Suchergebnisse

The article deals with a relevant problem of creating Ukrainocentric mass media system in Ukraine. The system, which would be fully independent on political climate, created by corrupted oligarchic state power. Top priority task, which is put forward by the author of this initiative, is to enlist the services of mass media and blog to UWIN in both Ukraine and diaspora, uniting them around common objective and common tasks: formation of strong and powerful Ukrainocentric mass media system which would play the key-role in Ukrainization of Ukraine information space, will become the decisive factor of raising national identity/conscience and civil res­ponsibility of society, will prepare Ukraine and Ukrainian society for system changes. To attain this objective, the author considers it important to unite separate Ukrainocentric mass media and blogs in both Ukraine and diaspora, to create, on franchising basis, new information resources, based in Internet but with the perspective of real space existence. The author offers to start developing such system on the basis of specially formed platform, which has got the title Ukrainian World Information Network (UWIN). UKRAINAINC.NET is offered to be the principal site, where one will publish: most important information, reviews and analytical publications about Ukraine and diaspora. The site will include two sections: the first one will incorporate Ukrainian mass media and blogs according to oblast; the second one will incorporate diaspora mass media and blogs according to the countries. The author emphasizes the possibility of UWIN use for creative career self-actuali­zation of journalists. The agreement draft on this journalist community membership, which is voluntary and free of charge, is published. The network membership principles, directions and conditions of cooperation are stated and grounded. Franchising as the basis for developing future Ukrainian World Information Network is discussed in a separate paragraph. It goes about the content of packages, which would include domain registration and service, trainings on working with sites, professional, journalistic and editorial education or re-qualification of Network members. In Conclusions it is stressed that Ukrainocentric mass media system is one of the key, decisive facts and factors of system changes in Ukraine. Uniqueness of this project is that it considers information space of Ukraine in inseparable connection with information space of Ukrainian diaspora, that is with world information space. ; Стаття присвячена актуальній проблемі створення в Україні україноцентрич-ної системи засобів масової інформації (ЗМІ). Такої, яка була б повністю незалежна від політичного клімату, створюваного корумпованою олігархічною владою.Першочерговим завданням, яке поставлене автором цієї ініціативи, є залучити до участі в УСІМ україноцентричні ЗМІ та блогерів, в Україні та в діаспорі сущих, об'єднуючи їх навколо спільної мети і спільних завдань: створення потужної украї-ноцентричної системи ЗМІ, яка відіграє ключову роль в українізації інформаційного простору України, стане вирішальним чинником піднесення національної свідомос-ті та громадянської відповідальності суспільства й підготує Україну й українське суспільство до системних змін.Досягнення такої мети автор вбачає в тому, щоб зібрати в єдине ціле окремі україноцентричні ЗМІ та блоги в Україні та діаспорі, а також на основі франчай-зингу створювати нові інформаційні ресурси, базовані в Інтернеті та з перспек-тивою виходу в реальний простір.Розпочинати розбудовувати таку систему пропонується на спеціально ство-реній платформі, що отримала назву Українська Світова Інформаційна Мережа (УСІМ). Головним сайтом мережі бачиться згаданий UKRAINAINC.NET, на яко-му публікуватимуться: найважливіша інформація, огляди й аналітичні матеріа-ли про Україну та діаспору. Сайт матиме два розділи: перший об'єднуватиме ЗМІ та блоги України за областями; другий — об'єднуватиме ЗМІ та блоги діаспори за країнами.Окремо йдеться про платформу УСІМ як можливість творчої кар'єрної само-реалізації журналістів.Публікується для обговорення проект угоди про членство в цій журналістській спільноті, яке є добровільним і безкоштовним. Обґрунтовуються принципи член-ства в Мережі та напрями й умови співпраці.Окремим пунктом розглядається франчайзинг як основа розбудови майбутньої Української Світової Інформаційної Мережі. Йдеться про зміст пакетів, які вклю-чатимуть реєстрацію та обслуговування доменів, тренінги з роботи над сайта-ми, фахову журналістську й редакторську підготовку чи перепідготовку членів Ме-режі тощо.У висновках наголошується, що україноцентрична система ЗМІ є одним із клю-чових, вирішальних фактів і факторів системних змін в Україні. Унікальність цього проекту ще й у тому, що він розглядає інформаційний простір України у нерозрив-ному зв'язку з інформаційним простором української діаспори, а отже — і світовим інформаційним простором.

У статті осмислюється феномен європейських цінностей, як важливої складо- вої інтеграції України в співдружність європейських країн. З'ясовується сутність і значення стандартів західної цивілізації для розвитку української держави, визна- чаються проблеми, які виникають на шляху просування європейських цінностей у різні сфери суспільного життя. Авторами здійснюється спроба пошуку шляхів подолання перешкод, які заважають реалізації європейських прагнень України. ; Problem setting. The entry of Ukraine into the European space has contributed to the formation of pro-European thinking, positive guidelines for the state building, efficient market economy, system of legal support of human life, social security of citizens, na- tional culture, education etc, among large number of Ukrainian people. The change of vector of political consciousness of Ukrainians towards the values of the Western civi- lization has influenced the direction of political process from stagnation to progress and prosperity by reformation and deepening the integration process between the EU and Ukraine, which reflected in Ukrainian legislation. Therefore, the issue of determination of the European values role for the Ukrainian society is relevant and requires compre- hensive examination in modern conditions of functioning and development of Ukrainian state.Recent research and publications analysis. In the works of G. Delanty, A. Giddens,J. Habermas, B. Haievsky, S. Lucarelli, V. Mahun, A. Pagden, O. Valevsky theoretical comprehension of the European values essence, study of their nature, peculiarities of their formation and functioning were displayed. N. Amelchenko, A. Bulvinsky, Y. Holovaha,M. Piren, A. Ruchka, O. Sakalo, Y. Shaihorodsky and others have dedicated their works to the comparison of Ukrainian society values to European values and regulations of life, and to the definition of the values phenomenon place in social and cultural realities.Paper objective. The objective of our research is to find out the essence of European values and their meaning for the development and stable functioning of Ukrainian state. Paper main body. The authors note that the values are multidimensional construction, extremely difficult in realization. Defining the leading role of European values as a standard measuring criteria of the importance of human deeds and activities, Ukraine shares the common values with the EU and considers the integration in political and economical structures of the EU as the priority direction; however, the realization of such a choice is possible on condition that the value consolidation of the population is achieved. Without formation of integral values system, society is doomed to orientation duality, behavior and thinking confrontation, the «crisis of ideals» will happen. Examining the issue of percep- tion of the European values by Ukrainian society, their practical and legislative acknowl- edgment on the territory of our country in conditions of European state development, the authors underline that the public consciousness of a certain number of Ukrainians still hasn't got rid of totalitarian system «viruses»; the authors also have concerns about the loss of national and cultural identity, and inability of innovational development without external assistance and instructions. The problems of a certain inconsistency between the declaration of pan-European values made by Ukrainian authorities as the important com- ponent of Ukrainian integration in united European space, and really existing social and political practice on their implementation, the corruption of the authorities, their irrespon- sibility and the absence of effective mechanism of control over authority representativeselected by people remain unsolved.Conclusions of the research. The conducted analysis allows the authors to conclude that the carrying out of planned reforms, realization of which will help to fix the European standards in society, the educational work among people about formation of psychology of full responsibility of what is happening in the state, including overcoming psychology of inferiority and formation of psychology of public people, responsible for themselves and their country, oriented on participation in democratic transformations, in the process of the state reformation and development of civil society institutions, in protection of citizens interests; people who will to find their own means of participation in social and political life and relationships with the authorities and, finally, to build a prosperous European society. ; В статье осмысливается феномен европейских ценностей, как важной состав- ляющей интеграции Украины в содружество европейских стран. Выясняется сущ- ность и значение стандартов западной цивилизации для развития украинского го- сударства, определяются проблемы, которые возникают на пути продвижения европейских ценностей в различные сферы общественной жизни. Авторами осу- ществляется попытка поиска путей преодоления препятствий, которые мешают реализации европейских стремлений Украины.

The article is devoted to the disclosure of the place and role of ideology as a factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians in the post-colonial era. It is proved that in the Ukrainian state-building process the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians is relevant and complex, and still remains one of the most important. As Ukrainian progress, which opens up new opportunities for the socio-economic, political and spiritual development of Ukrainian society, depends on its solution. It is emphasized that effective work of subjects of consolidation of Ukrainians depends on a complex of socio-economic, political and spiritual factors. One of the determining factors in the spiritual sphere is ideology, which should be national in its essence, since it is intended to unite all representatives of ethnic and national minorities of Ukrainian society, based on the ideas of spirituality, social justice and national patriotism, taking into account historical traditions and existing realities of the modern world. Exactly this kind of unifying ideology should determine the main direction of the Ukrainian policy of the unity of society, the system of its ideals and values. Therefore, the search for such an ideology is an important factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians, especially in today post-colonial era. World experience clearly shows that those societies that have an ideological consolidation core, which is understandable and supported by every citizen, are developing more dynamically. According to its status, this consolidation core is one of the ideological foundations of state ideology, the discussion on its development is still ongoing. Its acuteness intensifies the existing confrontation of the various, though not formed party ideologies, which somehow still claim to state status, trying to revise the legislative norm, according to which the most important carrier of state ideology is the Constitution. And other bearers of state ideology have the right, within their powers and ideological directions, to use the fundamental principles of state ideology, such as: to defend state independence and sovereignty, democratic social order, civil society, human rights, etc., but they shoyd not revise these fundamental basics of statehood. A special protection needs a consolidation aspect of state ideology, since it is a kind of manifestation of civic education and the core of person politicization. In each state, ideology is called differently - Americanism, Russianism, Polonism, Zionism, and so on. In Ukraine, due to the kind of scientific ostracism that appeared (and quite well-grounded) after the proclamation of independence in connection with the contemporary ideology and mono-ideology that was in the Soviet Union, it is difficult to name the ideology. Nowadays, a number of scholars and party ideologists are inclined to think that the term "solidarism", based on the ideas of the consolidation of the ideology of Ukrainians, could be used, based on the ideas that only solidarity of just cooperation and mutual assistance of all members of society is the basis of social, economic and political progress.
It is noteworthy that some Ukrainian political parties in their updated (after the Revolution of Dignity) programs use the term "solidarism" to consolidate Ukrainians. In particular, the political party, the People's Front, defines its programmatic task to restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine, liberate it from terrorists, foreign troops, mercenaries, and to conduct reforms. The PF ideologists associate these tasks with the consolidation of Ukrainians. Ideologists of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR) political party proceed from the assumption that only a consolidated country can be effective and competitive in the world. "We must realize, - stated in the UDAR program, that the goals that unite us are more important than the historical myths and ideologies that can separate us." A lot of attention is paid to the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians through the disclosure of the idea of
solidarity in the program of the political party "Petro Poroshenko Bloc Solidarity "(new edition). In this program it is declared for the first time that the party puts the idea of solidarity at the basis of its ideology. The idea of solidarity in the «Batkivshchyna» Party, whose program was adopted in 1999, has its own story, but as long as this solidarity spirit is officially not reflected as an ideology in its program.
The article contains a recommendation for Ukrainian political forces to study more thoroughly the ideological grounds of solidarity ideas with a view to their possible use in their political and ideological activities.

This article deals with historical stages of development of notaries during all the time of the Ukrainian state. The matter is that the notary serves as one of the legal forms of the people's relations consolidation. In the course of the research four basic development stages of notary were found and identified, including the Princely, Cossack, National and Democratic and Modern ones. Taking into account the specificity of their development each of these stages had its own characteristics and peculiarities. The first stage of notaries' development in Ukraine was the period of the princely state. At an early stage of this period there was no need for people to approve documentary civil agreements. That is why they were concluded orally and the fact of their commission was confirmed by the witnesses in court. But the situation has slightly changed after the XII century. There appeared a need for notaries function that was associated with a low educational level of the population and increasing the demand of legal services, which were regulating the purchase and alienation of rights to land and serfs, and later - in real estate. The Cossack stage was marked by the fact that until the middle of the XVIII century written agreements were mostly absent. Although later, the system of compulsory attendance, registration and recording to the government (judicial) books of private acts has appeared. So we can observe the sights, documents of Ukrainian law that regulated the relations of courts and notaries activities. In the years of independence the Law of Ukraine «On Property» (1991) and other legislative acts (for instance the Law of Ukraine «On Notary» (1993)) were adopted. As a result the competence of public notaries has expanded considerably, increased the need, the number and scope of notaries acts. ; В данной статье рассмотрены исторические этапы развития нотариата во разные времена развития украинского государства. В ходе исследования было установлено и определено четыре основных этапа развития нотариата, в частности: княжеский, казацкий, национально-демократический и современный. Каждый из которых, учитывая специфику его развития, имел свои признаки и особенности. Первым этапом развития нотариата на территории Украины был княжеский период становления государственности. На начальной стадии данного периода у людей не возникало необходимости документально утверждать гражданско-правовые сделки, поэтому они заключались устно, а факт их совершения подтверждали свидетели в судебном порядке. Но ситуация несколько изменилась после XII в., когда возникла необходимость в нотариальных функциях, связанная с низким уровнем образования населения и увеличением спроса на юридические услуги, которые регулировали приобретение и отчуждение прав на землю и холопов, позже на недвижимость. Казацкий этап отметился тем, что к середине XVIII в. письменные соглашения в основном игнорировались. Хотя впоследствии, когда возникла система обязательной явки, регистрации и записи в правительственных (судебных) книгах частных актов, появились упоминания, документы украинского права, которые регулировали отношения судов и нотариальную деятельность. В годы независимости, с принятием Закона Украины «О собственности» (1991 г.) и некоторых других законодательных актов, в частности Закона Украины «О нотариате (1993 г.), значительно расширилась компетенция государственных нотариусов, увеличилась потребность, количество и объем нотариальных действий. ; У статті розглянуто історичні етапи розвитку нотаріату в різні часи української держави. В процесі дослідження було встановлено та визначено чотири основних ета- пи розвитку нотаріату, зокрема: княжий, козацький, національно-демократичний і су- часний, кожен з яких, враховуючи специфіку його розвитку, мав свої ознаки та особли- вості. Першим етапом розвитку нотаріату на території України був княжий період стано- влення державності. На початковій стадії даного періоду у людей не виникало потреби документально затверджувати цивільно-правові угоди, саме тому вони укладались ус- но, а факт їхнього вчинення підтверджували свідки в судовому порядку. Але ситуація дещо змінилася після XII ст., коли виникла необхідність у нотаріальних функціях, яка була пов'язана з низьким рівнем освіти населення і збільшенням попиту на юридичні по- слуги, які регулювали придбання та відчуження прав на землю та холопів, пізніше – на нерухомість. Козацький етап відзначився тим, що до середини XVIII ст. писемні угоди здебільшого нехтувалися. Хоча згодом, коли виникла система обов'язкової явки, реєстрації та запи- су до урядових (судових) книг приватних актів, з'явилися пам'ятки, документи українсь- кого права, які регулювали відносини судів та нотаріальну діяльність. У роки незалежності, з ухваленнфм Закону України «Про власність» (1991 р.) та деяких інших законодавчих актів, зокрема Закону України «Про нотаріат (1993 р.), значно розширилася компетенція державних нотаріусів, збільшилась потреба, кількість і обсяг нотаріальних дій.

VTT Technology 293 ; Aimed at policy makers, regulators, industry managers and other stakeholders, this white paper makes explicit some key issues for regulating safety and major accident risk within industries. Based on a sociotechnical system approach, we recommend that safety regulators shall be oriented towards operational variability and the optimisation of technical-human interactions in industrial systems, including a micro-macro scale for describing system influences on accident risks and safety outcomes. In the paper, we discuss how and why current regulatory approaches to safety lack focus on the dynamics of safety within industries and the relationships between safety outcomes and systemic factors, such as regulatory culture, labour relations and evolving modes of production. For example, globalisation processes are increasing in frequency and speed across industries, shaping new operational constraints on high-risk systems. New interconnected systems following the digitalisation of information and communication technology, the liberalisation of trade and finance, deregulation and privatisation agendas are other examples of supranational processes creating new environments for high-risk companies, responsible states and civil society. The implications for major accident risk following such wide-scoped transformations are not straightforward and have to be understood in relation to their industrial contexts. In order to address changes in society, accident models and regulatory practices have to be broadened and developed beyond today's focus of monitoring compliance. This paper gives an overview of how sociotechnical system ideas have developed in association with industrial safety and maps the conceptual foundations for current regulatory methods and practices. Sociotechnical system models are also described, demonstrating different ways of representing major accident risks and safety from sociotechnical system perspectives. Safety is explained as a dynamic property of systems determined in relation to industrial contexts. Safety is situational and a property in continuous development, on the one side relying on a systems structured processes and formalised situations such as accident investigations, audits, inspection and meetings while on the other side being symbolic and related to a systems culture, power relations, trust and human emotions. Consequently, several domains of knowledge interact, and we present a framework for knowledge about safety that includes 1) engineering and technology, 2) human and organisational factors, 3) strategy and management and 4) politics and governance. The implications of such a framework for proactive approaches to regulation are discussed in the paper, focusing on possible regulatory strategies for moving forward. Our approach raises regulatory implications that connect to the potential safety benefit of increasing proactive investigations as well as strategies focusing on the strengthening of safety structures and risk awareness processes within companies. In addition, we highlight the importance of systemic issues for regulation. Among other areas, the increasing pace of developments within information technology and automation as well as the extensive organisational changes within many industries following globalisation suggests the need to improve strategies for monitoring systemic trends and finding appropriate ways to regulate safety when systems become globalised. We suggest that it may also be possible to improve industries' management of major accident risks by encouraging strategies for 1) auditing the regulatory systems, 2) supporting networks of safety and reliability professionals and 3) monitoring precursor conditions in relation to change. ; White paper tarkastelee sosioteknistä turvallisuuden arviointia historiallisista, teoreettisista ja turvallisuustutkimuksen lähtökohdista. Turvallisuuskriittisten organisaatioiden, kuten ilmailun, öljy- ja kaasuteollisuuden, kemianteollisuuden ja ydinvoimateollisuuden, onnettomuudet ovat seurausta useiden toisiinsa kytkeytyneiden systeemien - niin teknisten kuin sosiaalistenkin - keskinäisvuorovaikutuksesta. Onnettomuuksien sosiotekninen luonne edellyttää myös turvallisuuden näkemistä sosioteknisenä, jännitteisenä ja alati syntyvänä ominaisuutena. Raportissa todetaan, että sosioteknisyys on mukana onnettomuuksien hahmottamisessa, mutta sitä ei ole vielä riittävästi sisällytetty turvallisuuskriittisten organisaatioiden valvontaan. Perinteisesti teollisuuden valvonta on perustunut riskien analyysiin ja sääntöjen noudattamisen valvontaan. Sääntöjen noudattaminen ei kuitenkaan yksin riitä takaamaan turvallisuutta.Monimutkaisessa sosioteknisessä tilanteessa tarvittaisiin kykyä tarkastella turvallisuutta kokonaisvaltaisesti. Sosioteknisyyden huomioiminen valvonnassa edellyttäisi organisaation toimintaan vaikuttavan todellisuuden ymmärtämistä tarkkailemalla muutostekijöitä, kuten toimintojen ulkoistamisia ja niiden vaikutuksia turvallisuuden kannalta tärkeisiin toimintoihin.Muutostekijöihin lukeutuvat teknologiset, yhteiskunnalliset, taloudelliset ja poliittiset tekijät. Sosioteknistä ymmärrystä voivat edistää teollisuuden kokeneet, useammassa tehtävässä olleet asiantuntijat, joilla on laaja ymmärrys oman organisaationsa toiminnasta. Valvontajärjestelmän auditointiakin on ehdotettu keinoksi edistää sosioteknistä lähestymistapaa. Sosioteknisyyden sisällyttäminen valvontaan edellyttää paitsi osaamista, henkilö- ja taloudellisia resursseja myös valvojan ja valvottavan suhteen uudelleen pohdintaa. Raportti ei ole lopullinen vastaus sosioteknisyyden haasteeseen valvonnalle vaan paremminkin lähtökohta keskustelulle valvonnan sosioteknisyydestä.

Table of contents: Wojciech Włoch -The Democratic Paradox Revisited - how liberal constitutionalism supports democratic equality; Tomasz Milej - Liberal democracy's rocky path – the cases of Kenya and Tanzania; Tímea Drinóczi, Agnieszka Bień-Kacała - Illiberal constitutionalism in Hungary and Poland: The case of judicialization of politics; Fabio Ratto Trabucco - The Hungarian Judicial System evolution between 'Orbánism' and European Governance; Zbigniew Witkowski, Maciej Serowaniec - The role of 'controlled' referendum in Polish democracy; Faith Kabata - Impact of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mechanisms in Kenya; Lóránt Csink, Réka Török - The collision of national security purpose secret information gathering and the right to privacy. The present and future of Hungarian regulation; István Sabjanics - The Legality of National Security; Václav Stehlík - Metamorphosis of Public Security Exception in the EU Internal Market and EU Citizens' Rights ; Can a democracy work without liberalism? Or in other words, is the concept of governing and being governed in turns sustainable without respecting individual rights? Or is a democracy doomed to be hijacked by authoritarian rulers, if not backed by robust mechanisms of individual rights protection, by a rule of law and as system, in which – as James Madison wanted – an ambition is made to counteract ambition and the abuses of government are controlled? A standard answer of the so-called 'Western' constitutionalism is still a clear 'no'. The present volume offers study material on countries and historical situations, in which this clear 'no' faces challenges. It traces trajectories of democracy's development as it embraced and rejected liberal ideas. The contribution by Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała does it with respect to Hungary and Poland, while the contribution by Tomasz Milej focuses on Kenya and Tanzania. But before embarking on the developments in particular countries, Wojciech Włoch takes the reader through the contemporary thought on the relationship between democracy and liberalism. He argues from the philosophical perspective that the liberal ideal of equal rights of individuals enables a democracy to thrive and prosper. Tomasz Milej takes up this point showing on the examples of Kenya and Tanzania how the attempts to base a democratic regime on illiberal pillars eventually lead to a collapse of the same. In this vein, Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała make a strong case against theorising violations of constitutional stipulations and disenfranchisement of judiciaries as some new concepts of democracy or political constitutionalism as opposed to the legal one; one of the terms they prefer to describe the departure from the liberal democracy is abusive constitutionalism. Various examples for this type of regime from Hungarian practice are provided by Fabio Ratto Trabucco, who discusses the legal means employed by the Hungarian government to take over the judiciary by replacing judges with new ones under a new politicised appointment procedure. In so doing, the author also discusses the interaction of the Hungarian government with external actors, such as Venice Commission and various organs of the European Union. On such a dialogue focuses Faith Kabata documenting a poor record of Kenya in implementing of the UN monitoring bodies recommendations and even obstructionism by the state executive organs regarding civil and political rights. Her study shows that these rights were best implemented when individuals took their cases to the courts and that the biggest obstacle to the implementation was a lack of social and political internalisation of certain human rights provisions. Aren't those internalisation deficits the same ones that derailed the liberal democracy – at least temporarily – in Hungary and Poland? One could look from this perspective at the failure of the direct democracy instruments to enhance people's participation in public matters, as discussed by Zbigniew Witkowski and Maciej Serowaniec in the Polish context. Those more general accounts are supplemented by three case studies on a sensitive area of clash between the collective and individual interest. The contributions by Lóránt Csink and Réka Török, by István Sabjanics and by Václav Stehlík examine the relationship between the national security concerns and the individual freedoms. Quite interestingly, Stehlík's research shows that the readjustment away from the individual movement rights towards the protection of national security concerns has also found its way into the case law of the Court of Justice if the European Union.

Indonesia sebagai negara yang berdasarkan hukum (rechstat), mempunyai konsekuensi yakni adanya supremasi hukum. Ini artinya, setiap tindakan administrasi negara harus berdasarkan hukum yang berlaku, selain harus memberikan kepastian hukum (asas legalitas). Sistem demokrasi yang berlandaskan hukum dan berkedaulatan rakyat menjadi dasar kehidupan dalam berbangsa dan bernegara. Demokrasi sebagai sistem pemerintahan yang dianut oleh Indonesia menyatakan bahwa suatu pemerintahan dipimpin oleh rakyat, dari rakyat, dan untuk rakyat. Bentuk pengejawantahan dari sistem demokrasi adalah diselenggarakannya Pemilu secara langsung. Adapun landasan dasar dilaksanakannya pemilu adalah pasal 22 E ayat (1) Undang Undang Dasar 1945 yang telah mengamanatkan diselenggarakannya pemilu dengan berkualitas, mengikutsertakan partisipasi rakyat seluas-luasnya atas prinsip demokrasi yakni langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur dan adil melalui suatu perundang-undangan (Handayani, 2014: 1). Pemilihan umum sebagai sarana pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat yang dilaksanakan secara langsung, umum, bebas, jujur, dan adil dengan menjamin prinsip perwakilan, akuntabilitas dan legitimasi dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Dinamika pada pemilihan umum seringkali diwarnai dengan isu mahar politik oleh para kontestan politik, sebagaimana dipublikasi diberbagai media di Indonesia. Praktik mahar politik dapat dipahami sebagai transaksi dibawah tangan yang melibatkan pemberian sejumlah dana dari calon pejabat tertentu untuk jabatan tertentu dalam pemilu partai politik sebagai kendaraan politiknya (Susilo, 2018: 155). Pemilihan umum sejatinya merupakan sebuah arena yang mewadahi para calon kandidat dalam kontestasi politik yang meraih kekuasaan partisipasi rakyat untuk menentukan pilihan dan sebagai penyalur hak sosial dan politik masyarakat itu sendiri (Simamora, 2014: 2).Pelaksanaan pemilu memberikan harapan rakyat dengan lahirnya seorang pmimpin yang mampu menyejahterakan dan membahagiakan rakyat dengan beberapa kebijakan yang dibuatnya. Namun dalam proses pemilu seringkali dicederai oleh beberapa oknum dari para calon kandidat beserta tim suksesnya yang mengunakan segala cara untuk memenangkan kontestasi politik, selain mahar politik, money politic juga kerap menjadi isu hangat dalam kontestasi politik. Terjadinya politik uang bukan hanya pada pasangan kandidat, namun juga karena masyarakat yang berpikir instan seringkali tertarik dengan politik uang. Penegakan hukum dalam kasus ini perlu diperhatikan guna melestarikan pesta demokrasi yang bersih dari tindak pidana dalam pemilu (Hadi; Fadhlika; Ambarwati, 2018: 398).Prinsip demokrasi dan keadilan dalam pemilihan umum (electoral justice) adalah keterlibatan masyarakat merupakan hal yang mutlak. Hak masyarakat sangat mendasar dan asasi sifatnya. Hal ini diamini, sebagaimana dimuat dalam Universal Declaration of Human Right 1948 yang telah dijamin juga dalam konvenan dan turunannya, terlebih dalam Convenan on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Cultural and social Rights atau yang lumrah disebut dengan International Bill of Human Rights. Dengan dicantumkannya hak dasar dalam pelaksanaan pemilu, maka berlaku pula prinsip-prinsip integritas pemilu yang mensyaratkan adanya pemantauan masyarakat yang independen dan penyelenggaraan pemilu yang transparan dan akuntabel. Hal ini serupa pentingnya dengan prinsip lain yang juga harus ditetapkan oleh institusi penyelenggara (KPU) dengan memiliki standar perilaku dan beretika, serta mampu menerapkan aturan secara adil tanpa pandang bulu.Untuk menjamin agar pemilu berjalan sesuai dengan ketentuan dan asas pemilu, diperlukan suatu pengawalan terhadap jalannya setiap tahapan pemilu. Dalam konteks pengawasan pemilu di Indonesia, pengawasan terhadap proses pemilu dilembagakan dengan adanya lembaga Badan Pengawas Pemilu (Bawaslu). Pengawasan dari Bawaslu adalah bentuk pengawasan yang terlembaga dari suatu organ Negara.Terlepas dari aturan tentang pemilihan umum yang diatur sedemikan rupa untuk memberikan kedaulatan bagi rakyat itu sendiri dalam penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, pada prakteknya terdapat banyak permasalahan yang pada akhirnya mengurangi, merampas, dan meniadakan kedaulatan rakyat dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu. Pemerintahan yang seharusnya berasal dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, dan untuk rakyat berubah menjadi pemerintahan yang berasal, dari, dan untuk kepentingan kelompok tertentu. Hal yang paling mencolok terjadi dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden yakni Black Campaign. Permasalahan penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum yang berakibat pada kedaulatan rakyat seperti money politic, budaya money politic marak terjadi dimana – mana dan bukan lagi merupakan rahasia umum. Praktik politik uang terjadi pada saat pengusungan calon yang dilakukan partai dan pada saat pencarian dukungan langsung dari rakyat. Rakyat dibayar, disuap, untuk memilih calon tertentu. Dengan demikian, rakyat dalam menentukan pilihannya tidak lagi dalam kehendak bebas, kesadaran akan bangsa dan negara, maupun dalam pengendalian penuh atas dirinya. Money politic meniadakan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat dalam pemilihan umum. Suara yang diberikan tidak berdasarkan prinsip jujur dan adil.

The increasing scarcity of public funds, as well as the continued efforts in improving the quality and efficiency of public services, have made the public-private partnership a legal-economic scheme more attractive both for States and for industry stakeholders. Indeed, PPPs, which were developed initially because of the public budgetary constraints, have subsequently proved its suitability in allowing the retrieval of additional resources to those strictly necessary for the basic realization of projects of general interest and to operate efficiencies of the system. From this point of view they can be considered an effect of economic globalization which identifies the increasing costs that systems must support to compete into a competitive economic arena. EU Member State Governments do not seem to longer regard themselves as having a purely national dimension in an internationalized context where every entity is more inclined to act like a market player (1) (Osborne S. P., Public–private partnerships: theory and practice in international perspective, Routledge, London, 2003), nevertheless citizens demand public services with higher quantity and quality despite being willing to pay for them a consistently lower price. As detailed in this work, the European Union does not expressly provides a definition of public-private partnership, indeed all forms relate to the works, services, supplies, shall be "positively" included in the public procurement legislation. In particular, the trend towards establishing PPPs in research & development occurred and increased in various contexts to address market failures and to benefit of different spillover effects. In comparison with other policy instruments pursuing similar goals, this one respond better to the latest trends in research and innovation processes, i.e. increased scientific content of technological development, increasing dependency on external knowledge for innovation generation, changing business R&D strategies (e.g. open innovation) and rapidly evolving social needs (2) (Guinet, J., (2005), 'Public-Private Partnerships for Research and Innovation. The experience of OECD countries', Science and Technology Policy Division, OECD, Paris (unpublished paper)). The cases analyzed, both the "JTIs" (Joint Technology Initiatives) and the "cPPPs" (Contractual Public Private Partnerships) constitute absolute specificities in the PPP general domain, first for the intrinsic characteristics of the scientific & technological research (long-term nature of returns and uncertainty of outcomes), secondly because the public operator does not act in order to obtain or provide public goods but for the pursuit of its institutional goals, such as public scientific research. They cannot be considered totally as public-private partnerships at least in terms of positive law, but our cases fall down in the atypical scheme as referred for the first time by the European Commission guidelines in 2003 when the different major categories were outlined involving more or less private sector involvement (3) (DG Regional Policy: guidelines for successful public-private partnerships, March 2003). Moreover, the private component is identified, as in classic ppp cases, not by means of public evidence but on the basis of a political-strategic selection. Original goals of this work is to make a useful reconstruction of all the European Commission PPPs in research & innovation, focusing on the behavior and performance of three cases of contractual PPPs under the framework program FP7 and Horizon 2020 managed by directorate D (Industrial Technologies) of DG Research & Innovation (RTD) in which I have been professionally involved as civil servant for the years 2014 and 2015. Due to the fact that few of the projects funded have not yet been completed and the research outputs are not yet definitive, the analysis has been carried through a qualitative approach obtaining qualitative indicators extrapolated by the previous assessments done by the Commission, primary internal department sources and successful ended projects with high impact results, unstructured interviews. The research objective is to explain their ability to be attractive for the private sector and to be an effective tool to reach the EU policy targets compared to the "no PPP option", for instance the standard framework programme (FP7 and Horizon 2020). The aspect of the "attractiveness" in particular is missing in the literature of the research PPPs elaborated, therefore this work hopes to give a contribution, even if minimum, to the efforts currently in place in the academic and management community to design and configure and ideal PPP framework for effective interaction between public institutions and market players which shall feed the service of scientific and technological research targets established at European Union policy level.

The United States began pursuing a transition to majority rule in Rhodesia in 1976 by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Kissinger had noted the situation in Rhodesia already in 1969 but chose to pursue majority rule in order to de-escalate the armed conflict in Rhodesia and to avoid a Cold War confrontation in the region similar to the Angolan civil war. Kissinger closely cooperated with the British and started a diplomatic process which aimed to bring majority rule to the country. Kissinger's biggest accomplishment regarding the Rhodesian quest for majority rule came in September 1979 when Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith publicly embraced majority rule for the first time. A conference in Geneva was set up that fall led by the British but it was unsuccesful and did not lead to a transition. Jimmy Carter won the United States Presidential elections of 1976 and was inaugurated in 1977 marking an end to Kissinger's role in US foreign policy. The Carter administration continued to pursue majority rule in Rhodesia and continued where Kissinger had left off. However the Carter administration had an emphasis on human rights which lead to the new administration working more closely with the Zimbabwean nationalists and neighboring Presidents compared to Kissinger who had closely cooperated with South Africa. The Carter administration also continued to closely work together with the British and tried to keep the momentum alive achieved by Kissinger in 1976. The Carter administration met with several setbacks and did not reach major breakthroughs regarding Rhodesia. The Smith regime of Rhodesia agreed to an internal settlement with some of the Zimbabwean nationalists which lead to the forming of the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian state in 1979. Although the new administration was not internationally recognized, it was a majority ruled country chosen by a general election that did not meet international criteria. At this point several domestic factors in the US combined with the newly appointed British Government led to the US pulling back from actively taking part to finding a solution to the conflict. Finally in 1980 after months of negotiating between the British, the Smith regime and the African nationalists of Rhodesia a general election was held and the new majority ruled state of Zimbabwe was founded. ; Yhdysvallat pyrki edesauttamaan Rhodesian siirtymistä enemmistövaltaan ensimmäistä kertaa vuonna 1976 silloisen ulkoministeri Henry Kissingerin toimesta. Yhdysvaltojen johtohahmot olivat huomioineet enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen vaikutukset Rhodesiassa jo vuonna 1969 mutta eivät nähneet syytä toimia asian suhteen. Seitsemän vuotta myöhemmin pääasiassa geopoliittiset syyt ja kylmänsodan eskaloitumisen pelko ajoivat Kissingerin aktiivisesti kampanjoimaan enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen puolesta etsien diplomaattista ratkaisua aseelliseen konfliktiin. Kissinger toimi vahvasti yhteistyössä Iso-Britannian kanssa kaikissa Rhodesiaan liittyvissä toimissa, sillä virallisesti alue oli yhä Iso-Britannian siirtomaa. Vuoden 1976 diplomatia johti rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smithin puheeseen syyskuussa, jossa Smith ensimmäistä kertaa julkisesti tunnusti enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen välttämättömäksi. Neuvottelut johtivat Iso-Britannian isännöimään konferenssiin, johon osallistuivat kaikki Rhodesian konfliktin osapuolet. Konferenssi ei onnistunut löytämään ratkaisuja keskeisiin kysymyksiin ja päättyi tuloksettomana vuoden lopussa. Kissinger väistyi ulkopolitiikasta presidentti Carterin voitettua Fordin syksyn 1976 vaaleissa ja astuessa virkaan 1970 helmikuussa. Carterin hallinto jatkoi pitkältä edeltäjiensä viitoittamalla tiellä pyrkiessään saavuttamaan enemmistövallan Rhodesiaan. Vaikka Carterin hallinto piti kylmänsodan eskaloitumista yhä vaarana, se samaan aikaan painotti ihmisoikeuksia joka näkyi erilaisena lähestimystapana Rhodesiaan liittyvässä diplomatiassa verrattuna Kissingeriin. Siinä missä Kissinger oli pääasiassa koordinoinut Etelä-Afrikan ja Rhodesian naapurivaltojen kanssa, Carterin hallinto oli laajemmin suoraan yhteydessä zimbabwelaisiin nationalisteihin. Carterin hallinto oli Etelä-Afrikan apartheidin vastustaja joka osaltaan heikensi maiden välejä myös Rhodesiaan liittyvissä kysymyksissä. Carterin hallinto koordinoi erittäin tiiviisti Iso-Britannian kanssa yrittäessään saavuttaa enemmistövaltaan siirtyminen Rhodesiassa niin pian kuin mahdollista. Kovasta yrityksestä huolimatta anglo-amerikkalainen yhteistyö kohtasi useita vastoinkäymisiä niin sisäpoliittisesti, kuin ulkopoliittisesti. Vuosien 1977 ja 1978 aikana järjestettiin useita pienempiä neuvotteluita Rhodesian tilanteeseen liittyen mutta suurempi kaikkien osapuolien välinen siirtymään pohjaava konferenssi jäi toteutumatta. Samanaikaisesti Rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smith pyrki saavuttamaan niin kutsutun sisäisen ratkaisun maltillisten nationalistien kesken, jossa siirtymävaihe ja sen hallinto sovittaisiin ilman ulkovaltoja tai aseelliseen konfliktiin osallistuvia nationalisteja. Vuonna 1979 sisäisen ratkaisun pohjalta Rhodesia muutti nimensä Zimbabwe-Rhodesiaksi ja järjesti vaalit, joissa maalle valittiin enemmistövaltainen hallitus. Kansainvälinen yhteisö ei kuitenkaan tunnustanut tätä valtiota ja maata vastaan asetetut taloudelliset pakotteet pysyivät voimassa. Yhdysvaltojen aktiivinen osallistuminen Rhodesiaan liittyen päättyi vuoteen 1979 ja Iso-Britannian uusi hallitus jatkoi neuvotteluja Yhdysvaltojen tuella mutta ilman sen aktiivista osallistumista prosessiin. Lopulta neuvottelut johtivat avoimiin äänestyksiin ja vuonna 1980 kansainvälisesti tunnustettu ja enemmistövaltainen Zimbabwen valtio perustettiin.

The relationship between democracy and inequality and the role of democratic participation in fostering redistribution has been a critical question of interest to economists over time. My dissertation focuses on a key aspect of democratic participation - the ability of citizens to form political parties and contest elections - and empirically identifies the relationship between the distribution of political power, and the distribution of public resources. To this effect, I study the economic impacts emanating from the political mobilization of historically underprivileged and socio-economically disadvantaged citizen groups in India - the low caste and indigenous communities - which has occurred over the past three decades. While comprising over half the nation's population, citizens from these groups have faced institutionalized discrimination through the hierarchical caste system, severely restricting their access to education, public institutions and basic services. This process of political mobilization by low caste citizens resulted in the formation of powerful caste-based political parties which contested elections in an attempt to capture political power through the democratic process, and subsequently, use their nascent state power to redirect public resources to their communities. The core chapters of this dissertation empirically document the economic and social impacts emanating from this change in the distribution of political power through democratic processes, resulting in the political empowerment of marginalized citizen groups. The first chapter of my dissertation identifies the economic impacts of this process of political mobilization. Using the outcome of close elections between parties exclusively representing low caste interests and other mainstream parties as the source of exogenous variation, the paper shows that the marginal legislator from low caste parties increases the share of state expenditures allocated towards targeted and untargeted welfare schemes benefitting low caste citizens by 2 and 1 percent. In a departure from existing studies in the literature which have exploited the system of mandated representation of low caste politicians in India, my paper shows that the mandated representation of low caste politicians has no impact on welfare transfers for low caste citizens when unaccompanied by a strong ex-ante party commitment in favour of low caste welfare. This paper also highlights the trade-offs emanating from the redistributive spending choices of fiscally constrained legislators by identifying the negative impact of the marginal legislator from low caste parties on public investments in road construction and electricity generation. Using tests of heterogeneity, the paper argues that the redistributive spending preferences of legislators from low caste parties is one of the mechanisms explaining the negative causal impact between the electoral success of these parties and regional inflows of private investment. Low caste citizens in India have often been victims of targeted violence by social elites in an attempt to preserve the existing social hierarchy and consolidate economic rents. This forms the motivation for the second chapter of my dissertation, identifying the causal impact of low caste parties on the incidence of targeted crimes against low caste citizens. The empirical results from this paper show that the marginal legislator from low caste parties reduces the incidence of violent crimes against low caste citizens by 4-14 percent and contribute significantly to the protection of civil rights. The paper also identifies the mechanisms explaining the reduced form impact - first, through higher rates of arrest, prosecution and diligence with which law enforcement agencies pursue such cases of targeted violence; second, through changes in the attitudes of low-caste citizens towards state institutions which affect the enforcement of criminal law.Finally, the third chapter of my dissertation focuses on a major question of interest in the field of development economics and economic growth - the role of agricultural growth in the process of structural transformation. Using data from a panel of 273 Indian districts over a twenty-five year period and rainfall shocks as an instrument for agricultural growth, I present causal evidence that rainfall-induced agricultural growth has a significant impact on the structural transformation process by increasing the share of rural workers employed in the manufacturing sector. My results show that the non-farm employment gains from higher agricultural growth is concentrated amongst unskilled workers with relatively low levels of education, signalling the poverty alleviating aspect of agricultural growth. By studying the differential impact of agricultural productivity across regions with initially low levels of agricultural productivity and urbanization, I also document the potential of agricultural growth to facilitate convergence across regions in terms of rural employment diversification.

Purpose. HRM in uniformed services is researched significantly less than in the civil service which in turn is under researched in comparison to businesses. Recent studies of public employment (e.g. Demmke & Moilanen, 2012) show that due to variety of factors public employment is becoming less attractive in the labour market. However, there is little data that this is the case in the uniformed services in particular. This study aims to evaluate career development experiences of military and statutory servicemembers in Lithuania to collect and interpret data about their understanding of management of the career development and career perspectives both within their services and the broader labor market. Design/methodology/approach. The purpose of this study was to analyze career development mechanisms in the uniformed services (statutory and military services), by identifying advantages, disadvantages of career development systems in the context of emerging challenges to these services, identify connections between successful career development and the sense of social security among servicemembers. The career development analysis was based on 3 career development stages regulated by both statutory and military regulations. 16 experts – all servicemembers were interviewed for the purposes of this study. Based on the interview analysis of how the career development is applied in the respective services a set of comparative criteria were developed to expand the three stages in the initial regulation overview. Findings. Research data showed that two distinct uniformed services in Lithuania are coping very differently with the challenges. This study revealed several important weaknesses of career development mechanism as they are applied in Lithuanian statutory service: lack of sense of social security by servicemembers, insufficient initial training, no clear objective setting mechanisms. In military service lack of information about career opportunities and competition among members for access to qualification courses were found to be important issues. However, the military service career development was found to be more advanced and successful than that of statutory service. So fundamental conclusion of this study is that the military service achieves better outcomes through means of career development than statutory service. Research limitations/implications. Two main groups of factors (internal and external) affect career development process. This research aimed to view the career development through the career outcomes from the perspective of service members themselves. That is why a qualitative research method was chosen as a pilot research on challenges. Qualitative research (interview) was used to find similarities, differences, advantages and disadvantages of career development mechanisms in statutory and military services. Experts' answers to questions on the issues of career development systems advantages and disadvantages of the stages were not sufficiently detailed, so it is hard categorized and did not reveal detailed insights and connections. This disadvantage can be regarded as a restriction on the study, which will be addressed in further studies with other empirical research instruments. However, the survey data were sufficient to distinguish the basic problems of career development in statutory and military services, clearly identified a link between a successful career development and sense of social security. A key implication that we see is that the military service career development instruments are far advanced as opposed to other uniformed services and does demonstrate the benefits of explicit creating career development mechanisms. Practical implications. Comparative analysis of career development mechanisms of the statutory and military services identifies the essential advantages and disadvantages of these systems. For a greater sense of social security, military service has achieved more than other services. Therefore, based on the results of the study suggest that social protection directly determines the success of the career development process, its protection may help to improve the career management system, especially in the statutory service. Originality/Value. There is the lack of research dealing with the career development process specifically in the uniformed services. While career development in terms of legal regulation in statutory and military services justify very similar, in practice, these processes are treated as separate, unlinked elements. This means that best-practices have low chances of being transferred within the public service as whole. As more and more institutions move towards creating career development mechanisms we see a need for more evidence on what predicates success of these mechanisms. That's why such a comparison of two similar councils in terms of career development can help to identify not only individual strengths and weaknesses, but also help in finding solutions to the identified problems, drawing as best practices from each other.

The purpose of this article is to examine and compare how the ethnicity, gender and social class conditions of citizenship influence, and are understood by, teachers and secondary school students in England and Sweden. The intention is also to compare how conditions of citizenship are dealt with in social studies for upper secondary school in England and Sweden. The relationship between students education and real conditions for citizenship is complex and partly differs between, as well as within, the two countries. The present comparative examination and analysis aims to visualize both specific and common conditions of citizenship in England and Sweden. This is to draw attention to how the meaning of frequently used terminology and images in the field of Citizenship Education do not always coincide with teachers' and students' own opinions and perceived meanings. By doing this we hope to contribute some new knowledge regarding one of the most difficult challenges that citizenship education is struggling with, whether the provided knowledge and values prepare todays youth to defend and develop future democratic and just societies. To achieve this, we have conducted a number of interviews with teachers and secondary school students and asked them about their experiences and opinions regarding Citizenship Education and the nature of citizenship. The following main questions were central to the interviews: What knowledge and skills does a citizen need in a democracy and how is the meaning of citizenship connected to gender, class and ethnicity? How are personal liberties affected by the citizen's gender, class and ethnicity according to the respondents? What are teachers' and students' experiences of Citizenship Education and how does school pay attention to citizens´ conditions based on gender, class and ethnicity? In recent years, both public debate and published research have shown that, in order to understand the real meanings of citizenship, it is necessary to understand and interpret formal citizenship rights and responsibilities from individuals' social and cultural conditions as characterised by gender, ethnicity and social class. During the 2000s, the Swedish National Agency for Education (Skolverket) presented recurrent reports that shows how socio-economic background, in combination with foreign background, are crucial for pupils school results. The reports also show how segregation between schools and residential areas has increased on the basis of residents socio-economic and ethnic background. This group of students are a part of tomorrows citizens, which are also likely to remain marginalized even as adults. The links between Swedish school policy, pupils school results and the democratic development of society at large has been observed and analysed in contemporary Swedish research. In England, the picture is slightly different with the 7 per cent of the population who experience private education being over-represented in positions of power and influence. In May 2012, the then Secretary of State for Education Michael Gove provided a list of leaders in the arts, sciences, politics, sports, journalism, entertainment and other fields who had all been to independent schools, concluding that "the sheer scale, the breadth and the depth, of private school dominance of our society points to a deep problem in our country . . . Those who are born poor are more likely to stay poor and those who inherit privilege are more likely to pass on privilege in England than in any comparable county." There is significant evidence that socio-economic background, in combination with ethnic background, continue to be highly influential on pupils school results. Links between national education policy, social class and pupils school results appear to remain entrenched in England. When we identify cultural and social conditions as in any way hindering the status of citizenship, we do so from a perspective which does not seek to blame the less powerful for holding particular cultural perceptions but which recognises the barriers a dominant culture sets against those with less power. The insight that tells us it is necessary to comprehend individuals' social and cultural conditions in order to understand and interpret their formal citizenship rights and responsibilities is not, however, particularly recent. Marx wrote over 160 years ago that, "if you assume a particular civil society . . . you will get particular political conditions", from which it must follow that any society divided on the grounds of class, ethnicity and gender will present political conditions which reflect such divisions. It is also the case that there is likely to be a significant space between what is (the real) and what is perceived (the formal); just because there is inequality it does not follow that everyone is aware of that inequality.

У статті встановлюється специфіка викликів політичної стабільності в умовах наздоганяючої модернізації, розкриваються особливості взаємозв'язку процесу демократичних реформ і збереження суспільної моделі. З'ясовується значення соціальної ціни реформ для внутрішньої суспільної підтримки політичної стабільності. Доведено, що політичні перетворення в країнах Центральної та Східної Європи, незважаючи на послідовність і зміну подій у конкретних країнах, зберегли стабільність моделі, характерні для істонівської концепції політичної системи. Встановлено перелік чинників, які можуть вплинути на успіх або неуспіх політичної стабільності в умовах модернізації. З'ясовано напрямки переосмислення парадигми функціонування органів публічного управління та представництва на локальному рівні. Визначені параметри якості демократичних перетворень, їх глибину і укоріненість у суспільстві. Визначаються компенсаторні механізми порушення політичної стабільності в умовах модернізації, що наздоганяє. Охарактеризована залежність політичної стабільності в умовах наздоганяючої модернізації від етапу перетворень, від завершеності реформ, від політичної волі учасників політичного процесу. З'ясовано роль соціокультурної матриці для реформованих інститутів і напрямків перетворення країни в цілому. ; In contemporary Ukraine after the events of 2013 – 2014 years a lot of attention is paid to the problem of political stability in the context of numerous threats. Moreover, political stability in Ukrainian democratic conditions leads to public sceptical attitude due to the permanent conflict interactions, preconditions for authorities' conflict, free representation of political interests. However, political stability is a basement for policy's institutional infrastructure, its complications and the transition to a new level. Political modernization has traditionally represented the necessity of the renewal of the political system which should bring it to the level of the best world standards. The political progress and sustainable functional democracy are inaccessible, contrary to the fact that Western societies always improve their political relations and get further progress. Thus, in such circumstances, the driving modernization process reveals to be the possibility of achieving status quo in gaininng visible political and social changes within one generation. It has been outlined in the paper that states in conditions of political transformation can not change political institutions immediately within one electoral term. The challenges to the political stability in the transition period are the lack of political will, resources and lack of external support. However, a key problem, connected with these elements, requires further empirical recording and thorough study. Political transformations in Central and Eastern Europe have shown that, despite the consistency and changeable events in the country, it is essential to keep stability model, typical for «institutional concept» of political system. The list of factors that may affect the success or failure of political stability in terms of modernization can include challenges or requests to the institutional capacity and management components of the political system.Specificity of contemporary Ukraine is that the country has to fulfil a number of political transition programs, and to maintain the stability of the chosen model, which is generally consistent with the model in Central and Eastern Europe.The aim of the article is to clarify the characteristics of political stability, political management development and institutional challenges in the ongoing modernization period. The objective of the research is to outline adaptation mechanisms in conditions of the dual dynamics of the political system.To sum up, compensatory mechanisms of the political stability in conditions of the ongoing modernization should accelerate the development of civil society within the absence of a stable and adaptive political community. Challenges to political stability should be compensated by creativity and optimality of the authorities' activities. Prospects for further consideration of problems, being raised in this paper, are as following: to determine the socio-cultural constraints of the institutional adaptability of the political system. ; В статье устанавливается специфика вызовов политической стабильности в условиях догоняющей модернизации, раскрываются особенности взаимосвязи процесса демократических реформ и сохранения общественной модели. Выясняется значение социальной цены реформ для внутренней общественной поддержки политической стабильности. Доказано, что политические преобразования в странах Центральной и Восточной Европы, несмотря на последовательность и изменение событий в конкретных странах, сохранили стабильность модели, которая характерна для истоновской концепции политической системы. Установлен перечень факторов, которые могут повлиять на успех или неуспех политической стабильности в условиях модернизации. Определены направления переосмысления парадигмы функционирования органов публичного управления и представительства на локальном уровне. Определены параметры качества демократических преобразований, их глубину и укорененность в обществе. Определяются компенсаторные механизмы нарушения политической стабильности в условиях модернизации догоняющего. Охарактеризована зависимость политической стабильности в условиях догоняющей модернизации от этапа преобразований, от завершенности реформ, от политической воли участников политического процесса. Выяснена роль социокультурной матрицы для реформированных институтов и направлений преобразования страны в целом.

The article analyzes the impact of information war effectiveness as a key component of the armed conflict between the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. In the article an analysis of materials that speaks for actions of Russian and Austro-Hungarian side is presented. The criteria of informational influence effectiveness are the following: the amount of propaganda produce; counter-propaganda measures; reaction of the authorities, population and target groups to hostile informational impact. Common and specific points are revealed in the actions of both empires in the course of information warfare. The most effective means of internal propaganda were posters and postcards. All kinds of text messages, such as leaflets, manifestos and proclamations are considered to be an effective type of external propaganda. In order to continue an information warfare propagandists had to study the audience. The scope of target groups is achieved by the amount of materials, but big quantity does not guarantee the result. The evaluation of propaganda effectiveness is extremely difficult. Human behavior is influenced by various factors: education, group and social values, instincts. Agitation may be only a special factor that provides the visible consequence of the decision taken earlier. The effectiveness of enemy propaganda can be estimated by the measures that were taken by the object of information warfare – civil and military authorities of the country. These measures varied – starting with censorship, reinterpretation of enemy communications in another perspective to the penalty for spreading enemy propaganda. In the beginning of the war the direct witnesses and participants of events celebrated the success of the official propaganda. The analysis of the sources of personal origin suggests that in most cases hostile propaganda was perceived as misleading because it is considered to be «foreign». Another specific measure to counteract enemy propaganda was redeployment of military units, whose loyalty and stability was questioned. «Slavic» regiments of the Austro-Hungarian army were sent to Italian front, the Russian units with Polish contingent were sent to the Caucasian front. The national question was widely used by both empires. «Slavic issue» of Russian propaganda has succeeded in the first stage of the war. However after the establishment of positional front, the Austro-Hungarian propaganda means were more effective. The findings received will deepen knowledge concerning the confrontation between the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires that occurred before and during the World War I. ; Статья посвящена проблемам оценки эффективности австро-венгерской и российской пропаганды времен Первой мировой войны. На основании результатов сравнительного анализа информационного противостояния между Российской и Австро-Венгерской империями, предложены следующие критерии оценки результативности: масштабы охвата аудитории, целевые группы и эффективность мероприятий контрпропаганды. Многообразие средств и приемов пропагандистского воздействия отражало техническое и общественно-политическое развитие стран того времени.Количество материалов, носивших идеологическую нагрузку, исчисляется сотнями тысяч. Основной формой пропаганды оставалась печатная продукция. Установлено, что уже в 1914 г. у военнослужащих на передовой сформировались определенные установки о противнике. Пропаганда выполнила свою задачу по формированию образа врага.Значительные успехи в информационном противостоянии в начале войны демонстрировала Россия. Этому способствовала идеология панславизма и военные победы на фронте. Причины большей эффективности пропагандистской деятельности Австро-Венгрии и Германии во второй половине войны можно объяснить, прежде всего, остротой внутреннего кризиса в Российской империи.Анализ материалов по исследуемой теме позволяет констатировать, что пропаганда получила статус мощного оружия межгосударственных противостояний в условиях Первой мировой войны. ; Розглянуто проблеми оцінювання ефективності австро-угорської та російської пропаганди часів Першої світової війни. На підставі результатів порівняльного аналізу інформаційного протистояння між Російською та Австро-Угорською імперіями запропоновано такі критерії оцінювання результативності: масштаби охоплення аудиторії, цільові групи та ефективність заходів контрпропаганди. Різноманіття засобів та прийомів пропагандистського впливу відображало тогочасний технічний та суспільно-політичний розвиток країн.Кількість матеріалів, що носила ідеологічне навантаження, обчислюється сотнями тисяч. Основною формою пропаганди залишалася друкована продукція. Встановлено, що вже в 1914 р. у військовослужбовців на передовій сформувалися певні настанови щодо супротивника. Пропаганда виконала своє завдання із формування образу ворога.Значні успіхи в інформаційному протистоянні на початку війни демонструвала Росія. Цьому сприяла ідеологія панславізму й військові перемоги на фронті. Причини більшої ефективності пропагандистської діяльності Австро-Угорщини та Німеччині в другій половині війни можна пояснити насамперед гостротою внутрішньої кризи в Російській імперії. Аналіз матеріалів з досліджуваної теми дозволяє констатувати, що пропаганда набула статусу потужної зброї міждержавних протистоянь в умовах Першої світової війни.