Suchergebnisse

Headed by Michèlle Merger, a framework of analysis that could act as a decision aid in transport policies and a set of recommendations that would help, thanks to lessons learnt from history, to establish the priorities to be given to different projects involving trans-European connections and intermodal transport. The Action brought together experts from countries covering all different geographical and political regions of Europe. Based on the experience gained during two centuries of the European transport development, they identified a number of barriers to the creation of efficient intermodal transport networks. The Action established not only the European network of specialists, but led to the creation of T2M Association of scholars and practitioners linked to the history of transport and economics both from Europe and the USA. ; The main objective of the COST 340 Action is to provide a framework of analysis that can act as a decision aid in transport policies and a set of recommendations that will help, thanks to the lessons learnt from history, to establish the priorities to be given to different projects involving trans-European connections and intermodal transport. ; publishersversion ; published

A look at Ireland during the first half of the 1930s focuses on opposition to the Fianna Fail Party. The shift of the opposition to the Right, led by the Blueshirt movement, is outlined, & the impact of this new direction evaluated. It is contended that the Blueshirts' attempts to adopt ideas from contemporary European thinking was a primary cause for the position change. The Irish experience during this transitional period demonstrates how readily a democratic political grouping will abandon liberal political discourse & employ fascist ideas in a struggle to gain political power. The Blueshirt movement emerged in 1932 as an organization of ex-servicemen concerned with Fianna Fail policies they saw as a threat to pension rights. Their gain of mass support, increased use of violence, & eventual merger with other opposition groups are explored, & the ban against them imposed by the government & their eventual downfall described. J. Lindroth

'Anticorruption in History' is the first major collection of individual and comparative case studies on how societies and polities in and beyond European history defined legitimate power in terms of fighting corruption and designed specific mechanisms to pursue that agenda.

Starting in the 18th century, the majority of the world's Jews lived in Eastern Europe. The region remained the centre of Jewish life - until the Holocaust. But in both disciplines, in Jewish History and in East European History, research on East European Jews lived in the shadows. In Germany, such research is inseparably connected with 20th century history. After the First World War and the wave of Russian-Jewish immigration to Germany that followed, Jewish history flourished. After 1933, 'research on Jews' became an anti-Semitic discipline, which, from 1939 onward, served German policies of occupation and annihilation. In the postwar era, Jewish history was initially taboo. Not until the mid-1960s were the first chairs of Jewish Studies established. It was only in the 1980s that East European History, which was then oriented towards social history, began to examine Jews in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Today, the study of East European Jewish history has become a paradigm for transnational and global historical questions. Adapted from the source document.

Practices labelled as corrupt in nineteenth-century European elections are generally conceived either as a form of domination where the candidates and their agents use exclusive resources for personal gain or a means of transaction between candidates and voters, on the assumption that candidates deploy corrupt practices in order to perusade voters. Consequently, electoral corruption in the nineteenth century is considered a tool that limits the participation of enfranchised citizens, whose conception of corruption is largely uncultivated. This study challenges this notion and demonstrates how corrupt practices by electors in societies where freedom was not guaranteed, did not restrain but instead extended the possibilities of political participation. The novelty of this study is based on integrating research focused on politicization beyond the elite and the new history of corruption, using Great Britain, France, and Spain as case studies. This integrated process found that corruption was used by electors to overturn unfavourable results, thus providing a platform for participation beyond voting.

Women's and gender history has broadened our knowledge of the Franco dictatorship by incorporating new perspectives and categories of analysis. The Women's Section of the Falange, a topic that has attracted progressively greater attention since the 1990s, has been analyzed mainly as a mechanism of female subordination and as a differentiated sphere for women's agency. This dual approach follows to a great extent the ground rules established in ongoing debates on other European experiences of fascism. This article intends to offer ways of surmounting some dichotomies (e.g., subordinated/emancipated, victims/perpetrators) that have underpinned the analysis of women during the dictatorship. Accordingly, an attempt will be made to explore how the Falangists constructed a collective subjectivity from their own notions of their political culture – Spanish fascism – and a specific war experience that had shaped them as subjects. And, from this perspective, the article offers an understanding of their agency in a context in which the 'victory' of the military uprising had led to a process of reconstructing political and social power.

Alltagsgeschichte has contributed much to our understanding of the emergence, construction and development of dictatorships in the twentieth century. However, Franco's regime has hardly featured in the main accounts of everyday life and social attitudes in European dictatorships. This article seeks to remedy this deficit by placing Franco's forty-year-long rule into international debates on everyday life under non-democratic regimes. This is achieved by exploring the heterogeneous and dynamic attitudes and strategies employed by Spaniards to cope with hunger and scarcity during the post-war period. The article draws on a range of sources from international, national and local archives, as well as several life-history interviews. These provide a deeper insight into individual experience and behaviour, which is at the heart of Alltagsgeschichte. By focusing on everyday life experiences and the potential of concepts like Eigen-Sinn, this article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the way in which ordinary people negotiated power in their daily lives.