Suchergebnisse

Цель статьи анализ теоретико-методологических оснований ресурса доверия как способа политической капитализации с учетом специфики российской политической системы. Исходя из того, что доверие как вера в рациональность, предсказуемость и настроенность на идею общего блага становится возможностью наращивания политического авторитета и политической репутации участников политического процесса, автор статьи отмечает, во-первых, что в нынешних условиях кризиса традиционных политических субъектов доверие может сохраняться на системном уровне, но порождать эффект формализации политического участия. Во-вторых, автор статьи делает вывод о том, что политическая капитализация связана со стремлением к повышению политической субъектности на основе формирования институционального доверия в контексте практик политического участия. ; The purpose of the article is the analysis of theoretical and methodological foundations of the resource as a means of political trust capitalization specific to the Russian political system. Based on the fact that the trust, as the belief in rationality, predictability, and the mood on the idea of the common good, it is the possibility to increase the political authority and political power of political actors, the author notes, first, that in the current crisis of traditional political actors trust can be maintained at the system level, but produce the effect of formalization of political participation. Secondly, the author concludes that the political capitalization associated with the desire to increase political subjectivity on the basis of the formation of institutional trust in the context of the practices of political participation.

Research Highlights and Abstract: The article explores attitudes to New Labour in particular and politics in general through analysing their dramatization on TV. It indicates that such dramatizations are almost wholly negative, focusing on sleaze, spin and betrayal. The article explains the character of such dramas as being the result of the producers' desire to present politics in terms their audiences will accept. It suggests that, as a consequence, popular hostility to politics is reinforced by television drama and so indicates that culture has an independent part to play in this process. Echoing Plato's banishment of artists, mainstream political scientists have excluded serious consideration of art from their discipline. Yet, there are grounds for believing that it can help address what Gerry Stoker suggests is one of social science's greatest failings: understanding 'what politics means to citizens'. This study of New Labour's television dramatization suggests it can help political scientists better appreciate the dynamics underpinning the much-noted decline of popular trust in representative politics. It looks at the reasons for the narrowing of the public's picture of politics by focusing on the changing production context for television drama during the New Labour period, something that led it to emphasise 'sleaze'. The article suggests such dramas consequently helped make more credible the public's pre-existing prejudices about what they supposed was the corrupt nature of Britain's political class. Adapted from the source document.

The amusing anecdote that a Soviet string quartet is a symphony orchestra coming back from a tour is emblematic of the diplomatic and political impact of touring musicians. The periodicity and range of musical tours during the Cold War reflects the alternating periods of tension or detente in the relations between the two blocs. The itinerary of top musicians - musicians from the West who took advantage of their presence within the Soviet bloc to support dissidents, musicians taking advantage of tours to 'choose freedom', or musicians seemingly exploited by Soviet propaganda - is proof of a form of society capable of insubordination. The organization of tours by Soviet musicians at the time of the Cold War, and the almost concomitant passage of Western virtuosos or conductors through the Soviet bloc, marked a very particular moment in international relations at the beginning of the 1960s. The coincidence is enough to prove that there was a certain autonomy in cultural history in relation to diplomatic history. Virtually at the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the construction of the Berlin Wall, the Soviet authorities managed to orchestrate a vast noria of musicians destined to show their desire for peace and for nations to be brought closer together through culture. Far from bowing to this image of propaganda, the musicians tried to make the most of stretches of freedom, even the smallest. Adapted from the source document.

В статье выявлены причины нежелания молодежи идти в рабочие, которые условно разделены на объективные и субъективные. Определены пути взаимодействия государства, образовательных учреждений и предприятий по привлечению молодежи и её удержанию на производстве. Показано, что наряду с материальными мотивами работы для молодежи важны такие мотивы, как карьера, желание работать на качественном оборудовании, возможности для обучения и переквалификации. Неготовность молодежи трудиться в предложенных ей условиях должна побудить государство, руководителей предприятий и инвесторов пересмотреть свои управленческие стратегии. Они должны быть связаны с модернизацией производства; изменением условий и содержания труда; приведением хотя бы частично в соответствие образования, квалификации и выполняемой работы. ; In this paper, the causes of the reluctance of young people to go to work, Kotorye are divided into objective and subjective. The ways of interaction between government, educational institutions and businesses to attract the youth and its retention in the workplace. It is proved that, along with material motives of work for young people are important motives such as a career, the desire to work on quality equipment, opportunities for training and retraining. The reluctance of young people to work in the proposedtion conditions it should prompt the state, business leaders and investors to rethink their management strategies. They should be related to the modernization of production; changes in the conditions and content of labor, yes; bringing at least partially in line education, skills and work performed.

В статье рассматривается правовая категория «достойный уровень жизни». Анализируется законодательство, устанавливающее зависимость достойного уровня жизни от минимального размера оплаты труда и прожиточного минимума. Кроме того, в статье отражены результаты социологических опросов и интервьюирования по вопросу о категории «достойный уровень жизни» среди жителей Челябинской области. Основываясь на полученных результатах, автор делает вывод, что под достойным уровнем жизни граждане понимают не какую-то определенную денежную сумму, а возможность свободно реализовывать себя, распоряжаться своими умениями и желаниями, иметь не только средства к физическому существованию, но возможность направить их на обеспечение жильем, отдыхом. При этом круг реализации напрямую зависит от дохода населения. ; In the article the legal category "worthy living standards" is considered. The legislation establishing dependence of a worthy standard of living on the minimum wage and a living wage is analyzed. Moreover, the results of sociological polls and interviewing on the category "worthy living standards" among the citizens of Chelyabinsk region are given. Based on the received results it is possible to draw a conclusion that citizens take worthy living standards for any certain sum of money, and opportunity to realize themselves freely, to use the abilities and desires, to have not only means of physical existence, but the opportunity to direct them the provision of housing and rest. Thus, the realization circle directly depends on the population income.

The term 'colonial mentality' is popularly used among many Filipinos to refer to a tendency to compare themselves negatively to Amerikanos. This paper explores the everyday form such deprecating self/other constructions take on the island of Siquijor in the Central Visayas region of the archipelago. It sheds light on how these constructions are socially situated, deployed and reproduced, their limits and their effects. It shows that comparisons between categories of Filipino and Amerikano must be understood in relation to local hierarchies. On Siquijor, local imaginings of Amerikano lifestyles and bodies not only serve as reference points for ideals of affluence and beauty, but act as markers of prestige in competitions for status between neighbours and kin, sustaining a sense of Amerikano superordinancy. While, on Siquijor, superordinancy presumes neither innate nor moral superiority (and, indeed, there exists ambivalence towards the relative moral status of Amerikanos and Filipinos), there is a strong presumption specifically that the 'failure' of the Philippines to achieve similar levels of affluence to the US is due to moral deficiencies of the Filipino self. Thus, outward-looking desire is contained by inward-looking discontent, the latter keeping the former from spilling over into demands for change to a global status quo. ; This three-year project, entitled 'Intimate relationships and the politics of personhood in the Philippines', is funded by an Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Research Award.

The politicization of the press during the Second Spanish Republic was particularly strong among Catholic publications. ABC and El Debate, the two leading conservative newspapers during those years, were very active in the protests against the reforms on education. Their discourses joined in the propaganda of the reaction movement and strengthened collective action. This paper analyzes a sample of editorials and chronicles published by these newspapers in order to determine, first, what mediations conducted and, second, to what extent their interventionist willingness was reflected in their messages. The results indicate that the desire to operate as stakeholders in the conflict determined doctrinal mediations and remarkably propagandistic discourses. ; La politización de la prensa española durante la II República fue especialmente intensa entre las cabeceras católicas. Los diarios ABC y El Debate, los dos periódicos conservadores más importantes durante aquellos años, fueron muy activos en las protestas contra las reformas vinculadas con la enseñanza. Sus discursos se sumaban a la propaganda de la reacción y fortalecían la acción de colectivos y organizaciones. Este trabajo analiza una muestra de editoriales y crónicas publicadas por estos periódicos con el objetivo de determinar, por un lado, qué mediaciones llevaron a cabo y, por otro, hasta qué punto su voluntad intervencionista quedó plasmada en sus artículos. Los resultados indican que el deseo de funcionar como actores protagonistas del conflicto determinó mediaciones doctrinales y discursos notablemente propagandísticos.

The demographic transition is a universal phenomenon. All regions of the world experience a change from high levels of mortality and fertility to low levels. The onset and pace of the demographic transition vary between regions and countries because of differences in timing of events and conditions that trigger the transition. As a consequence, we observe diverging trends in population growth and ageing around the world. The paper shows that transitions in mortality, fertility and migration have several features in common. Demographic transitions are intertwined with science and technology, the economy, cultural change and social and political processes. The interaction between these processes take place at the level of the individual, not at the population level. The human desire for a long and fulfilling life is the main driver of demographic change. Science and technology provide instruments to control demographic processes but the use of these instruments is conditioned by economic and cultural change. Individuals are more likely to act if they are aware that they can influence the outcome of their action, the outcome is beneficial and they have the instruments to exercise control. The pace of a transition depends on (a) diffusion processes that govern the transmission of values, preferences, norms and practices and (b) inertia in a population due to its composition. Keywords: Demographic transition, path dependence, diffusion, agency, demographic dividends

Is it ever acceptable for a judge in a secular liberal democracy to rely on, and explicitly refer to, religious-based reasoning in reaching a decision? While it is unlikely that many Canadian judges will be seized with the desire to include religious-based reasoning in their judgments, we raise this issue because it allows us to examine the appropriate role of religious-based discourse in a challenging context, where arguments about unconstitutionality are strongest. In a previous article, we concluded that there are no ethical impediments to citizens using such discourse in discussing public affairs. We argued that it is no less virtuous (although it may sometimes be less persuasive) to reason from one's religious convictions than from any other comprehensive set of values, when advocating for or against public policy alternatives. We would suggest that this is generally also the case for elected representatives. 'Thus, in our view, it would be perfectly acceptable for a member of a legislature to buttress a call for increased funding for social services by reference to Proverbs 19:17: "One who is gracious to a poor man lends to the Lord." However, it is unconstitutional for a legislature to pass legislation for a religious purpose; therefore, legislators must recognize the distinction between advocating legislation designed to achieve a religious purpose and using religious arguments to support or oppose legislation designed to achieve a public purpose.

In daily life, perceivers often need to predict and interpret the behavior of group agents, such as corporations and governments. Although research has investigated how perceivers reason about individual members of particular groups, less is known about how perceivers reason about group agents themselves. The present studies investigate how perceivers understand group agents by investigating the extent to which understanding the 'mind' of the group as a whole shares important properties and processes with understanding the minds of individuals. Experiment 1 demonstrates that perceivers are sometimes willing to attribute a mental state to a group as a whole even when they are not willing to attribute that mental state to any of the individual members of the group, suggesting that perceivers can reason about the beliefs and desires of group agents over and above those of their individual members. Experiment 2 demonstrates that the degree of activation in brain regions associated with attributing mental states to individuals—i.e., brain regions associated with mentalizing or theory-of-mind, including the medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC), temporo-parietal junction (TPJ), and precuneus—does not distinguish individual from group targets, either when reading statements about those targets' mental states (directed) or when attributing mental states implicitly in order to predict their behavior (spontaneous). Together, these results help to illuminate the processes that support understanding group agents themselves. ; John Merck Fund (John Merck Scholars Program)

In the article the legal category "worthy living standards" is considered. The legislation establishing dependence of a worthy standard of living on the minimum wage and a living wage is analyzed. Moreover, the results of sociological polls and interviewing on the category "worthy living standards" among the citizens of Chelyabinsk region are given. Based on the received results it is possible to draw a conclusion that citizens take worthy living standards for any certain sum of money, and opportunity to realize themselves freely, to use the abilities and desires, to have not only means of physical existence, but the opportunity to direct them the provision of housing and rest. Thus, the realization circle directly depends on the population income. ; В статье рассматривается правовая категория «достойный уровень жизни». Анализируется законодательство, устанавливающее зависимость достойного уровня жизни от минимального размера оплаты труда и прожиточного минимума. Кроме того, в статье отражены результаты социологических опросов и интервьюирования по вопросу о категории «достойный уровень жизни» среди жителей Челябинской области. Основываясь на полученных результатах, автор делает вывод, что под достойным уровнем жизни граждане понимают не какую-то определенную денежную сумму, а возможность свободно реализовывать себя, распоряжаться своими умениями и желаниями, иметь не только средства к физическому существованию, но возможность направить их на обеспечение жильем, отдыхом. При этом круг реализации напрямую зависит от дохода населения.

Though research is coming to light about Gandhi's views on sexuality, there is still a gap in how this can be related or focused to his broader political philosophy and personal conduct. Joseph Alter states: "It is well known that Gandhi felt that sexuality and desire were intimately connected to social life and politics and that self-control translated directly into power of various kinds both public and private." However, I would argue, that the ways in which Gandhi connected these aspects, why and how, have not been fully discussed and are, indeed, not well known. By studying his views and practices with relation to sexuality, I believe that much can be discerned as to how his political philosophy and personal conduct were both established and acted out. In this paper I will aim, therefore, to address: what his views were on sex and sexuality, contextualizing his views with those of the time, what his influences were in his ideology on sex, and how these ideologies framed and related to his political philosophy as well as conduct. Through establishing all this I hope to emphasise the significance of his views on sex in better understanding Gandhi's political philosophy and conduct.[1] Joseph Alter, "Celibacy, Sexuality and Transformation of Gender into Nationalism" in the Journal of Asian Studies, Vol, 53, No.1 (Feb, 1994). P.45

Achieving world peace and the fulfillment of fundamental rights is one of the social and, therefore, educational challenges. Thus, the article navigates through the contents related to peace education, consideringthe evolution of the concept and the importance of building social structures. In this way, concepts such as the positive valuation of conflicts and the elimination of violence as a tool for their resolution acquire special importance. Likewise, the desire to dominate and competitivenessare presented as obstacles to achieving peace. Finally, the importance of creating democratic schools that are based on the values of peace that they want to promote, where interpersonal relationships are essential. ; Conseguir la paz mundial y el cumplimiento de los derechos fundamentales es uno de los retos sociales y por ende, educativo. Así, el artículo navega entre los contenidos relacionados con una educación para la paz, atendiendo a la evolución del concepto y a la importancia de construir estructuras sociales. De esta manera, adquieren especial importancia conceptos tales como la valoración positiva de los conflictos y la eliminación de la violencia como una herramienta para su resolución. Asimismo, el afán de dominio y la competitividad se presentan como frenos para conseguir la paz. Finalmente, destaca la importancia de creación de centros escolares democráticos que estén fundamentados en los valores de paz que quieren promover, donde las relaciones interpersonales son ejes esenciales.

This article explores political and moral economies of diasporic investment in urban property. It challenges uncritical policy discourses on migrant investment that romanticise transnational family and entrepreneurial networks by assuming diasporic social embeddedness, mutual trust, risk-reduction and socio-economic benefits, often founded in neo-liberal assumptions. The article elaborates alternate starting propositions emphasising the conflicting interests and predatory business practices that characterise informalised state governance and episodes of crisis. It stresses the importance of understanding changing regulatory regimes over finance and urban property. Migrants' desires need to be scrutinised in relation to those of a range of other actors who cannot be assumed to have convergent interests – including relatives, investment advisors, money transfer companies, estate agents, property developers. The article takes the case of hyperinflationary Zimbabwe, where remittances from the displaced middle classes not only provided essential familial support, but were also materialised in urban real estate, contributing to inflated property prices and a residential construction boom in the capital city. Diasporic investors were vulnerable to fraud due to the combination of effects of fantasies of successful return to dream homes and irregular regimes for remittances and property. But there were notable speculative opportunities for those with government connections. New diaspora suburbs and homes that have transformed the landscape of the Harare periphery stand as material testimony to the intersection of emigré sentimentality and the speculative informalised economy of the crisis years.

© The Author(s), 2014. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. The definitive version was published in BMC Research Notes 7 (2014): 79, doi:10.1186/1756-0500-7-79. ; As biological disciplines extend into the 'big data' world, they will need a names-based infrastructure to index and interconnect distributed data. The infrastructure must have access to all names of all organisms if it is to manage all information. Those who compile lists of species hold different views as to the intellectual property rights that apply to the lists. This creates uncertainty that impedes the development of a much-needed infrastructure for sharing biological data in the digital world. The laws in the United States of America and European Union are consistent with the position that scientific names of organisms and their compilation in checklists, classifications or taxonomic revisions are not subject to copyright. Compilations of names, such as classifications or checklists, are not creative in the sense of copyright law. Many content providers desire credit for their efforts. A 'blue list' identifies elements of checklists, classifications and monographs to which intellectual property rights do not apply. To promote sharing, authors of taxonomic content, compilers, intermediaries, and aggregators should receive citable recognition for their contributions, with the greatest recognition being given to the originating authors. Mechanisms for achieving this are discussed.