred in an efficient way, if there are partnership concentrations and who is involved in co-operations. The concept of 'small worlds' is used to investigate knowledge diffusion in the network and consequently judge overall network efficiency. Proximity to others is important in order to manage the complex processes. However entrepreneurs or SMEs do not have the resources to manage a large network. A few well positioned stakeholders can be dealt with. A small world consists of a relatively small number of intermediaries which are relative closely positioned to people in the environment and which probably have stable reputations and various backgrounds. Knowing more about small worlds in this network is therefore highly interesting for science and valuable to the region. The actual network can be classified as one in which a small world is present. The short paths between people indicates the presence of efficient knowledge flows, the high clustering of efficient knowledge exploitation. Visualization of the results shows a single core group in the network, indicating that the two industries are not distinctly separated. It is found that people of the non-profit as well as science sector are overrepresented in the core of the field. Still, this part of the study describes the core-group of people only to a certain extent. Chapter three and four explore who has significant brokerage capacity and the concept of brokerage. Question 2a and 2b In order to investigate brokers they have to be identified first. The second question is: 2a) Can brokers be identified within the SME network? 2b) What types of brokers can be detected within the SME network Chapter three highlights the personal networks of members across design and high-tech industries and investigates the brokerage roles they fulfill. The concept of brokerage roles perceives brokerage behavior as the facilitation of information flows whether or not a direct reward is involved. A person in a network can fulfill several roles depending on his interests. The study of brokerage roles enables to identify who has significant brokerage capacity in the network, but also enables to describe what types of brokers are observed. Our empirical results show that there are persons with significant brokerage capacity in the actual network. Furthermore significant values with regard to gatekeepers, representatives and liaison roles are found. Question 3 In addition to identifying main brokers, Chapter three investigates whether specific characteristics are associated with these brokers. Studying characteristics provides clear insights into how third parties contribute to the transfer and development of knowledge. Question three is: 3) What are characteristics of brokers in the SME network? Whether or not people emerge as brokers seems to depend on the characteristics of people and the context in which they work. Chapter three highlights individual's affiliation, kind of partners and kind of information exchanged in the network, with controls for gender, education and years in branch as sources of brokerage capacity influence. Empirical results show that people with high brokerage capacity are found in the nonprofit and science sector and have a long track record in their branch. Furthermore a wide variety of information is discussed with brokers; practical support in the form of valuable contacts and innovation-related information, but also finance, marketing and operational information. Question 4 The last part of the study complements the research regarding characteristics of brokers by taking an in-depth look at what brokers actually do. This leads to the fourth question of this study: 4. How is brokerage enacted in the SME network? How brokers actually seize network opportunities can be investigated by studying their strategic goals, strategic actions and strategic behavior. Empirical results in Chapter four show that specific strategic goals, activities and behavior can indeed be associated with having high brokerage capacity. The main brokers have a tertius iungens orientation; they strive to interconnect others. It is not in their interest to keep parties, passively or actively, separated for their own personal benefit. They seem not to neglect their personal aims in favor of others. It is just that more can be accomplished together. Furthermore, brokers are mainly involved in knowledge exploring activities, i.e. articulation of needs and requirements, information gathering, connecting partners, setting up projects in order to generate and combine information, and facilitating contract negotiations. Finaly brokers work according to the logic of effectuation. They prefer to focus on current means and they transform these means into co-created goals with others. They consider it less important to focus on setting clear goals in advance and carefully plan and execute their bridging actions to accomplish these goals. At a detailed level, there are differences among main brokers regarding (the combination of) strategic goals, activities and behavior. It indicates that there are different kind of types among main brokers. The answering of the various subquestions enables us to draw a more detailed picture of how brokers span structural holes. People with the highest brokerage capacity are found in the non-profit and science sector. However, the resemblance between these brokers and others is high in general. Brokers discuss a variety of information with others and they have a long track record in their branch. Brokers in general focus on the same strategic goals, activities and behavior. The results implicate that the brokers operate as architects and lead operators of the network. Brokers in this field are less involved in care-taking activities; maintaining and enhancing the existing network. In Chapter 4 it is shown that the sector, especially the job context, influences strategy preferences only at sub-level. Theoretical implications The study is important from an academic perspective because it addresses the voids in research about brokers at the individual level who (consciously) position themselves between heterogeneous actors in networks; people who differ in industry backgrounds and skills. Our results are based on a network of both formal (business) as well as informal (personal) oriented relations at the individual level, while most relationships in the existing literature are based on formal relationships only and usually studied at firm level. The study in general provides more insights into the concept of brokerage regarding SME networks in different fields. In particular it highlights how third parties in general contribute to the transfer and development of knowledge. Chapter two contributes to empirical research concerning structural aspects of a network as a whole and in particular on network structures that span sectors by taking an inter-sectoral approach. Furthermore network theory regarding small worlds is enhanced because our insights contributes to the still infant field that studies the efficiency of partnerships in SME networks. Chapter generates knowledge regarding brokers in general. The main contribution of this part of the study is, in contrast to most other work than our own, that it is quantitative and that it focuses on brokers identified in an actual network (based on both suppliers and users of the knowledge infrastructure). The research contributes to social network theory by taking a look at empirical data in order to generate a better understanding of the specific brokerage concepts first. One can argue that a grounded theory perspective is taken by trying to show how people handle information problems. Chapter four addresses the lack of empirical research regarding the range of brokers and their practices in detail. Chapter four enhances the understanding of social network theory by integrating theories based on the fields of innovation and entrepreneurship regarding brokerage. To be able to develop an individual-level understanding of brokers other theories besides network theory need to be studied. Cross theory studies creates a more holistic view regarding brokerage at the individual level. Such research was not undertaken before. In addition, highlighting individual strategic dimensions separately as well as in combination will also contribute to an extended picture of how intermediaries contribute to the transfer and development of knowledge. By empirically highlighting brokerage in general, brokers of the actual network can be compared to others in other industry networks and thus can be valued. In general, the research contributes to theory on mediation processes, alliances, social capital, network dynamics, SMEs and innovation. Practical Implications The study contributes to the efficiency of knowledge creation and exchange in dynamic industries, especially across sectors. It contributes to the design and high-tech industries in particular. The research is the first attempt to actually construct the design and high-tech network in a social network way. No such data was available before in the Netherlands. Chapter two shows that increases of efforts of various parties to establish co-operations between the two industries seem to work. The triple helix between companies, governmental institutions and science organizations is well present in this network. In policy terms these are interesting findings. Despite the positive results, policy makers may reflect on these findings in terms of improving their interventions in the economic structure of the region even more. Results of Chapter two and three imply that SMEs should get involved in projects in the non-profit or science sector. Chapter three also shows that SMEs or even non-profit organizations whose brokerage capacity is not in line with their ambitions should invest in connections with branch experienced people with a broad knowledge base. From a non-profit consultant point of view these findings are also interesting. They often have difficulties in proving their successes. Sometimes merely mentioning contact information leads to a successful match. Sometimes brokerage takes much time and effort and still the involved parties are dissatisfied. Moreover the effectiveness of non-profit organizations, like branch associations, is subject to discussion in the Netherlands. This research shows that the intervention of non-profit consultants (eventually) is of value to companies. Traditional supply-side innovation policies seem to be insufficient to meet the challenges posed in promoting competitiveness. At the European Union level interest is focused on public procurement as a means to spur innovation. Measurement at individual level gives a profound picture of actual contributions of government expenditures. It is now possible to review policy from the bottom up. Chapter four shows that brokers are involved in exploration of an opportunity together with others, but generally are not involved in exploitation of an opportunity; the building of efficient business systems for full-scale operations. The focus on exploration of information indicates that the time spend on brokerage is important, but the results are not predictable. The non-profit and science sector should be aware that the efficiency of this work is not predictable and should take this awareness into account when timetables are being made. The profit sector should be aware that investments without secure profit are necessary. Brokerage is labor with delayed profits; at the moment of investment it is still unclear if payment will be possible and who will pay in the end. The results also imply that co-developing and coordinating projects concerned with commercialization of exploration outcomes over time, may be interesting to stimulate in this field. Furthermore since people of the non-profit and science sector can not operate in the competitive field, the research findings imply that an important role can be fulfilled by people in the profit sector. SMEs can strengthen their broker capacity by leaping in on projects related to the commercialization of outcomes.

Drawing on the current debates, both political and academic, this doctoral research deals with the political legitimacy of European integration. Although political legitimacy is not a new concept in political science, it has attracted increased attention over the last two decades in the context of reflections on democracy, governance and the "crisis" of legitimacy at the European level, the sphere on which this research is founded. This thesis takes a sociopolitical approach to legitimacy, beyond any normative considerations. More specifically, it focuses on legitimacy understood as the acceptance of a changing political order by ordinary citizens, this acceptance being more or less conscious and active. The specificity of this approach lies in addressing this problem in all its complexity, analyzing both its latent and its manifest aspects. As a result, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance to the current process of European integration and its possible or desirable politicization. More precisely it is focused on the indifference of ordinary citizens to this process. Indeed the politicization of the European political order is at the heart of many academic debates and as a result a better understanding of this indifference is essential. Ameliorating our understanding of the lack of salience of European issues for a growing part of the public is the fundamental task tackled in this thesis. Beginning with a critical review of the literature on European legitimacy that underlines some of its weak points, the first chapter of this thesis provides a synthesis of the different theoretical models of legitimation that have been used in the course of European construction. The presentation of these different models provides the backdrop against which we are able to understand how citizens' attitudes towards European integration have been analyzed in the existing literature. This first chapter demonstrates how the citizen, from being a simple spectator, has been constructed as a key actor in the processes legitimizing European integration. Mobilizing a new longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data, the results of the second chapter lead us to conclude that the principal limitation of the way the notion of support is used in the literature is its over-reliance on a one-dimensional understanding of citizens' attitudes towards European integration. Contrary to this, we defend the idea that these attitudes are much more complex. The evolution of the post-Maastricht period cannot simply be reduced to an increase in "euroscepticism", particularly amongst lower socio-economic groups. This chapter concludes that it is necessary to take into account indifferent or undecided citizens to fully comprehend the question of the legitimacy of European integration, in all its components. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming phenomenon. However, the study of this non-polarized category of citizens is not without posing substantial methodological problems. The third chapter thus deals with the issues surrounding the choice of methodology for the analysis of ordinary citizens' lack of polarization. With the goal of contributing to the renewal of research on citizens' attitudes towards European integration, we chose to put into place a methodology that is both qualitative and exploratory, whilst continuing with efforts to quantify the different processes observed, along the lines of existing European studies. This research therefore adopts a triangulation strategy that commonly comes under the term of mixed-methods. In this chapter we outline the reasons for our choice of focus groups as a research tool and set out our comparative research design in detail. 24 focus groups were conducted in the context of the research project Citizens Talking About Europe in (francophone) Belgium, in France, and in Great Britain. The additional perspective gained by the use of focus groups in three countries leads us in the fourth chapter to refute the underlying premise of the "constraining dissensus", already visible in the model of the "permissive consensus": the premise of the uniformity of national attitudes towards European integration. Building on the work of Juan Diez Medrano, in his book Framing Europe, the systematic coding analysis of our collective interviews leads us to confirm that different groups have different structures of perception and therefore of evaluation of European integration. Having radically questioned the uniformity of national attitudes towards the European Union, the fifth chapter demonstrates that the plurality of perceptions not only differs from one country to another but also within a given national context. In each of the three countries we studied, we observed the same increase in the number of citizens who expressed neither explicit support nor rejection of integration. In this chapter we focus our analysis on these undecided or indifferent citizens, distinguishing three forms of non-polarization: ambivalence, distance and exteriority, and fatalism. These three forms correspond to different framings in three different national categories however. In conclusion, our overall results lead us to interrogate the relevance of the affirmation according to which the permissiveness as understood in the thesis of the "permissive consensus" ended with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. We propose an alternative interpretation, which argues that the acceptance of a European political order stems from at least two rationales. On one hand, amongst the elites (understood in a broad sense as political or economic or even simply citizens interested in the political sphere) we observe a polarization of opinion characterized by a decline in support and a reinforcement of opposition to the processes of European integration. This tendency is emphasized and explained by the model of "constraining dissensus". On the other hand, we observe the reinforcement of indifference and/or indecision amongst ordinary citizens not expert in political matters, faced with this same process. The first rational of appropriation is linked to an active form of contentment or rejection, whereas the second demonstrates a mode of tacit acceptance, illustrating that the "permissive consensus" has not disappeared in the post-Maastricht era, although it has been transformed over the course of the integration process. In this respect, European legitimacy must be understood as both direct and indirect: as a double process. It must be seen as the extension and/or transformation of the acceptance of the national political order. Our results therefore suggest that we reconsider two commonly accepted premises, firstly that the European Union has become a salient issue for citizens and secondly that European public opinion has become polarized on the question of Europe. More generally, the conclusion of this thesis invites us to question the acceptance of change in the political order by investigating not only the degree of support citizens have for the European political system and the type of support they express, but also at the intensity of this support. Although the contrast between the pre- and post- Maastricht periods in terms of the parallel growth of the competences of the European Union and the publicity around European issues is not called into question, an interpretation based on the binary permissive consensus/euroscepticism appears incomplete if not erroneous. In emphasizing the complexity of the dynamics of politicization, this thesis suggests that the alleged break in the "permissive consensus" amongst citizens needs to be put into perspective. Thus, it is not clear that the "popular mood" towards Europe is the mirror image of the level of dissensus amongst elites . The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indifference into any reflection on the legitimacy of the European integration process. ; Partant des débats actuels, à la fois scientifiques et politiques, cette recherche doctorale aborde la question de la légitimité politique dans le cas de l'intégration européenne. Si la légitimité politique n'est pas un concept nouveau de la science politique, cette notion a connu un regain d'intérêt au cours des deux dernières décennies dans le cadre de réflexions sur la démocratie, la gouvernance ou encore la 'crise' de légitimité au niveau européen, échelon sur lequel se concentre notre travail. Notre thèse repose sur une approche sociopolitique de la légitimité, étudiée en dehors de considérations normatives. Nous nous intéressons plus exactement à la légitimité comprise comme l'acceptation par les citoyens ordinaires d'un ordre politique en changement, cette acceptation pouvant être plus ou moins consciente et active. La particularité de notre approche réside dans le fait que nous nous sommes efforcées de cerner cette problématique dans toute sa complexité analysant autant ses aspects actifs que latents. Par conséquent, elle contribue à l'étude actuelle des processus d'acceptation et/ou de résistance à l'égard du processus en cours et à sa possible ou souhaitable politisation. Elle se concentre plus précisément sur l'indifférence des citoyens ordinaires. En effet, la politisation de l'ordre politique européen est au centre de nombre de questionnements académiques. Dès lors, comprendre l'absence de saillance des enjeux européens au sein d'une part grandissante de l'opinion publique revêt un caractère essentiel, tâche à laquelle cette thèse s'est attelée. Partant d'une revue de la littérature sur la légitimité européenne destinée à souligner certains de ses points faibles, la thèse propose dans un premier chapitre une synthèse des différents modèles théoriques et de légitimation qui ont été utilisés au fil de la construction européenne. La présentation de ces différents modèles sert de « toile de fond » pour comprendre comment les attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne ont été analysées. Ce premier chapitre montre comment, de simple spectateur, le citoyen a été construit comme un acteur clé du processus de légitimation de l'intégration européenne. Grâce à une nouvelle analyse longitudinale des données Eurobaromètres, les résultats du deuxième chapitre amènent à conclure que la principale limite des utilisations faites de la notion de soutien est de reposer sur une acception unidimensionnelle des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Nous défendons au contraire l'idée que ces attitudes recèlent une plus grande complexité. L'évolution dans la période post-Maastricht ne peut être résumée par une augmentation de l' « euroscepticisme », en particulier parmi les catégories sociales les plus populaires. Ce chapitre conclut à la nécessité de prendre en compte la catégorie des citoyens indifférents ou indécis pour saisir la question de la légitimité de l'intégration européenne dans toutes ses composantes. La non-polarisation d'une part importante des citoyens est en effet un phénomène massif. Cependant, étudier cette catégorie non-polarisée de citoyens n'est pas sans poser des problèmes méthodologiques importants. Le troisième chapitre aborde la question des méthodes retenues en vue d'analyser la non-polarisation des citoyens ordinaires. Désirant contribuer au renouvellement des études des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne, nous avons choisi de mettre en œuvre une méthodologie qualitative et exploratoire, tout en prolongeant l'effort de quantification des processus observés, dans le droit fil des études européennes. Notre travail adopte donc une stratégie de triangulation, qu'on désigne couramment sous le terme de mixed-methods. Nous justifions dans ce chapitre du choix de recourir au focus group comme outil d'enquête et détaillons notre design de recherche comparatif. 24 focus groups ont été réalisés dans le cadre du projet de recherche Citizens Talking About Europe en Belgique (francophone), en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Ils permettent d'appréhender dans toutes leurs composantes les rapports des citoyens ordinaires à l'intégration européenne. Le regard complémentaire porté grâce à l'utilisation de focus groups réalisés dans ces trois pays nous amène dans le quatrième chapitre à réfuter le postulat, sous-jacent à la thèse du « dissensus contraignant », déjà présent dans le modèle du « consensus permissif », d'une uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Inspirée des avancées réalisées par Juan Diez Medrano dans son ouvrage Framing Europe, l'analyse systématique par codage de nos entretiens collectifs amène à confirmer que des publics différents ont des structures de perception, et donc d'évaluation, différentes à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Après avoir remis en cause l'uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'Union européenne, le cinquième chapitre démontre que la pluralité de perceptions diffère non seulement d'un pays à l'autre, mais qu'elles peuvent également par ailleurs coexister au sein d'un même contexte national. Dans chacun des pays enquêtés, on observe la même croissance de la catégorie de citoyens n'exprimant ni soutien explicite, ni rejet du processus d'intégration. Dans le cadre de ce dernier chapitre, nous concentrons nos analyses sur les citoyens indécis ou indifférents en différenciant trois visages de non-polarisation : l'ambivalence, la distance et l'extériorité et le fatalisme, lesquels correspondent cependant, dans chacun des trois pays, à des framing différents. En conclusion, l'ensemble de nos résultats nous conduit à interroger la pertinence de l'affirmation selon laquelle la permissivité telle que comprise dans le cadre de la thèse du « consensus permissif » a pris fin avec la ratification du Traité de Maastricht. Nous proposons une interprétation complémentaire, qui souligne que l'acceptation de l'ordre politique européen relève de deux logiques au moins. D'un côté, on assiste parmi les élites, entendues au sens large, tant politiques, qu'économiques, voire tout simplement les citoyens qui portent un intérêt à ce qui se joue dans le champs politique, à une polarisation des opinions marquées par un déclin des opinions favorables et un renforcement des oppositions au processus d'intégration européenne, tendance soulignée et expliquée par le modèle du « dissensus contraignant ». D'un autre côté, on constate un renforcement de l'indifférence et/ou de l'indécision des citoyens profanes en matière politique face à ce même processus. Là où la première logique d'appropriation renvoie à un mode actif de consentement ou de rejet, la seconde relève d'un mode d'acceptation tacite actualisant le modèle du « consensus permissif » dont nous montrons qu'il n'a pas disparu dans l'ère post-Maastricht, même s'il s'est transformé au fil de l'intégration. A cet égard, la légitimité européenne doit être comprise comme étant, à la fois, directe et indirecte, dans un double processus. Elle doit être perçue comme l'extension et/ou la transformation de l'acceptation de l'ordre politique national. L'ensemble de nos résultats invite par conséquent à reconsidérer deux postulats communément perçus comme acquis, à savoir non seulement que l'Union européenne serait devenu un enjeu saillant pour les citoyens, mais aussi que les opinions publiques européennes se seraient polarisées. Plus généralement, la conclusion de cette thèse invite à aborder la question de l'acceptation d'un changement dans l'ordre politique en s'intéressant non seulement au degré de soutien des citoyens au système politique européen et au type de soutien exprimé, mais également à son intensité. Si le contraste entre les périodes pré et post-Maastricht en termes de croissance concomitante des compétences de l'Union européenne et de publicisation des enjeux européens n'est pas remis en cause, la lecture basée sur le diptyque consensus permissif / euroscepticisme semble incomplète sinon erronée. En soulignant la complexité des dynamiques de politisation, cette thèse amène à relativiser la rupture du « consensus permissif » des citoyens. Ainsi, il n'est pas évident que l' « humeur populaire » à l'égard de l'Europe et le niveau de dissensus des élites se répondent en miroir . La politisation des enjeux européens ne menant pas nécessairement à une polarisation des opinions des citoyens, nous soutenons qu'il convient d'intégrer l'indifférence dans toute réflexion portant sur la légitimité du processus d'intégration européenne. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2010

Drawing on the current debates, both political and academic, this doctoral research deals with the political legitimacy of European integration. Although political legitimacy is not a new concept in political science, it has attracted increased attention over the last two decades in the context of reflections on democracy, governance and the "crisis" of legitimacy at the European level, the sphere on which this research is founded. This thesis takes a sociopolitical approach to legitimacy, beyond any normative considerations. More specifically, it focuses on legitimacy understood as the acceptance of a changing political order by ordinary citizens, this acceptance being more or less conscious and active. The specificity of this approach lies in addressing this problem in all its complexity, analyzing both its latent and its manifest aspects. As a result, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance to the current process of European integration and its possible or desirable politicization. More precisely it is focused on the indifference of ordinary citizens to this process. Indeed the politicization of the European political order is at the heart of many academic debates and as a result a better understanding of this indifference is essential. Ameliorating our understanding of the lack of salience of European issues for a growing part of the public is the fundamental task tackled in this thesis. Beginning with a critical review of the literature on European legitimacy that underlines some of its weak points, the first chapter of this thesis provides a synthesis of the different theoretical models of legitimation that have been used in the course of European construction. The presentation of these different models provides the backdrop against which we are able to understand how citizens' attitudes towards European integration have been analyzed in the existing literature. This first chapter demonstrates how the citizen, from being a simple spectator, has been constructed as a key actor in the processes legitimizing European integration. Mobilizing a new longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data, the results of the second chapter lead us to conclude that the principal limitation of the way the notion of support is used in the literature is its over-reliance on a one-dimensional understanding of citizens' attitudes towards European integration. Contrary to this, we defend the idea that these attitudes are much more complex. The evolution of the post-Maastricht period cannot simply be reduced to an increase in "euroscepticism", particularly amongst lower socio-economic groups. This chapter concludes that it is necessary to take into account indifferent or undecided citizens to fully comprehend the question of the legitimacy of European integration, in all its components. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming phenomenon. However, the study of this non-polarized category of citizens is not without posing substantial methodological problems. The third chapter thus deals with the issues surrounding the choice of methodology for the analysis of ordinary citizens' lack of polarization. With the goal of contributing to the renewal of research on citizens' attitudes towards European integration, we chose to put into place a methodology that is both qualitative and exploratory, whilst continuing with efforts to quantify the different processes observed, along the lines of existing European studies. This research therefore adopts a triangulation strategy that commonly comes under the term of mixed-methods. In this chapter we outline the reasons for our choice of focus groups as a research tool and set out our comparative research design in detail. 24 focus groups were conducted in the context of the research project Citizens Talking About Europe in (francophone) Belgium, in France, and in Great Britain. The additional perspective gained by the use of focus groups in three countries leads us in the fourth chapter to refute the underlying premise of the "constraining dissensus", already visible in the model of the "permissive consensus": the premise of the uniformity of national attitudes towards European integration. Building on the work of Juan Diez Medrano, in his book Framing Europe, the systematic coding analysis of our collective interviews leads us to confirm that different groups have different structures of perception and therefore of evaluation of European integration. Having radically questioned the uniformity of national attitudes towards the European Union, the fifth chapter demonstrates that the plurality of perceptions not only differs from one country to another but also within a given national context. In each of the three countries we studied, we observed the same increase in the number of citizens who expressed neither explicit support nor rejection of integration. In this chapter we focus our analysis on these undecided or indifferent citizens, distinguishing three forms of non-polarization: ambivalence, distance and exteriority, and fatalism. These three forms correspond to different framings in three different national categories however. In conclusion, our overall results lead us to interrogate the relevance of the affirmation according to which the permissiveness as understood in the thesis of the "permissive consensus" ended with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. We propose an alternative interpretation, which argues that the acceptance of a European political order stems from at least two rationales. On one hand, amongst the elites (understood in a broad sense as political or economic or even simply citizens interested in the political sphere) we observe a polarization of opinion characterized by a decline in support and a reinforcement of opposition to the processes of European integration. This tendency is emphasized and explained by the model of "constraining dissensus". On the other hand, we observe the reinforcement of indifference and/or indecision amongst ordinary citizens not expert in political matters, faced with this same process. The first rational of appropriation is linked to an active form of contentment or rejection, whereas the second demonstrates a mode of tacit acceptance, illustrating that the "permissive consensus" has not disappeared in the post-Maastricht era, although it has been transformed over the course of the integration process. In this respect, European legitimacy must be understood as both direct and indirect: as a double process. It must be seen as the extension and/or transformation of the acceptance of the national political order. Our results therefore suggest that we reconsider two commonly accepted premises, firstly that the European Union has become a salient issue for citizens and secondly that European public opinion has become polarized on the question of Europe. More generally, the conclusion of this thesis invites us to question the acceptance of change in the political order by investigating not only the degree of support citizens have for the European political system and the type of support they express, but also at the intensity of this support. Although the contrast between the pre- and post- Maastricht periods in terms of the parallel growth of the competences of the European Union and the publicity around European issues is not called into question, an interpretation based on the binary permissive consensus/euroscepticism appears incomplete if not erroneous. In emphasizing the complexity of the dynamics of politicization, this thesis suggests that the alleged break in the "permissive consensus" amongst citizens needs to be put into perspective. Thus, it is not clear that the "popular mood" towards Europe is the mirror image of the level of dissensus amongst elites . The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indifference into any reflection on the legitimacy of the European integration process. ; Partant des débats actuels, à la fois scientifiques et politiques, cette recherche doctorale aborde la question de la légitimité politique dans le cas de l'intégration européenne. Si la légitimité politique n'est pas un concept nouveau de la science politique, cette notion a connu un regain d'intérêt au cours des deux dernières décennies dans le cadre de réflexions sur la démocratie, la gouvernance ou encore la 'crise' de légitimité au niveau européen, échelon sur lequel se concentre notre travail. Notre thèse repose sur une approche sociopolitique de la légitimité, étudiée en dehors de considérations normatives. Nous nous intéressons plus exactement à la légitimité comprise comme l'acceptation par les citoyens ordinaires d'un ordre politique en changement, cette acceptation pouvant être plus ou moins consciente et active. La particularité de notre approche réside dans le fait que nous nous sommes efforcées de cerner cette problématique dans toute sa complexité analysant autant ses aspects actifs que latents. Par conséquent, elle contribue à l'étude actuelle des processus d'acceptation et/ou de résistance à l'égard du processus en cours et à sa possible ou souhaitable politisation. Elle se concentre plus précisément sur l'indifférence des citoyens ordinaires. En effet, la politisation de l'ordre politique européen est au centre de nombre de questionnements académiques. Dès lors, comprendre l'absence de saillance des enjeux européens au sein d'une part grandissante de l'opinion publique revêt un caractère essentiel, tâche à laquelle cette thèse s'est attelée. Partant d'une revue de la littérature sur la légitimité européenne destinée à souligner certains de ses points faibles, la thèse propose dans un premier chapitre une synthèse des différents modèles théoriques et de légitimation qui ont été utilisés au fil de la construction européenne. La présentation de ces différents modèles sert de « toile de fond » pour comprendre comment les attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne ont été analysées. Ce premier chapitre montre comment, de simple spectateur, le citoyen a été construit comme un acteur clé du processus de légitimation de l'intégration européenne. Grâce à une nouvelle analyse longitudinale des données Eurobaromètres, les résultats du deuxième chapitre amènent à conclure que la principale limite des utilisations faites de la notion de soutien est de reposer sur une acception unidimensionnelle des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Nous défendons au contraire l'idée que ces attitudes recèlent une plus grande complexité. L'évolution dans la période post-Maastricht ne peut être résumée par une augmentation de l' « euroscepticisme », en particulier parmi les catégories sociales les plus populaires. Ce chapitre conclut à la nécessité de prendre en compte la catégorie des citoyens indifférents ou indécis pour saisir la question de la légitimité de l'intégration européenne dans toutes ses composantes. La non-polarisation d'une part importante des citoyens est en effet un phénomène massif. Cependant, étudier cette catégorie non-polarisée de citoyens n'est pas sans poser des problèmes méthodologiques importants. Le troisième chapitre aborde la question des méthodes retenues en vue d'analyser la non-polarisation des citoyens ordinaires. Désirant contribuer au renouvellement des études des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne, nous avons choisi de mettre en œuvre une méthodologie qualitative et exploratoire, tout en prolongeant l'effort de quantification des processus observés, dans le droit fil des études européennes. Notre travail adopte donc une stratégie de triangulation, qu'on désigne couramment sous le terme de mixed-methods. Nous justifions dans ce chapitre du choix de recourir au focus group comme outil d'enquête et détaillons notre design de recherche comparatif. 24 focus groups ont été réalisés dans le cadre du projet de recherche Citizens Talking About Europe en Belgique (francophone), en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Ils permettent d'appréhender dans toutes leurs composantes les rapports des citoyens ordinaires à l'intégration européenne. Le regard complémentaire porté grâce à l'utilisation de focus groups réalisés dans ces trois pays nous amène dans le quatrième chapitre à réfuter le postulat, sous-jacent à la thèse du « dissensus contraignant », déjà présent dans le modèle du « consensus permissif », d'une uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Inspirée des avancées réalisées par Juan Diez Medrano dans son ouvrage Framing Europe, l'analyse systématique par codage de nos entretiens collectifs amène à confirmer que des publics différents ont des structures de perception, et donc d'évaluation, différentes à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Après avoir remis en cause l'uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'Union européenne, le cinquième chapitre démontre que la pluralité de perceptions diffère non seulement d'un pays à l'autre, mais qu'elles peuvent également par ailleurs coexister au sein d'un même contexte national. Dans chacun des pays enquêtés, on observe la même croissance de la catégorie de citoyens n'exprimant ni soutien explicite, ni rejet du processus d'intégration. Dans le cadre de ce dernier chapitre, nous concentrons nos analyses sur les citoyens indécis ou indifférents en différenciant trois visages de non-polarisation : l'ambivalence, la distance et l'extériorité et le fatalisme, lesquels correspondent cependant, dans chacun des trois pays, à des framing différents. En conclusion, l'ensemble de nos résultats nous conduit à interroger la pertinence de l'affirmation selon laquelle la permissivité telle que comprise dans le cadre de la thèse du « consensus permissif » a pris fin avec la ratification du Traité de Maastricht. Nous proposons une interprétation complémentaire, qui souligne que l'acceptation de l'ordre politique européen relève de deux logiques au moins. D'un côté, on assiste parmi les élites, entendues au sens large, tant politiques, qu'économiques, voire tout simplement les citoyens qui portent un intérêt à ce qui se joue dans le champs politique, à une polarisation des opinions marquées par un déclin des opinions favorables et un renforcement des oppositions au processus d'intégration européenne, tendance soulignée et expliquée par le modèle du « dissensus contraignant ». D'un autre côté, on constate un renforcement de l'indifférence et/ou de l'indécision des citoyens profanes en matière politique face à ce même processus. Là où la première logique d'appropriation renvoie à un mode actif de consentement ou de rejet, la seconde relève d'un mode d'acceptation tacite actualisant le modèle du « consensus permissif » dont nous montrons qu'il n'a pas disparu dans l'ère post-Maastricht, même s'il s'est transformé au fil de l'intégration. A cet égard, la légitimité européenne doit être comprise comme étant, à la fois, directe et indirecte, dans un double processus. Elle doit être perçue comme l'extension et/ou la transformation de l'acceptation de l'ordre politique national. L'ensemble de nos résultats invite par conséquent à reconsidérer deux postulats communément perçus comme acquis, à savoir non seulement que l'Union européenne serait devenu un enjeu saillant pour les citoyens, mais aussi que les opinions publiques européennes se seraient polarisées. Plus généralement, la conclusion de cette thèse invite à aborder la question de l'acceptation d'un changement dans l'ordre politique en s'intéressant non seulement au degré de soutien des citoyens au système politique européen et au type de soutien exprimé, mais également à son intensité. Si le contraste entre les périodes pré et post-Maastricht en termes de croissance concomitante des compétences de l'Union européenne et de publicisation des enjeux européens n'est pas remis en cause, la lecture basée sur le diptyque consensus permissif / euroscepticisme semble incomplète sinon erronée. En soulignant la complexité des dynamiques de politisation, cette thèse amène à relativiser la rupture du « consensus permissif » des citoyens. Ainsi, il n'est pas évident que l' « humeur populaire » à l'égard de l'Europe et le niveau de dissensus des élites se répondent en miroir . La politisation des enjeux européens ne menant pas nécessairement à une polarisation des opinions des citoyens, nous soutenons qu'il convient d'intégrer l'indifférence dans toute réflexion portant sur la légitimité du processus d'intégration européenne. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2010

{EM}INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF SCIENTIFIC UNIONS - ICSU{/EM}{/p} {P}{B}SCIENCE INTERNATIONAL Newsletter No. 69, December 1998{/B}{/P} {P}{B} Code Number:NL98004 {BR} Sizes of Files: {BR} Text: 145K {BR} Graphics: Line drawings (gif) - 32K{BR} Photographs (jpg) - 52K {/B}{P} {P}{B}WORLD CONFERENCE ON SCIENCE{/B}{BR} {I}Budapest, Hungary, 26 June - 1 July 1999{/P} {/I} {P}{B}Science for the 21st century: {I}A new commitment{/B}{/P} {/FONT}{P}{/P} {/I}{P}The main goal of this important meeting, which around 2,000 participants are expected to attend, is to bring together policy makers from both the political and the administrative world, and members of the scientific community at large, to reflect together on the future of scientific research, its impact on society and the demands of society on science.{/P} {B}{P}Vostok Lake, Antarctica{/P} {/B}{P}Dr Peter D. Clarkson Research,{BR} {P}A common perception is that Antarctica is a frozen continent and that is predominantly correct. In the more northerly coastal regions of the continent, particularly in the Antarctic Peninsula, summer temperatures may rise above 0C and, on warm sunny days, streams may flow from melting glaciers and snow fields. Not surprisingly, therefore, there are many small lakes and ponds that can lose their ice cover during the summer. What is surprising, however, is that the largest known lake in Antarctica is about twenty-five times the area of Lake Geneva in Switzerland (or somewhat smaller in area than Lake Ontario on the United States-Canada border, but it has a larger volume of water) and it is sandwiched between the bedrock of the continent and about 4 km of the overlying ice sheet.{/P} {P}{B}Harmful Algal Blooms{/B}{/P} {P}A new International Programme on Global Ecology and Oceanography{/P} {/B} {P}Elizabeth Gross,{/P} {P}The last two decades have been marked by an extraordinary expansion in the occurrence of the marine phenomenon we now call "harmful algal blooms". These blooms of toxic or harmful micro-algae, often inaccurately referred to as "red tides", represent a significant and expanding threat to human health and fisheries resources throughout the world. They take many forms, ranging from massive accumulations of cells that discolor the water, to dilute, inconspicuous populations that are noticed only because of the harm caused by the highly potent toxins these cells contain. The impacts of these phenomena include: mass mortalities of wild and farmed fish and shellfish; human poisonings and fatalities from the consumption of contaminated shellfish or fish; alterations of marine ecosystem structure through adverse effects on larvae and other life history stages of commercial fisheries species; and the death of marine mammals, sea birds, and other animals. On this last point, there is now a growing appreciation of the extent to which HABs impact resources other than shellfish and fish. Human illnesses and fatalities due to five syndromes associated with harmful algae are being recorded around the world in increasingly large numbers.{/P} {B} {P}The Fifth IGBP Scientific Advisory Council Meeting{BR} Nairobi, Kenya, {/FONT}{I}1 to 7 September 1998{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Sheila Lunter, {/P} {P}Despite a postponement and a preparation that was marked by adversity, a successful Fifth Scientific Advisory Council (SAC-V) Meeting of IGBP was held in Kenya. Many African scientists attended the meeting, which had a total participation of some 170 scientists. SAC-V was hosted by the Kenyan National Academy of Science (KNAS), with the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) generously offering the use of the conference facilities at their headquarters in Gigiri, just outside Nairobi.{/P} {P}{B}NEW RESEARCH PROJECT UNDERWAY{/P} {P}Health and the environment{/P} {/B}{/FONT}{P}Heike Schroeder, {/P} {P}Health has become one of the major new integrative global change research areas, and indeed the links between environment and health are becoming increasingly visible and complex. Extreme weather patterns highlighted by the recent El Niño cycle, emergent diseases, viral mutations and environmental degradation are all contributing to this development.{/P} {P}{B}DIVERSITAS/IBOY{/B} {br}An International Biodiversity Observation Year{/P} {P} H.A. Mooney, C.S. Adam, A. Larigauderie and J. Sarukhan.{/P} {P}{B}What is DIVERSITAS?{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}DIVERSITAS is an international programme of biodiversity science which was created in 1991. It is cosponsored by six international scientific organisations: the International Union of Biological Sciences (IUBS), the Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment (SCOPE), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the International Union of Microbiological Societies (IUMS), the International Council for Science (ICSU), and the International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP).{/P} {B}{P}DIVERSITAS - START - WCRP - IGBP - IHDP{/P} {P}Chair & Directors Forum{/P} {/B}{P}Heike Schroeder,{/P} {P}Global Change System for Analysis, Research and Training (START) and the Global Environmental Change (GEC) programmes held their annual Chairs and Directors Forum on 14-16 August 1998, in Bonn, Germany. The purpose of this Forum is to provide an opportunity for the programmes' Executive Directors and Scientific Chairs to exchange information on an informal basis and discuss new and ongoing activities and ways for the programmes to enhance collaboration and streamline their research efforts.{/P} {P}{BR} {I}{B}Spotlights on science{/I}{/B} {/P} {P}{B}The International Union of Crystallography{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}M. Dacombe{/P} {P}The International Union of Crystallography (IUCr) was formed in 1947 and formally admitted to ICSU on 7 April in that year. Its main objects are: to promote international cooperation in crystallography; to contribute to the advancement of crystallography in all its aspects; to facilitate international standardization of methods, of units, of nomenclature and of symbols used in crystallography; and to form a focus for the relations of crystallography to other sciences. It does this primarily through its publications, the work of its Commissions and Sub-Committees, and its triennial Congresses.{/P} {P}{B}International Union for Pure and Applied Biophysics {br}IUPAB{/P} {/B}{P}A.C.T. North,{/P} {P}Most biophysicists have probably had the same experience as me and been faced by a look of blank incomprehension after giving the answer "biophysics, "to the question "what is your subject?".{/P} {B}{I}Meeting reports{/P} {/I}{P}ICSU/CODATA{BR} 16th Biennial International CODATA Conference and General Assembly{/P} {I}{P}Habitat Center, New Delhi, India,{BR} Nov. 8 - 14, 1998{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Report by Professor Paul G. Mezey, {P}{B}SATELLITE MEETINGS{BR} {/B}The Conference was preceded by two CODATA Task Group Satellite Meetings and Symposia, held at the Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi. On November 6 and 7, 1998, the CODATA Task Group for Data Sources in Asia-Oceania held a Meeting and Seminar, whereas on November 7, 1998, the CODATA Task Group for Data/information and Visualization held a Study-Tutorial Workshop on "Information, Visualization, and Management of Heterogeneous Systems". Both meetings were well attended. The high scientific level and the special Tutorial feature of the Data/Information and Visualization Task Group Symposium provided inspiration for future, similar meetings.{/P} {P}{/P} {B}{P}Electronic Publishing in Science {br}Report on a joint AAAS/ICSU Press/UNESCO Workshop in Paris{/P} {/B}{P}D.F. Shaw, {BR} {P}Forty-three participants accepted invitations from the joint organising committee and represented an international range of interests covering the Universities, Learned Societies, National Science Academies, National and Institutional Libraries and STM Publishers, as well as commercial information brokers and consultants.{/P} {B}{P}Dairy Foods in Health{BR} International Conference, Wellington, New Zealand{/P} {/B} {P}Specialists from 22 countries as far apart as Canada, Finland, Japan and Thailand attended the International Dairy Federation's Nutrition Week from 9-11 March 1998. The New Zealand hosts, the Milk and Health Research Centre of Masey University and the New Zealand Dairy Research Institute, welcomed 191 participants to an ambitious programme with leading nutrition scientists from all around the world. A dinner cruise was arranged on Wellington Harbour for participants. The kind weather and the festival atmosphere in Wellington combined to make the event enjoyable for all.{/P} {B}{I}{P}Calendar{/P}{/B}{/I} Details of forthcoming events from 1 January 1999 - 25 March 1999 {B}{P}ICSU/IGFA{BR} Global Change Research{/B}{/P} {P}The International Group of Funding Agencies for Global Change Research (IGFA) is an informal body of representatives of agencies and ministries of 21 countries plus the European Union responsible for the funding of global change research.{/P} {B}{P}{I}Science and technology{/I}{/B}{/P} {P}{B}Identification of science and technology priorities for Asian Regional Cooperation{/B}{/P} {P}B. Babuji{/P} {P}The following topics were presented for discussion:{/P} {LI}Country presentations on S & T status {/LI} {LI}Current and emerging global S & T senario {/LI} {LI}Identification of priority areas for Asian regional cooperation {/LI} {LI}Modes of cooperation {/LI} {LI}Resource mobilisation and way forward{/LI} {/P} {P}{B}Easing the burden on young scientists{/B}{/P} {/B}{P}Daniel Schaffer, {/P} {P}Two of the principal aims of the Third World Academy of Sciences (TWAS) are to promote the careers of young scientists in the developing world and to help scientific institutions in the South to strengthen their decision-making and research capabilities. These two goals came together in the TWAS Prize for young scientists.{/P} {P}{B}South's Centres of Excellence{/B}{BR} {/B}(New volume published){/P} {P}Daniel Schaffer,{/P} {P}The Third World Network of Scientific Organizations (TWNSO), in collaboration with the South Centre and Third World Academy of Sciences (TWAS), has announced the publication of the second edition of Profiles for Scientific Exchange and Training in the South. With more than 430 entries, the book represents a unique inventory of the capabilities and accomplishments of the most prominent research and training centres in the developing world.{/P} {B}{I}{P}news in brief{/I}{/B}{/P} {P}{B}Fields Medal and the Nevanlinna Prize {br}International Congress of Mathematicians, Berlin 1998{/P} {/B}{P}In physics or literature they have the Nobel Prize, and in mathematics there is the "Fields Medal". This highest scientific award for mathematicians was presented at the opening ceremony of the "International Congress of Mathematicians" to Richard E. Borcherds, Maxim Kontsevich, William Timothy Gowers and Curtis T. McMullen. The International Mathematical Union also awarded the "Nevanlinna Prize" for outstanding work in the field of theoretical computer science to the mathematician Peter Shor.{/P} {B}{P}Food Security {I}{br}What have Sciences to Offer?{/P} {/B}{/I}{P}David Hall,{/P} {P}The author of this report was asked to examine what opportunities exist for the sciences to play in ensuring food security in the next century. In parallel to this, would there be a role for ICSU members and scientists of varied disciplines to play, which would be effective and not duplicate existing efforts?{/P} {B}{I}{P}Electronic Journal Publishing{/P} {/I}{P}A Reader{/P} {/B}{P}To further support our work in the strengthening and development of the dissemination of research results, we are in the process of bringing together a series of articles and Internet documents which we have found interesting and insightful.{/P} {/I}{B}{P}INASP adds new section to its web site{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}INASP Links and Resources "Access to Information"{/P} {B}{P}Discovery of Polonium and Radium{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}An International Conference on {I}The Discovery of Polonium and Radium: its scientific and philosophical consequences, benefits and threats to mankind {/I}was organized by the Polish Government in Warsaw in September 1998.{/P} {B}{P}TREASURER OF THE IUBMB RESIGNS{/P} {/B}{P}Dr R. Brian Beechey, the Treasurer of IUBMB, has tendered his resignation as from 31 December 1998, citing his wish to pursue other interests.{/P} {B}{I}{P}Book Marketing and Distribution:{/P} {/I}{/B}{P}A practical handbook for publishers in developing countries and related training programmes{/P} {B}{P}New edition of ICSU's blue book{/B} {br}UNIVERSALITY OF SCIENCE:{/P} {P}{/P} {P}A new edition of the handbook of ICSU's Standing Committee on Freedom in the Conduct of Science SCFCS has been printed.{/P} {B}{I}house news{/P} {/I}{P}New Environmental Science Officer appointed at ICSU{/B}{/P} {P}Anne Lorigouderie joined the ICSU Secretariat as Environmental Sciences Officer in September.{/P} {B}{P}Qiu Wei joins us from CAST{/P} {/B}{P}Qiu Wei succeeds Zhang Hong, on secondment from the China Association for Science and Technology for another period of six months as of November 1998. {/P} {B}{P}Catherine moves on{/P} {/B}{P}After four years at the ICSU Secretariat, Catherine Leonard left in December. During her time at ICSU, Catherine's responsibilities have included administering the ICSU Grants Programme and editing the ICSU Year Book. {/I}{P}{B}ICSU Grants Programme for 1999{/B}{/P} {P}ICSU is pleased to announce that around one million dollars has been awarded to ICSU bodies under the ICSU grants programme for 1999. Almost half that amount has been allocated to category I grants in the $50,000 - $100,000 range for new innovative projects of high profile potential.{/P} {B}{P}Looking ahead to the millennium{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}For 2000, ICSU is opening up its Category I grants programme to all of ICSU's Joint Initiatives - as it did for the 1999 Programme- and to all ICSU Scientific Associates.{/P} {B}Obituary{/B}{/P} {/I}{P}Lars Ernster 1920-98{I} {/P} {/B}{/I}{P}Lars Ernster died in his 79th year in November. Although born in Budapest he spent almost all his working life in Sweden and most of his academic life at the University of Stockholm. He began a close and long association with ICSU in 1969 when he was appointed Secretary of the Swedish National Committee on Biochemistry and this led to greater demands on his organizational talents when shortly after this he took over the Chairmanship of the Organizing Committee for the highly successful 9th International Congress on Biochemistry, which was held in Stockholm in 1973.{/P} {B}{P}New Directions in Chemistry{/P} {P}15-17 July 1999, Hong Kong{/P} {P}{/P} {/B}{P}The first IUPAC Workshop on Advanced Materials: Nanostructured Systems (IUPAC-WAM-1) will be held on the campus of the Hong Kong University for Science and Technology from 15-17 July 1999.{/P} {P}Copyright 1998 ICSU Press

This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. 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