Suchergebnisse

In this study, Turkish foreign policy (FP) during the Özal (1983-1993) and Erdoğan eras (2003-2012) is comparatively analyzed. There are two main motivations in conducting this research. The first one is related to the arguments that the Erdoğan leadership has been pursuing a novel FP line compared to the past experiences of the Turkish Republic. This study suggests that even if it is an advanced form based on a serious theoretical and conceptual ground, the Erdoğan leadership´s FP is an extension of Özal leadership´s FP line. Considering their common goals to make Turkey first a regional and later a global actor, it is hypothesized that both leaderships have pragmatically evaluated Turkey´s potential in accordance with their identity definitions and shaped their FP approaches and practices according to their identity perceptions and paradigms. It is also hypothesized in this respect that similar identities bring about similar FP understandings and practices. Therefore, the second goal of the dissertation is to employ constructivism with its identity-oriented brand so as to explain Turkish FP in two different time periods. In this context, the social construction processes of both leaderships´ identities have been particularly highlighted. Subsequently, the FP approaches and the corresponding FP principles in both eras have been discussed and the impact of identity on their FP understandings as well as policy practices has been studied. With a view to analyzing the reflection of these FP approaches and principles to the practical level, bilateral relations between the USA and Turkey are elaborated with an eye to these two allies´ common interests in the Middle East, Balkans and Central Asia. In this manner, while this study seeks to demonstrate the similarities in terms of FP approaches and policy practices of both Özal and Erdoğan leaderships, it aims to explain the differences at the practical level again from a constructivist point of view. The last goal of this thesis is to make an academic contribution to the literature by suggesting the accuracy of the holistic constructivist approach to explain the FP practices and find out their roots. Holistic constructivism seeks to take the domestic and international as two faces of a single social order and underlines the importance of accommodating all factors affecting the identities and interests of state. Thus, this dissertation proposes that FP of a country, like Turkey, cannot be analyzed only with the role of agents. Even if these agents might be extraordinarily influential, other factors such as structure might be also determining. However, the bottom line here is how the agents see and perceive the structure as well as other determining factors of FP and define the course of FP of their countries. ; In dieser Studie wird die türkische Außenpolitik während der Özal- (1983-1993) und Erdoğan-Epochen (2003-2012) vergleichend analysiert. Es gibt zwei Hauptmotive bei der Durchführung dieser Forschung. Die erste bezieht sich auf das Argument, das die Erdoğan-Fürhung eine neuartige außenpolitische Linie im Vergleich zu den bisherigen Erfahrungen der türkischen Republik verfolgt. Diese Studie weist darauf hin, dass die außenpolitischen Prinzipien und ihre Anwendung unter Erdoğan weitgehend eine Erweiterung der außenpolitischen Linie Özals darstellen. An dieser Stelle wird hervorgehoben, dass ein ähnliches politisches Selbstverständnis eine entscheidende Rolle für ähnliche Konzepte und Handelungen in der Außenpolitik spielen.

This paper explores the democratic capacities, demands, and aspirations of citizenship movements in relation to deliberations within a formal political system whose territorial boundaries have become blurred as a result of global political and economic restructuring. The case of the mobilization of a group of people from 17 villages located in the hills of Bergama in the northern Aegean region of Turkey in opposition to Normandy Mining Corporation, an Australian-based multinational consortium operating a gold mine in the region, provides an empirical context for the discussion. Normandy Mining Corporation uses the controversial cyanide-leaching method to extract gold, a method that allegedly has damaged the environment and has resulted in health problems for local residents. For more than a decade, Bergama villagers have been struggling to drive Normandy out of their region, as they are concerned about their own health and the well-being of the land on which they live and work.

O College dear, we praise theeFor pointing to the starsWith faith and hope unswervingWhich no weak vision marsThy service unrestrictedBy race or class or creed;Thy love so freely offered,Its only claim-our need.-Anthem of the American College for Girls, IstanbulHalide Edib (1883-1964) was one of modern Turkey's most celebrated women. Author, feminist, nationalist, modernist, educator, and member of the National Assembly, she identified her person and career with the transformation of Turkey into a modern secular republic. Educated in the internationalist spirit of the American College for Girls in Istanbul, she was, throughout her life, a cosmopolitan intellectual with an international audience. Edib's personal transition from Ottoman society to the new nationalist elite, and her homeland's transition from empire to republic, posed no insurmountable historical, social, and cultural discontinuities; hers was a nationalism that, although grounded in Western notions of emancipation and self-determination, asserted with confidence its distinct identity and autonomy from the West.

Intro -- Contents -- Internet Access and Educational Achievement: The Digital Divide Among OECD Countries -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Methodology -- 3 Findings -- 4 Discussion -- 5 Conclusion -- References -- Understanding Digital Divide in English Language Classrooms: A Case Study on Its Causes, Effects, and Solutions -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Methodology -- 2.1 Research Design -- 2.2 Participants -- 2.3 Data Collection Tool -- 2.4 Data Analysis -- 2.5 Trustworthiness -- 2.6 Findings -- 3 Discussion -- 4 Conclusion -- References -- Bridging the Digital Divide Using the TPACK Model in the Context of Turkey -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Digital Divide in Education -- 3 Technological Pedagogical Content Knowledge (TPACK) -- 4 The Strategies of TPACK Development -- 5 TPACK and Teachers -- 6 TPACK and EFL Teachers in Turkish EFL Context -- 7 Conclusion -- References -- Today's Two Important Skills: Digital Literacy and Critical Thinking -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Digital Literacy -- 3 Information Literacy (IL) -- 4 Media Literacy -- 5 The Skills of Critical Thinking -- 6 Studies About Training Students and Teachers in Terms of Digital Literacy and Critical Thinking Skills -- 7 Conclusion -- References -- EFL Teachers' Perceptions of Undividing Digital Divide: Hindering or Supporting Qualities of an Educational Context -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Methodological Design -- 3 Sampling and Data Collection -- 4 Data Analysis -- 5 Findings -- 6 Equal Chance of Digital Accessibility -- 7 Digital Usage Knowledge and Adaption -- 8 Financial Affordability -- 9 Providing Institutional Support for Digital Accessibility -- 10 Adapting New Working Methods of Instruction -- 11 Increasing Digital Skills and Usage Knowledge -- 12 Providing Financial Support -- 13 Discussion -- 14 Conclusion -- References.

Türkiye ve Rusya'nın 2000'li yıllardaki hedefi ortaktır; uluslararası sistemde güçlü bir ülke olmak. Bu nedenle Vladimir Putin ve Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, her seçim döneminde konuşmalarında istikrar ve güç kavramlarını kullanmışlardır. 2000'li yıllar, uluslararası siyasette önemli gelişmelerin yaşandığı bir dönemeç olmuştur; 11 Eylül saldırıları, Afganistan'a müdahale, Irak'a askeri operasyon, Gürcistan Krizi, Arap Baharı Olayları, Suriye İç Savaşı ve Ukrayna Krizleri gibi. Tüm bu gelişmelerde, Türkiye ve Rusya, siyasi açıdan bazen benzer, bazen ayrı politikalar izlemişlerdir. İki ülkenin farklı siyasal pozisyon aldıkları olaylarda, aralarındaki ekonomik ilişkilerin bu durumdan etkilenmediği görülmüştür. Bu çalışmanın amacı bu durumun nedenlerini ortaya koymaktır ; Turkey and Russia have the same aim on 2000's; being a more powerful state in the international system. Therefore, Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan used the notion of stability and power in their speeches in every election period. There were significant developments happened on 2000's such as September 11 attacks, Afghanistan intervention, Iraq military operation, Georgia Crisis, Arab Spring events, Syrian Civil War and Ukraine Crisis. In all these times, Turkey and Russia sometimes come closer on politically but they occasionally followed different policies. When they have different political positions on common events their economic relations did not effected from this. The aim of this study is to analyze the reasons of this situation.

Advertising is an important tool used to announce and explain business activities and persuade buyers. Businesses endure high costs, strive for the most effective advertisements, and compete with their competitors in attractive and innovative advertisements. Banks, which act as a bridge between those who have surplus funds and those who need funds, make an effort to reach consumers in this race through advertisements. However, the advertisements of these two types of banks, which have different characteristics from each other in terms of functioning, vary according to the working principles of the banks and the target audience they want to reach. In this study, in order to reveal the similarities and differences in the advertisements of conventional banks and participation banks, the advertisements of these banks were subjected to content analysis. In this context, around 150 advertisements belonging to conventional and participation banks selected from Turkey, England and Egypt were examined. As a result of the examinations, it has been seen that moral values ​​are emphasized, religious places and elements are used, traditional societies with religious sensitivities are addressed, halal earnings are emphasized, and advertisements are shot in historical, touristic and religious places in the advertisements of participation banks. It has been determined that in the advertisements of conventional banks, human and cultural values ​​are considered important, contemporary/modern societies are addressed, the best profit is emphasized, and advertisements are shot in historical and touristic places. In the future studies, the inclusion of advertising activities carried out with different channels other than television commercials and the inclusion of advertisements in different countries will provide new contributions to the literature.

AbstractThis article explores how Islamic art was produced and used in Turkey within the context of modern warfare during World War I, the War of Independence, and the nascent Republic – a subject still relatively understudied in Turkish history, as well as in international cultural histories of modern warfare and histories of modern art in the Middle East. Drawing on previously overlooked visual and textual sources such as calligraphic panels, miniature paintings, war posters, and religious timetables produced during the years 1914–1924, we examine the ways in which Islamic arts were articulated with the experience of war through both individual actions and official policies, revealing how Ottoman artists tried to make sense of war and how Islamic genres and motifs were appropriated, and sometimes subverted, in the service of the nationalist cause. We show that far from exhibiting a sharp discontinuity, the transition from Ottoman–Islamic to Republican–nationalist artistic content was gradual, involving the reappropriation and repurposing of Islamic motifs and techniques in a manner that reflected the religious mindset of the elites and masses in the early twentieth century.

AbstractThis article is based on an ethnographic study in the Turkish hospitality sector and examines the employment of simple forms of labor control in hospitality service work from the perspective of labor process analysis. It introduces ethnographic data from two holiday villages on the southern coast of Turkey serving international customers. The two holiday villages were workplaces that employed mostly young workers for low-skill, routine tasks that demanded intense physical and emotional labor, but without due remuneration, career chances, and employment security. Data based on participant observation and in-depth interviews point to an increasing managerial reliance on simple forms of labor control. This happens as a result of intensifying competition among hospitality firms in a market with volatile demand and managerial perceptions regarding employees' lack of customer service skills due to routinization and simplification of tasks after the introduction of the all-inclusive boarding system. Such market-related developments encourage employers to use simple control mechanisms that help in adjusting staffing levels, imposing loyalty, cutting costs, and ensuring efficiency.

AbstractThis article traces Charles Taylor's "secularity three" outside the West, finding that it was present among poets but not among novelists in twentieth-century Turkey. It explains this contrast between these two very similar groups by using network analysis, highlighting the greater availability, in poetry networks, of nonpious gatekeepers to aspiring pious actors, following an initial long period of religious conflict. In order to benefit from association with these gatekeepers, pious actors learned to split their selves into two, committing themselves simultaneously to their absolutist faith and to its practical impossibility in a secular age. If and when the prospect of cross-fertilization waned, however, they would effortlessly switch back to their earlier subjectivity. Pious novelists, by contrast, underwent no such learning process. Based on these findings, I argue, first, that the study of the secular must pay greater attention to religious conflict and the ways in which it is resolved, and second, that it must consider balancing itslongue-duréeapproach with an eventful focus.

AbstractThis article argues that it is fallacious to promote the Turkish democratic experience under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) as a model for the emerging Arab democracies. Despite the early political reformism of the AKP, an empirical analysis of the government's recent crackdown on basic rights and freedoms demonstrates that the "Turkish model," defined as a marriage of Islam and liberal democracy, cannot respond to the demands of Arab reformers. In this regard, the article falls into three sections. In the first section, assets of the "Turkish model" according to various actors are examined, which casts doubt on the emancipatory discourse underlying the promotion of the model. The second section proposes the term "leader democracy"—or, more specifically, "Erdoğanism"—as a way of denoting the governmental structure of Turkey as of early 2014. The final section depicts the current Turkish democracy in terms of the state of checks and balances and of basic political and social rights.

AbstractDuring the early years of the Turkish Republic, modern architecture became an active tool in the representation of the bourgeois ideal of domesticity. The most significant component of the new Turkish family was the image of the "republican woman" as a nationally-constructed icon. By comparatively examining Ernst Egli's İsmet Paşa Girls' Institute (1930) and Ankara Girls' High School (1936) with Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky's unbuilt annex project for the latter (1938) this paper argues that girls' technical schools and girls' high schools contributed to the making of this much idealized image in considerably different ways. Such diversity enabled the governing elite in Turkey to make a class-based and spatially constructed categorization of women as economic actors: enlightened housewives specialized in one of the so-called "female arts" and upper-class professional women who would participate in public life. It is further argued that this categorization allowed Schütte-Lihotzky, in her design for the unbuilt high school annex in Ankara, to rework the broader "redomestication" issue which marked her earlier career in Weimar Germany.

AbstractThis essay focuses on economic hardship in the wake of the 2001 economic crisis and the impact of the resulting economic strain on individual and family distress (i.e., stress, emotional distress, physical health, and marital problems). Previous research on the impact of the economic crisis in Turkey has relied on small and non-representative samples or was limited to descriptive analyses. This research analyzes a nationally representative sample of 1,107 urban households using multivariate techniques. The OLS regression results show that, while the negative effects of the economic crisis were widely felt, those who lost their jobs, had a longer duration of unemployment, and who experienced higher levels of economic strain were affected most. Economic hardship and high and increasing levels of economic strain had a strong negative effect on perceived stress levels, emotional distress, physical health problems and marital problems. Renters were particularly hard hit by the crisis and report more strain and personal distress than non-renters.

Ziya Öniş and İsmail Emre Bayram seek to assess whether the rapid rates of growth experienced by the Turkish economy since it weathered a severe crisis in 2001 as measured by several indices—high levels of investment, especially foreign investment; sustained "export orientation;" increased outlays for education, research and development; sustained economic and political stability, and "favorable regional dynamics" as the European Union (EU) enlargement process—are merely a flash in the pan or sustainable over the long-run. To do this they cast the Turkish trajectory against the "miracle economies" of East Asia, as well as some other middle-and low-income economies in Latin America and elsewhere. Based on this analysis, they conclude that while there are some serious concerns—low domestic savings rate, large deficits in the current account, tapering off the EU accession process, dependence on foreign capital and export markets— long-term sustainable growth can be achieved in Turkey if these vulnerabilities are addressed.

Recent episodes of financial crises in emerging markets progressively highlighted the importance of a sound and well-functioning banking sector for macroeconomic stability and sustainable economic growth. The Asian crisis of 1997, in particular, drew attention to the fundamental role that a deficient banking system could play in terms of generating major financial crises with devastating repercussions on the real economy and with significant possibilities of contagion in an emerging market context. The recent twin economic crises experienced by Turkey in 2000 and 2001 illustrated in a rather dramatic fashion the strong correspondence between a poorly functioning and under-regulated banking system, on the one hand, and the sudden outbreak of macroeconomic crises on the other. Indeed, the Turkish experience shows that both public and private banks can contribute significantly to the outbreak of economic crises. In retrospect, it may be argued that private commercial banks played an instrumental role in the first of the twin crises experienced in November 2000, whilst, public banks emerged as the central actors in the context of the subsequent crisis of February 2001.