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Throughout this working paper, under the scope of Prison Reform and Proposals of Prison Reform in Belgium and in Portuguese Prison System, between the periods of 2004 up to 2006, one is driven by the inseparability of Rehabilitative philosophy with Harm Reduction strategies.Whether Belgium, whether Portugal strongly tend to believe that the rehabilitative rationale is a must once speaking of a custodial sentence. Alike, in both countries, it is up to the State to ensure Rehabilitation as an inexorable part of execution of sentences. Overall, both States dismiss of a paternalist approach towards the inmates, namely through the Individual Detention Plan. Nevertheless, in Belgium, Rehabilitation within doors of the offender seems to go hand in hand with the need of doing Reparation towards the victim. Albeit the different political organization as far as execution of sentences is concerned, both Prison System of Belgium and Portugal seems to be constrained with similar defaults such as the lack of proper methodologies and of "follow up " measures. Yet, the recent developments in both countries do not seem to give concrete added value towards those points. Furthermore, the author of this working paper tries to answer to some of the following questions: Rehabilitation - Is it or is it not a consensual concept? Which other concepts may be intrinsically related to rehabilitative intervention when one is speaking about rehabilitation within prison environment? Which factors may play a role, as likely to facilitate or hamper rehabilitative languages, within the prison context? Beyond that, some possible missing items of the reforming documents are also appointed.

Seit Jahren wird in Politik und Wissenschaft recht kontrovers über das deutsche Tarifrecht diskutiert. Die vorliegende Analyse stellt einige der wichtigsten rechtlichen Regelungen dar und erörtert deren ökonomische Auswirkungen. Besonderer Reformbedarf wird beim sogenannten Günstigkeitsprinzip gesehen. Der Gesetzgeber sollte den Günstigkeitsvergleich um den Aspekt der Arbeitsplatzsicherheit erweitern und den zahlreichen betrieblichen Bündnissen eine klare Rechtsgrundlage geben. Außerdem ist zu überlegen, ob die Nachwirkung von Tarifverträgen zeitlich befristet und der Wettbewerb zwischen den Gewerkschaften durch Aufgabe des in der Rechtsprechung entwickelten Prinzips der Tarifeinheit gestärkt werden kann. Forderungen nach einer stärkeren Nutzung des Instruments der Allgemeinverbindlichkeit oder einem gesetzlichen Mindestlohn werden mit Hinblick auf die damit verbundenen negativen Arbeitsmarktwirkungen abgelehnt. Auch eine gesetzliche Stärkung der tarifpolitischen Kompetenzen der Betriebsräte erscheint angesichts der umfassenden Mitbestimmungsrechte ökonomisch nicht ratsam. ; For years German collective bargaining legislation has been the subject of fierce debate in political and academic circles. The present analysis presents some of the most important statutes and discusses their economic effects. The so-called favourability principle, which allows deviation from collective agreements only in the employees' favour, is considered particularly ripe for reform. The author proposes extending the principle to include arguments involving job security, thus giving the numerous agreements already made on this issue at company level a clear legal basis. The question also arises as to whether collective bargaining agreements, which are currently effective until replaced, should not be subject to time limits. In addition, it might be possible to enhance the competition between unions by abandoning the principle developed by the labour courts of making collective agreements exclusive at plant level. Demands for a legal minimum wage or wider use of decrees extending a wage agreement beyond those represented by its signatories are rejected as detrimental to the labour market. Nor, given the comprehensive right to co-determination, does it seem advisable in economic terms to legislate for an expanded role for works councils in the context of collective bargaining.

Intellectual property rights-–copyrights, trademarks, patents, trade secrets, and related rights-–have become increasingly important with the advent of increased international trade, global and knowledge-based economy and fast developing technology. A strong intellectual property rights regime is necessary in order to attract foreign trade and direct investments. For this reason, the protection of intellectual property rights has become an important negotiating item in all FTAs which the United States has entered into. In view of the proposed RP-US FTA negotiations, this paper seeks to determine whether the existing intellectual property regime in the Philippines provides adequate and sufficient legal protection of intellectual property rights. It also seeks to determine whether the administrative and judicial processes are adequate and speedy and acceptable in the enforcement and protection of said rights in the light of FTAs already entered into by the United States with other countries, in general, and with Singapore, in particular, which will be the benchmark for the RP-US FTA. Other relevant issues in the protection of intellectual property rights such as the annual review of ountries by the United States Trade Representative in relation to Special 301 of the U.S. Trade Law; piracy of optical media, including books and pharmaceuticals; and the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) are also discussed. The author proposes certain provisions to be added to the Intellectual Property Code; sustained, consistent and stricter implementation of intellectual property laws including more efforts at curbing piracy; and more importantly, a strong political will and a strong determination to strengthen intellectual property rights, as necessary to make the IPR regime up to par with U.S. and international.

International audience ; This article puts in perspective the evolution of Anglo-Saxon and French sociology of the elites. The study of sociological and theoretical debates leads to the conclusion that elitism indeed rests at the core of democratic dynamics. France is typified by a deficiency of comparative studies, semantic disputes over the notion of elite(s), and a strong interconnection between the elites and the State, which has generated a blatant lack of concern for the concept. The author recalls the dilemmas related to the construction of the elite as a sociological object, and singles out recent avenues of research : first, a change of regime in which the elites make up one of the key variables, then the State modes of transformation into action. ; L'auteur propose un regard croisé sur le développement de la sociologie des élites dans la recherche anglo-saxonne et française. Dans le premier cas de figure, controverses théoriques et sociologiques ont permis de montrer que la problématique élitaire est au cœur de la dynamique démocratique. En France, l'absence de travaux comparatistes, ainsi que la querelle sémantique autour de l'usage de la notion d'élite(s) et la forte imbrication entre élite et État ont généré un désintérêt manifeste pour ce concept. Tout en rappelant les dilemmes liés à la construction de l'objet « élite », l'auteur identifie les voies récentes de la recherche : la première est celle du changement de régime où les élites constituent une des variables clefs de l'explication ; la seconde est celle des modes de transformation de l'État en action.

Sozialdemographische Untersuchungen gab es seit den 1930er Jahren nicht nur in den angelsächsischen Ländern, sondern auch im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland. Unabhängig von der Beantwortung der Frage, ob die deutschen Untersuchungen für die NS-Bevölkerungspolitik unmittelbar relevant wurden, macht ein Vergleich zwischen den deutschen Untersuchungen und den Arbeiten in den USA Sinn. Die Eugenikdiskurse in beiden Ländern zeichneten sich durch eine große Argumentationsvielfalt aus - darunter auch spezifisch soziologische Zugangsweisen. Nicht Individuen, sondern Gruppen (in den USA auch: Berufsklassen) und soziale Lagen gerieten als abhängige/ unabhängige Variablen in den Blick beider Sozialdemographien. Dem Autor erscheint bei einem Vergleich gerade die Methodenentwicklung in den beiden Ländern beachtenswert. Er schlägt vor, die methodische Verarbeitung von 'sozialer Ungleichheit/ sozialer Mobilität' in den demographischen Disziplinen zum Ankerpunkt eines wissenschaftshistorischen Vergleichs zu machen. Und er benennt die Gründe, die für diesen Zugang sprechen: darunter die Übernahme einer linearen Vorstellung von Statushierarchie in den empirischen Sozialwissenschaften und die Fokussierung auf den 'Beruf' als soziales Klassifikationsmerkmal. ; Since the 1930s, sociodemographic surveys were carried out not only in English-speaking countries, but also in National Socialist Germany. A comparison between the German surveys and the studies in the US appears useful, quite apart from finding an answer to the question whether the German surveys were of direct relevance to Nazi demographic policy. The discourses on Eugenics in both countries featured a large variety of arguments, including specifically sociological approaches. The dependent/ independent variables focused on by both sociodemographic systems were groups (and in the US also: professional classes) and social situations rather than individuals. In a comparison, the development of methods in the two countries appears to the author to be of particular significance. He proposes to make the methodological analysis of 'social inequality/ social mobility' in the demographic disciplines the focal point of any comparison referring to the history of science. Further, he presents the reasons for favouring this approach, among them the adoption of a linear idea of status hierarchy in the empirical social sciences and the focus on 'occupation' as a characteristic of social classification.

The discussion on Hobbes's "doctrine of politics" is confronted with J. F. Spitz's methodically challenging standpoint: the latter radically refutes Hobbes's theory of the State and sovereignty, deeming it to be a fatal epochal trap. This work approaches Hobbes through acknowledgement of the principal insights of political theory with regard to the conception of State as the politico-juridical project of modernity (A. Passerin d'Entreves, Q. Skinner). Relying on the said insights, and building upon a critical scrutiny of Hobbes's Leviathan, the author shows that the epistemological status of the "state of nature" concept is crucial for the understanding of Hobbes's theory of the sovereign State. In so doing, he must resolve the following query: is the state of nature a logical construction aspiring to an ontological status, or rather a hypothetical state which outlines the historical constellation of Hobbes's time? Instead of the struggle of covetous individuals for power, the main drawback of the state of nature proves to be the fact that people are lethally drawn apart and set against one another by their religious and political beliefs. There can be no lasting politico-juridical triumph over such a state of religious and civil wars unless the tasks of the representative sovereign are diachronically perceived as society-making. If and when, however, the sovereign should successfully fulfil his fundamental society-making task, the developed civil society would no longer find suitable the initial type of the sovereign absolute State, It would then require a new type -- the liberal and democratic State. Adapted from the source document.

Resumen: El período histórico que, sobre todo en Europ a, se inicia con la finalización de la II Guerra Mundial puede con toda justicia denominarse la Era de la Democracia Cristiana: los democristianos acceden a las tareas de gobierno en todos los Estados democráticos del continente, con la sola excepción de Gran Bretaña. El ideario democristiano se formó y se consolidó sobre la conciencia del carácter permanente del incruento combate democrático, y de la permanente necesidad de actualización y renovación del civilizador mensaje intemporal del Estado de Derecho. El autor brinda un amplio panorama del desempeño de la Democracia Cristiana durante este período, que finaliza en 1969 cuando por primera vez en dos decenios la DC abandona las tareas de gobierno en la República Federal de Alemania. ; Abstract: The historical period that, mostly in Europe, is initiated with the ending of the II World War, can erfectly be called, with justice, the Era of Christian Democracy: the Christian democrats gain positions in government tasks in all the democratic States of the continent, with the exception of Great Britain. The Christian-democratic ideology was formed and consolidated on the conscience of the permanent character of the bloodless democratic battle, and on the permanent need of updating and renewing of the civilizing timeless message of Rule of Law. The author offers an extensive panorama of the performance of the Christian Democracy during this period that finalizes in 1969 when, for the first time in two decades, the DC abandons the tasks of government in the Federal Republic of Germany.

The study of Hobbes' "theory of politics" begins with contrasting the different views on his theory found in the works of H. Arendt & M. Foucault, as well as in the recent methodically crucial works of J. F. Spitz. Their common denominator is that they all contest Hobbes' theory state & sovereignty, as a fatal epoch-making trap. The essay approaches Hobbes through evaluating contemporary political theory & his most important inquiry into the understanding of state as a legal & political project of Modernity (A. Passerin d'Entreves, B. Kriegel & Q. Skinner). Based on this inquiry, & on the critical reading of Hobbes' Leviathan, the author shows that the understanding of Hobbes' theory of the sovereign state conclusively depends on the epistemological status of the concept of the "state of nature." The main dilemma is if the state of nature should be understood as a logical construct with an ambition for ontological status or a hypothetical state reflecting the historical context of Hobbes' era? The main problem of the state of nature does not rest in a struggle for power between power-seeking individuals, but in the fact that people are fatally divided & conflicted in their religious & political convictions. To leave such state of religious civil wars permanently, is possible only, if the tasks of a representative sovereign are understood as society-building in diachronic dimension. However, even if a sovereign successfully fulfills his fundamental task of society-building, the developed civil society will not correlate with this basic type of sovereign absolute state, but with a new type -- liberal & democratic state. References. Adapted from the source document.

For Hjalmar Schacht, president of the Reichsbank, the Weimar Republic failed in regulating the crisis that hit Germany in the late 1920s. Thus he did not hesitate to work with the Third Reich and became Minister of Economy of Hitler. Acquitted at Nurenberg, he has since never ceased to be a preoccupations for essayists and historians. If some have qualified him a finance illusionist, others have succumbed to fascination and hagiography. The author retraces the Nazi era of the central banker, from his first resignation as President of the Reichsbank in 1930 to his denazification in 1950. This book enlightens the motivations of his collaboration with Hitler in the 1930s, explains its monetary and economic policy under the Nazi regime and explains how he escaped any conviction after 1945. ; Pour Hjalmar Schacht, président de la Reichsbank , la République de Weimar a échoué dans la régulation de la crise qui a frappé l'Allemagne à la fin des années 1920. Ainsi il n'a pas hésité à collaborer avec le IIIe Reich, allant jusqu'à devenir ministre de l'Économie d'Hitler. Acquitté au procès de Nuremberg, il n'a cessé, depuis, d'interroger essayistes et historiens. Si certains l'ont qualifié d'illusionniste des finances, d'autres ont cédé à la fascination et à l'hagiographie. L'auteur retrace ici la période nazie du banquier central, de sa première démission de la présidence de la Reichsbank en 1930 à sa dénazification en 1950. Ce livre éclaire les motivations de sa collaboration avec Hitler dans les années 1930, détaille sa politique monétaire et économique sous le régime nazi et explique comment il a échappé à toute condamnation après 1945.

Six years into the new millennium & its lean times for the ever dwindling Despotic Ruler Club. With democracy now the ruling method of choice in many countries, the social cache attached to being a dictator has declined markedly. The author confesses that she's had a perverse obsession with dictators, for which she blames Idi Amin, whom she saw on TV, puffed up like a demented budgie, covered in fake medals, & calling the queen "Liz". The cruel & bloody regimes of Charles Taylor, Hoxha, & Mugabe were the result of the post colonization personal fiefdoms of the ruling elite. Boasting some of the biggest names in despotism, they all used fear in military, cronyism, nepotism & violence to achieve their positions of power. The authority exercised by some of our favorite despots derives from the position of "charisma" in which there is a psychological acceptance that this person has a divine right to be a leader. The cult of personality makes it impossible to comprehend existence of the leader without the state. The original exponent of the cult of personality was Akhenaton, first in a long line of self-proclaimed god kings to inhabit the earth by his rejection of the old gods of ancient Egypt to establish monotheistic worship of the Sun God Aton. This set the pattern for leaders after him. Each year US magazine Parade publishes its top 10 worst dictators who have included Mugabe, Omar al-Bashar, Qaddafi, & Kim Jong Il & Russia's Ilumzhinov & Niyazov. Although some say that Bush & Howard are both evil dictators, technically they're not -- they won an election. Adpated from the source document.

It is now widely agreed that the World Trade Organization (WTO) is in trouble, struggling to deliver the national rewards available from liberalising through multilateral negotiations. Prime Minister Howard and President Bush have committed to help restore the ability of the WTO system to deliver those rewards. This paper examines the contribution of domestic transparency procedures, introduced by and operating within participating countries, in dealing with the domestic causes of the problem facing the multilateral system. It explains the relevance of the proposal, prepared for Prime Minister Howard, in meeting the commitment he has taken. The Hong Kong Ministerial Meeting in December 2005 provides an opportunity to advance such a proposal and, in doing so, enhance our own trade performance. The author was involved, with Alf Rattigan and John Crawford, in establishing the Industries Assistance Commission and was its chairman from 1985 to 1988. He was a member of the international study group — chaired by the former Director-General of the GATT, Olivier Long — which drew attention during the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations (1986– 1994) to the need for domestic transparency in trade policy. He co-authored a review of trade policy conduct of industrial nations, which was published by the National Centre for Development Studies in 1996. He and Professor Ross Garnaut prepared a domestic transparency proposal for Prime Minister Howard in February 2004 to provide the basis for an Australian initiative in the Doha Round. This paper explains how this proposal would contribute to restoring an effective WTO system by enabling domestic economic welfare to replace domestic political pressures as the driver of multilateral trade negotiations.

This paper summarizes a number of observations and reflections on the phenomenon and practice called "reconciliation", in connection to peace processes and peace-building initiatives. In particular it draws from processes followed by the author, in East Timor in particular, but also in Europe, the Middle East and, more recently, Colombia. It is a discussion paper. The purpose is to invite to reflection, both on the level of perspectives as well as concepts. It is developed from a lecture called "The Challenge of Reconciliation" held at Universidad Nacional, Bogotá, in December 2003. Following substantial revision since then (making the text more than double in length) I realize that today not many parts of the original text are still recognizable from that presentation, then organized by the Embassy of Sweden in Colombia, as part of its commitment to the peace process in that country. I have accepted the invitation of the Center of Political and International Studies (Centro de Estudios Políticos e Internacionales, CEPI), at Universidad del Rosario, to publish this work in progress, to reach a broader public in Colombia and contribute to the discussion on econciliation. The field of "political reconciliation" is evolving, definitions of reconciliation are abounding, and different contributors have different takes on the subject matter, quite naturally. It is the author's view, that reconciliation can and should not be "held captive" of any particular field of study. It relates to fundamental, some would call it existential, issues of meaning, trust, contradictions, and suffering in the midst of a violent, political reality. It is wise to tread softly on ground with such a complex bottom.

The labors of organizational and behavioral science researchers have resulted in a literature robust in the study of leadership and social networks. Empirical examination of both topics has shown significant organizational outcomes, but breadth is lacking both within and between the disciplines. Studies of leadership have seen the preponderance of the effort focused on formal leaders, while most social network studies examine only one informal structure. Moreover, there exists a paucity of studies, which have sought to examine the interrelationships between leadership and social networks. In an effort to address these voids, this thesis investigated: 1) The concurrent existence of multiple social networks, 2) How leaders, both formal and informal, are positioned within the networks, 3) How leader positions in the network change over time, 4) How network positioning affects group members' perceptions of formal leader performance, and 5) How a member's position in the network relates to peer selection as an informal leader. The Expressive-Instrumental Leadership Model, based on behavioral science theory and past empirical studies, was proposed as a means of investigation. A population of 431 military students and instructors was surveyed seven times over a period of eight weeks to gather longitudinally-based social networks data. Additionally, both instructors and students were peer-rated on their leadership performance. The results were statistically analyzed and compared to outcomes predicted by the model. The results showed partial support for the proposed model as three of six hypotheses were supported. Partial support was found for remaining hypotheses, with unique environmental factors possible impacting study results. The author proposed further study of the model to gain additional insight.

This paper analyses institutional reforms and political participation, most notably indirect and direct elections of residential committees (RC), in China's urban neighbourhoods and communities (shequ). It shows that these elections at present are not meaningful to the majority of city dwellers as the RCs have little decision-making power and no revenues generated by a collective economy as in most of China's villages. RCs are primarily important to those weaker strata of society who depend on the state to be provided with social services and financial support - tasks that the RCs are forced to assume on behalf of higher government authorities. Nevertheless, the author finds that as limited the significance of - and knowledge about - RC elections in the daily lives of China's urban dwellers still are, they still have some influence on political awareness and participation. For instance, they make people voice more opinions in their shequ, which may be a good starting point for more direct interference in local political affairs soon to come. The paper emphasizes that RC elections have been introduced in order to enhance regime legitimacy but suggests that they may spur democratization by the rise of accountability as a conditioning factor of this legitimacy and by electoral 'habituation' as a transition to full democratic commitment. Whilst 'security first, participation second' seems to be the order of the day and the 'freedom of politics' is still more important than a concern for RC elections and shequ affairs, it remains to be seen if those elections may not soon trigger off a meaningful drive for political participation in China's cities.