Suchergebnisse

This report details how private and commercial actors also yield a crucial influence on the development, adoption and implementation of EU measures related to immigration. It is based on the assumption that in order to provide the general public and policy-makers with tools to pursue a sustainable and forward-looking policy on migration, the supply-chain of border technologies, functions and infrastructures must be acknowledged. The same is the case for the way in which it features in the processes of multileveled EU border governance, and how commercial actors are positioned and positioning themselves on a profitable market for EU border control that is worth billions of euro. This perspective on border control challenges standard assumptions which privilege the territorial unit of the nation-state, or the stated self-image of the EU as a supranational area of freedom, security and justice. In order to fulfill this goal, this deliverable provides, first, a mapping of the political economy of EU entry governance, realized through a database developed for the purpose, and analysis of the data generated by it. This enables to identify and discuss some of the key actors, processes and networks of this political economy at the level of the EU through key illustrations provided by two central policy drives which have evolved in European border control during the last decades, namely: Interoperability and space surveillance for border control purposes. While a focus on these two themes is not exhaustive, it is argued to be able to demonstrate dynamics, silences and criticism, which needs to be addressed in EU entry governance ; This report details how private and commercial actors also yield a crucial influence on the development, adoption and implementation of EU measures related to immigration. It is based on the assumption that in order to provide the general public and policy-makers with tools to pursue a sustainable and forward-looking policy on migration, the supply-chain of border technologies, functions and infrastructures must be acknowledged. The same is the case for the way in which it features in the processes of multileveled EU border governance, and how commercial actors are positioned and positioning themselves on a profitable market for EU border control that is worth billions of euro. This perspective on border control challenges standard assumptions which privilege the territorial unit of the nation-state, or the stated self-image of the EU as a supranational area of freedom, security and justice. In order to fulfill this goal, this deliverable provides, first, a mapping of the political economy of EU entry governance, realized through a database developed for the purpose, and analysis of the data generated by it. This enables to identify and discuss some of the key actors, processes and networks of this political economy at the level of the EU through key illustrations provided by two central policy drives which have evolved in European border control during the last decades, namely: Interoperability and space surveillance for border control purposes. While a focus on these two themes is not exhaustive, it is argued to be able to demonstrate dynamics, silences and criticism, which needs to be addressed in EU entry governance

The original motive for writing this master's thesis stems from the numerous questions and challenges that the author has encountered as a member of different professional teams operating in cross-cultural contexts. This thesis is a case study of a transnational cooperation project between the Armenia State Pedagogical University (ASPU) and the University of Oulu Faculty of Education (Oulu FE), in which the primary aim was to develop high-quality, research-based teacher education in Armenia. This qualitative study examines the ASPU — Oulu FE cooperation project from a learning-oriented perspective to understand and describe the different aspects and processes of professional and organisational learning in the Armenian-Finnish higher education (HE) context. The following research questions have been used to explore the challenges and opportunities of learning in geographically and culturally fragmented professional teams: — What have the project participants and their respective organisations learned during the cooperation project? (central research question) — What kinds of conditions promote/hinder learning in a transnational learning community according to the project participants? (central research question) — What are the key benefits and challenges of learning in a cross-cultural context according to the project participants? (sub-question) — What kind of development ideas accumulated during the cooperation project? (sub-question) This study also discusses the internationalisation of HE from an uncommon perspective. That is, in this thesis the research focus is on the under-researched relationship between professional and organisational learning, on the infrequently examined concepts of academic professionalism and academic communities of practise, and on the experiences of the ASPU — Oulu FE cooperation project participants as professionals learning at boundaries in an Armenian-Finnish HE context. The study begins with a description on the political and historical research context, in which the internationalisation of higher education is introduced as the overarching contextual umbrella of the study. The theoretical framework will then introduce theoretical perspectives on professional and organisational learning with a special focus on academics, higher education institutions, and the interconnectedness of the individual and organisational learning process. The research process is based on a research methodology known as hermeneutic phenomenology, and the research data, collected primarily from interviews with the cooperation project participants, is analysed by combining research method elements from qualitative case study and theory-guided content analysis. The research findings show that cross-cultural cooperation projects based on the Bologna Process framework can offer unique learning opportunities for the academics and their respective organizations. In the ASPU — Oulu FE cooperation project both parties were ultimately teachers and learners in a transnational context, where cooperation was built on the existing preconditions, resources and strengths of the respective organisations. When examining the research findings as the learning outcomes of an academic community of practice learning at boundaries, the project generated both reflective and transformative learning outcomes. There were reflective learning outcomes which enabled the project organisations and project participants to look differently at their current ways of working by learning from another type of practice. There were also transformative learning outcomes which lead to changes in the existing practices and thought patterns as a result of embracing and applying the ideas of another type of practice. The author believes that this thesis includes both intriguing openings for further research and research findings which are beneficial when planning transnational cooperation projects in the HE context.

This introductory article presents the common research questions of this special issue and offers a joint framework for analysing the change and politicisation of the senior levels of management of different groups of Lithuanian public sector organisations (agencies, state-owned enterprises, personal health care organisations and educational organisations). A comparison of all contributions to this special issue revealed that repeating alterations of governing majorities and governments best explain the frequent turnover of heads of different Lithuanian public sector organisations (except those of personal health care and educational organisations). However, their politicisation is associated with party entrenchment in power, density of the party networks and politicians' beliefs. The factor of civil service legislation and its enforcement is only important in the case of ministerial agencies whose heads hold career civil service positions. Furthermore, variations in the scope of politicisation are related to such administrative factors as the political salience of policy areas and organisational functions, as well as the budget size. This indicates different politicisation motivations and opportunities in the public sector. Therefore, it is the interplay of political and administrative factors that determines the change and politicisation of management in various public sector organisations. In the context of alternating ruling majorities, changing governments and positions, patronage strategies are exercised by political parties and incumbent managers on the 'top-down' or 'bottom-up' basis. These strategies are more actively pursued in policy areas and organisations that are characterised by higher political salience, larger funding or revenue. The likelihood and scope of politicisation is also affected by such facilitating factors as party networks or such constraining factors as legal regulation of the civil service.These results of politicisation research to a large extent correspond to the previous theoretical propositions based on a game theory (prisoner's dilemma) approach. Competing party blocs exercise patronage strategies, responding to their opponents' behaviour in office. If one party bloc politicises the positions of career managers, a competing bloc attempts to force the incumbent managers out of office through organisational restructuring and changing the status of civil service positions. Although political parties may be aware of the negative effects of politicisation, as rational actors they may have no interest in discontinuing their patronage practices in the absence of party cooperation and credible agreements concerning the professional management of public sector managers.The mechanism of 'top-down' politicisation can account for the level of politicisation and its dynamics at the central level, especially among the government agencies and state-owned enterprises. However, unlike at the central level, managers of local-level organisations (especially personal health care organisations, educational organisations and forestry companies) are involved in a different politicisation game. First, if under the 'top-down' politicisation mechanism political parties exercise patronage in order to reward loyal party members and control decision-making, under the 'bottom-up' politicisation mechanism some heads of public sector organisations themselves engage in patronage relations in order to keep their managerial positions, reward loyal members of their organisations and control organisational performance. Second, these mechanisms also differ in terms of politicisation results and processes: if 'top-down' politicisation results in high politicisation and low institutional stability (frequent organisational changes and managers' turnover), the mix of a relatively stable institutional environment and high levels of actual politicisation can co-exist under 'bottom-up' politicisation.

In this report, the results of a research project that examines municipal relations around the Gotha Canal are presented together with a discussion of the factors influencing political and administrative co-operation in general. The report begins with an analysis of the structural factors influencing regional co-operation in Europe and Sweden, and continues with an examination of the ways that actors in the Canal municipalities perceive these structural hinders. In order to achieve this the project has examined inter-municipal co-operation in parts of the Swedish counties of Västergötland and Östergötland. Two central aspects have been examined. The first is the political co-operation between the municipalities, and the second is the administrative co-operation. It should be noted that the municipalities' co-operation around the Gotha Canal cannot be seen as an isolated phenomenon, and that it must be seen in a wider context – that of a relatively recent and general trend towards regional co-operation in the area. In a report of this size it is not possible to describe all details of the different types of co-operation that now exist between the municipalities. Neither has it been the aim of this project to provide a detailed documentation of the various stages in the development of the cooperation around the Gotha Canal up to today. The ambition has been instead to attempt to uncover the factors that are conductive or detrimental to regional development and inter-municipal co-operation both in the specific case of the Canal, and in general. It should also be remembered that regional development in Sweden is an area that is in a process of rapid transition and that in some ways it has only just begun. New developments are taking place all the time, and it is impossible to predict how and where these developments will lead. The study was based primarily on semi-structured interviews with fifteen senior council politicians and civil servants in the municipalities of Mariestad, Töreboda, Karlsborg, Motala, Linköping, Norrköping and Söderköping, as well as with officials in the county of Östergötland. These were analysed together with municipal and county documents. Each interview lasted approximately 40 to 50 minutes. Five of the interviewees were woman and 10 were men and they are referred to in this report only as interviewees. The interviews were recorded and then transcribed into computer files. The transcribed interviews were qualitatively analysed and key concepts and issues identified. These concepts and issues, and the discourses around them, form the central empirical material on which this paper is based. The analysis of the 15 interviews conducted in the course of this project was supplemented by analyses of 41 other interviews with municipal politicians and administrators conducted in previous research projects. It is hoped that this report will be of use to two main groups; first, municipal politicians and civil servants; secondly, members of the business community. The isolation of these two groups from each other has become less marked during the last decade, and attitudes of the groups to each other have changed considerably. There is now a significant need for them to gain a better understanding of the conditions that determine each others spheres of activity, and it is hoped that this report will be able to contribute something to that understanding.

This doctoral thesis is focused on what nowadays is known as the Mesoamerica Project (MP). The Integration and Development Mesoamerica Project arises due to the need not only to the regional integration but also to the lack of solutions to the regional problems.It is important to considerar that at the beginning of this research the member states were only Mexico (MX) and Central America (CA); but Colombia and Dominican Republic (DR) became new members of it. So, we can say that if this research will start today, its title will be "The New Diplomatic and Trade Agenda of the Mesoamerica Project". Nevertheless this research is focused in MEX and CA with some comments related to these two new members but their diplomatic and trade relationships are not mentioned. The principal problem analyzed is that instead of having bilateral or regional free trade agreements and dispersed cooperation mechanisms between MX and CA, the ideal status would be that all the countries should work together under the same "umbrella"; in this case it already exists but in a framented way. This means, that the proposal is to unify everything in one single agreement to facilitate and not to obstruct the region's foreign trade. Besides this, it is relevant to insert Belize notwithstanding the cultural differences between this country and the rest. Therefore, the general objetive is to have one diplomatic-trading bloc between MX and CA so this can help to have a better political and commercial dialogue so this will contribute to an economic development, instead of having different bilateral or sub-regional forums, cooperation understandings, and trade agreements. With this previous information, seven specific objectives were established and became the "backbone" of the complete research. In chapter one, the theoretical framework -that gives support to the entire thesis- is presented. In chapter two, MX-CA's diplomatic and trade relationships background is provided. In chapter three, their current relationships are shown plus Colombia and DR. In chapter four, the MP is explained in a detailed way where all the agenda topics are shown and its current status related to the Development Millenium Goals (DMG) established by the United Nations (UN). In this last chapter, a new agenda -with diplomatic and trade matters- is proposed under the new 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) that replace the DMG, which have been set up by the UN to work for the next 15 years. Along this research, two relevant issues are considered. The first one is to give answers to the central and adjacent hypothesis. The second one is that new possible research areas are mentioned. As final conclusions, every inquiry is answered in order to have as a final reflection that definitely a new agenda in both areas -diplomatic and trade- is required in order to respond to current needs. Being that regional problems, require regional solutions. ; La presente tesis doctoral se enfoca a lo que hoy en día es el Proyecto Mesoamérica. El Proyecto de Integración y Desarrollo de Mesoamérica (PM) surge ante la necesidad no sólo de integración regional, sino como una búsqueda de solución ante problemas regionales en común. Cabe aclarar que al inicio de esta investigación los países miembros de este proyecto eran sólo México y Centroamérica (CA); pero conforme avanzó el tiempo, se integraron Colombia (C) y República Dominicana (RO). Por lo que si el inicio de esta investigación fuera a partir de ahora, el título de ésta sería "La Nueva Agenda Diplomática y Comercial del Proyecto Mesoamérica". Sin embargo, esta tesis está enfocada a México y CA, con algunos comentarios respecto a C y RD, pero no se analizan las relaciones diplomáticas ni comerciales con estos paises ni con nuevos miembros que pudieran suscitarse. Como planteamiento del problerna, se analizó que en lugar de que continúen existiendo tratados comerciales bilaterales o regionales de México con CA por un lado, mecanismos de cooperación dispersos por el otros lado, y de que cada país vaya para caminos diferentes, lo ideal es que caminen juntos cobijados para un mismo proyecto. Es dercir, lo que debe de buscar es unificar un solo tratado para facilitar -y no entorpecer- el comercio de la región; además de insertar a Belice a pesar de las diferencias culturales que existen entre dicho pals y el resto. Dado lo anterior, es que se establece como "objetivo general" el de proponer la conformación de un gran bloque diplomático-comercial entre México y CA con el fin de que ello genere un mayor entendimiento político y comercial entre los países miembros y contribuya a su desarrollo económico. De aquí se derivan siete objetivos específicos, los cuales fueron el eje motor para realizar la investigación necesaria. En el primer capítulo se muestra el marco teórico que da sustento a toda la investigación. En el segundo capftulo se presentan los antecedentes de las relaciones comerciales y diplomáticas entre México y los países centroamericanos. En el tercer capítulo se muestra la actualidad de estas relaciones multilaterales donde se suman Colombia y República Dominicana. En el cuarto capitulo se aborda, de manera detallada, los antecedentes y la actualidad del PM; pasando por los ejes centrales, los temas actuales de su agenda y su status con respecto a los ocho Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio (ODM) establecidos por la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) hace 15 años. En este último capítulo se propone una nueva agenda -tanto diplomática como comercial- para que esté alineada a los 17 nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) que vienen a suplir a los ODM, los cuales han sido establecidos por la ONIU para trabajar los próximos 15 años. A la largo de la tesis, se muestran dos aspectos relevantes. El primero es dar respuestas a !a hipótesis central y a las adyacentes planteadas al principio de esta investigación. El segundo es que se va mencionando posibles líneas de investigación. A manera de conclusiones, se responde a cada una de las interrogantes iniciales para dar como reflexión final que definitivamente se requiere una nueva agenda en ambos aspectos -diplomáticos y comercial- para que responda a las necesidades actuales de la región. Ya que los problemas regionales, requieren de soluciones regionales ; Postprint (published version)

This doctoral thesis is focused on what nowadays is known as the Mesoamerica Project (MP). The Integration and Development Mesoamerica Project arises due to the need not only to the regional integration but also to the lack of solutions to the regional problems.It is important to considerar that at the beginning of this research the member states were only Mexico (MX) and Central America (CA); but Colombia and Dominican Republic (DR) became new members of it. So, we can say that if this research will start today, its title will be "The New Diplomatic and Trade Agenda of the Mesoamerica Project". Nevertheless this research is focused in MEX and CA with some comments related to these two new members but their diplomatic and trade relationships are not mentioned. The principal problem analyzed is that instead of having bilateral or regional free trade agreements and dispersed cooperation mechanisms between MX and CA, the ideal status would be that all the countries should work together under the same "umbrella"; in this case it already exists but in a framented way. This means, that the proposal is to unify everything in one single agreement to facilitate and not to obstruct the region's foreign trade. Besides this, it is relevant to insert Belize notwithstanding the cultural differences between this country and the rest. Therefore, the general objetive is to have one diplomatic-trading bloc between MX and CA so this can help to have a better political and commercial dialogue so this will contribute to an economic development, instead of having different bilateral or sub-regional forums, cooperation understandings, and trade agreements. With this previous information, seven specific objectives were established and became the "backbone" of the complete research. In chapter one, the theoretical framework -that gives support to the entire thesis- is presented. In chapter two, MX-CA's diplomatic and trade relationships background is provided. In chapter three, their current relationships are shown plus Colombia and DR. In chapter four, the MP is explained in a detailed way where all the agenda topics are shown and its current status related to the Development Millenium Goals (DMG) established by the United Nations (UN). In this last chapter, a new agenda -with diplomatic and trade matters- is proposed under the new 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) that replace the DMG, which have been set up by the UN to work for the next 15 years. Along this research, two relevant issues are considered. The first one is to give answers to the central and adjacent hypothesis. The second one is that new possible research areas are mentioned. As final conclusions, every inquiry is answered in order to have as a final reflection that definitely a new agenda in both areas -diplomatic and trade- is required in order to respond to current needs. Being that regional problems, require regional solutions. ; La presente tesis doctoral se enfoca a lo que hoy en día es el Proyecto Mesoamérica. El Proyecto de Integración y Desarrollo de Mesoamérica (PM) surge ante la necesidad no sólo de integración regional, sino como una búsqueda de solución ante problemas regionales en común. Cabe aclarar que al inicio de esta investigación los países miembros de este proyecto eran sólo México y Centroamérica (CA); pero conforme avanzó el tiempo, se integraron Colombia (C) y República Dominicana (RO). Por lo que si el inicio de esta investigación fuera a partir de ahora, el título de ésta sería "La Nueva Agenda Diplomática y Comercial del Proyecto Mesoamérica". Sin embargo, esta tesis está enfocada a México y CA, con algunos comentarios respecto a C y RD, pero no se analizan las relaciones diplomáticas ni comerciales con estos paises ni con nuevos miembros que pudieran suscitarse. Como planteamiento del problerna, se analizó que en lugar de que continúen existiendo tratados comerciales bilaterales o regionales de México con CA por un lado, mecanismos de cooperación dispersos por el otros lado, y de que cada país vaya para caminos diferentes, lo ideal es que caminen juntos cobijados para un mismo proyecto. Es dercir, lo que debe de buscar es unificar un solo tratado para facilitar -y no entorpecer- el comercio de la región; además de insertar a Belice a pesar de las diferencias culturales que existen entre dicho pals y el resto. Dado lo anterior, es que se establece como "objetivo general" el de proponer la conformación de un gran bloque diplomático-comercial entre México y CA con el fin de que ello genere un mayor entendimiento político y comercial entre los países miembros y contribuya a su desarrollo económico. De aquí se derivan siete objetivos específicos, los cuales fueron el eje motor para realizar la investigación necesaria. En el primer capítulo se muestra el marco teórico que da sustento a toda la investigación. En el segundo capftulo se presentan los antecedentes de las relaciones comerciales y diplomáticas entre México y los países centroamericanos. En el tercer capítulo se muestra la actualidad de estas relaciones multilaterales donde se suman Colombia y República Dominicana. En el cuarto capitulo se aborda, de manera detallada, los antecedentes y la actualidad del PM; pasando por los ejes centrales, los temas actuales de su agenda y su status con respecto a los ocho Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio (ODM) establecidos por la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) hace 15 años. En este último capítulo se propone una nueva agenda -tanto diplomática como comercial- para que esté alineada a los 17 nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) que vienen a suplir a los ODM, los cuales han sido establecidos por la ONIU para trabajar los próximos 15 años. A la largo de la tesis, se muestran dos aspectos relevantes. El primero es dar respuestas a !a hipótesis central y a las adyacentes planteadas al principio de esta investigación. El segundo es que se va mencionando posibles líneas de investigación. A manera de conclusiones, se responde a cada una de las interrogantes iniciales para dar como reflexión final que definitivamente se requiere una nueva agenda en ambos aspectos -diplomáticos y comercial- para que responda a las necesidades actuales de la región. Ya que los problemas regionales, requieren de soluciones regionales ; Postprint (published version)

The article deals with the problems, wich related to administrative liability for financial control violations in Ukraine. Corruption – one of the most dangerous for society and state events. It undermines the authority of the state apparatus, discredit his work, destroys the basic principles on which rests any democracy, the principles of equality of citizens before the law. The Anti-Corruption Law sets criminal, administrative, civil and disciplinary liability for corruption offences and corruption-related offences for responsible Officials and other Subjects of Liability. The Anti-Corruption Law introduced a new wording to or supplemented several Sections of the Administrative Offences Code, resulting in increased administrative liability for corruption-related offences. This includes establishing administrative liability for violating the restrictions to violating the financial control requirements. That is why the relevance of the research topic is undeniable. In the article were analyzed administrative responsibility for corruption-related offenses, wich concerning violation financial control. Were determined that the offences provides for liability for violation of financial control, namely, delayed filing of the person authorized to perform state functions or local government, failure or late notification of opening foreign currency accounts in a banking institution or a non-resident of significant changes in economic status. That disposition is formulated so that the untimely (late) submission of the declaration forms a prolonged form of abuse – submission of infringement period (delay representation). Late filing – is its submission after the deadline. In the article were proposed ways to improved the electronic declaration procedure as a guarantee of proper exercise of public authority in Ukraine. So, based on the above, we can conclude that there is legislation in many conflicts which require urgent solution, and so further scientific research on this issue is necessary. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню проблем, яких пов'язано із притягненням до адміністративної відповідальності за порушення фінансового контролю в Україні. Корупція - одна з найнебезпечніших для України суспільство та державні події. Це підриває авторитет державного апарату, дискредитує його роботу, руйнує основні принципи, на яких спирається будь-яка демократія, принципи рівності громадян перед законом. Закон про боротьбу з корупцією встановлює кримінальну, адміністративну, цивільну та дисциплінарну відповідальність за корупційні правопорушення та пов'язані з корупцією правопорушення відповідальних посадових осіб та інших суб'єктів відповідальності. Крім того, доповнено декілька розділів Кодексу про адміністративні правопорушення, що призвело до посилення адміністративної відповідальності за корупційні правопо- рушення. Це включає встановлення адміністративної відповідальності за порушення обмежень щодо порушення вимог фінансового контролю. Саме тому актуальність теми дослідження не викликає сумнівів. У статті проаналізовано склад адмі- ністративного проступку у вигляді порушення фінансового контролю. Встановлено, що відповідальність за порушення вимог фінансового контролю може виникати за затримку подання особами, уповноважених на виконання функцій держави або місцевого самоврядування декларації, несвоєчасне повідомлення про відкриття рахунків в іноземній валюті в банківській установі, несвоєчасне повідомлення про значні зміни в майновому стані. У статті визначено, що об'єктивна сторона правопорушення сформульована таким чином, що несвоєчасне (пізнє) подання декларації утворює тривалу форму зловживань – порушення строку подання. Запропоновано шляхи вдосконалення процедури електронного декларування як запоруки належного здійснення публічної влади в Україні.

"From 2009 to 2015, the European Union's (EU) euro area experienced an existential socio-economic crisis. To secure its institutional integrity, the EU designed several new institutions to support member states in need but also to facilitate socio-economic adjustments. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) lies at the centre of this strategy: it provides financial assistance to member states in severe crisis on an intergovernmental basis while demanding compliance with adjustment programs from program countries. Based on a comparative political economic analysis, Remaking European Political Economies shows that the EU's financial assistance programs focused strongly on reforms that led to a partial convergence of program countries based on market-based economic governance and reduced governmental influence in the economy. The book draws on extensive, empirically based case studies of two prominent euro area countries in crisis: Greece and Ireland. Dennis Zagermann illustrates that socio-economic models in the euro area can experience institutional change if exposed to severe crises in combination with financial assistance programs that include policy conditionality. In doing so, his book sheds light on the central question of whether there is a possible convergence of European models of capitalism--a question that has been at the centre of comparative political economic debates for over thirty years."--

"This book serves as a contemporary attempt to bring together the vast literature on relationship maintenance with contributions from scholars across different fields who study diverse facets of relationship maintenance. We open the book with a brief chapter that is organized around the six most basic yet critical questions that cut across all research: Who, What, When, Where, Why, and How. In the first section ('who'), we discuss the types of people who perform relationship maintenance as well as differences across people. The 'what' section identifies the central definitional issues that continue to plague the field. The third section ('when') highlights the conditions under which people perform maintenance as well as the relationship challenges the prompt it. The 'where' section identifies the small body of literature on geographic differences in relationship maintenance. The 'why' section covers the principal theories that explain engagement in relationship maintenance activities. The final section comments on 'how' maintenance activities sustain or enhance relationships. That is, it outlines the correlates, mediators, and moderators that explain the mechanisms by which maintenance operates. We conclude our chapter with a brief overview of the organization of the book"--

Wes Craven's »A Nightmare on Elm Street« (1984) enjoys cult status today more than ever. The mere thought of its main character Freddy Krueger still sends shivers down the spines of many viewers – and brings a grin to the faces of die-hard slasher fans. Katharina Rein subjects this undisputed genre classic to an intensive reading in which she traces the central moments of the disturbance. Using selected sequences from the film, she uncovers the workings of disruption in the horror genre. Contrary to widespread perceptions, she understands them, following Michel Serres, not as obstructive but as productive. As Rein shows, it is this productivity that has contributed significantly to the enduring success and film historical significance of »A Nightmare on Elm Street«. - Wes Cravens »A Nightmare on Elm Street« (1984) genießt heute mehr denn je Kultstatus. Allein der Gedanke an seine Hauptfigur Freddy Krueger jagt noch immer vielen Zuschauern einen Schauer über den Rücken – und zaubert eingeweihten Slasher-Fans ein Grinsen ins Gesicht. Katharina Rein unterzieht diesen unbestrittenen Genre-Klassiker einer intensiven Lektüre, in der sie den zentralen Momenten der Störung nachspürt. Anhand ausgewählter Sequenzen des Films deckt sie die Funktionsweisen von Störungen im Horrorgenre auf. Entgegen verbreiteter Auffassungen begreift sie diese im Anschluss an Michel Serres nicht als hinderlich, sondern als produktiv. Wie Rein zeigt, ist es diese Produktivität, die maßgeblich zum andauernden Erfolg und zur filmgeschichtlichen Bedeutung von »A Nightmare on Elm Street« beigetragen hat.

Why should I be moral? Philosophers have long been concerned with the legitimacy of morality's claim on us-especially its ostensible aim to motivate certain actions of all persons unconditionally. This problem of moral normativity has received extensive treatment in analytic moral theory, but little attention has been paid to the potential contribution that phenomenology might make to this central debate in metaethics. In The Phenomenology of Moral Normativity, William H. Smith takes up the question of morality's legitimacy anew, drawing contemporary moral philosophers into conversation with the phenomenological philosophy of Husserl, Heidegger, and Levinas. Utilizing a two-part account of moral normativity, Smith contends that the ground of morality itself is second-personal-rooted in the ethical demand intrinsic to other persons -while the ground for particular moral-obligations is first-personal-rooted in the subject's avowal or endorsement of certain moral norms within a concrete historical situation. Thus, Smith argues, phenomenological analysis allows us to make sense of an idea that has long held intuitive appeal, but that modern moral philosophy has been unable to render satisfactorily: namely, that the normative source of valid moral claims is simply other persons and what we owe to them.

Досліджено правові засади гармонізації законодавства України з правом Європейського Союзу у сфері регулювання надання фінансових послуг. У контексті зобов'язань, перед­бачених Угодою про асоціацію між Україною та Європейським Союзом, наголошено на окремих питаннях функціонування фондового ринку України, актах та положеннях, які потрібно привести у відповідність до права ЄС під час нормопроектування у сфері регу­лювання надання фінансових послуг.Визначено предмет правового регулювання ринку фінансових послуг, що охоплює такі групи відносин, як відносини щодо розкриття інформації про цінні папери, щодо ре­гулювання процедури укладення угод з цінними паперами, запобігання зловживанням на ринку цінних паперів.На підставі аналізу положень Угоди про асоціацію зроблено спробу визначити наслід­ки її впливу на бізнес, населення та державне управління. Наголошено на особливій ролі рішень Суду ЄС у процесі гармонізації законодавства України з правом ЄС у сфері надання регулювання фінансових послуг.Ключові слова: цінні папери, гармонізація права Європейського Союзу, фінансові послуги.The article analyzes legal foundations for harmonization of the law of Ukraine in the sphere of financial services regulation to that of the EU Law. The research is conducted in the context of Ukraine's obligations under the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. The main attention is focused on the issues of Ukraine's stock market functioning. The legal acts and provisions that need to be in place during the process of regulation of financial services are explained in detail.The article defines the object of legal regulation of the financial services market, which includes relations on disclosing information on securities, on regulation of procedures of contracting, on preventing abuse of the securities market.Based on the analysis of provisions of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, the author defines the impact of the Agreement on business, population at large and state governance. Special role of the decisions of the European Court of Justice in the process of legal harmonisation of the Ukrainian legislation with that of the EU was noted, in particular in the area of regulation of financial services.Legal regulation of the securities circulation in the EU is closely connected with the EU law in the sphere of corporate law, insurance law, banking law and negotiation and contracting law which is currently at the stage of formation. Principles of relevance, of protection of interests of consumers of services, of creation of investor-friendly regulation are common in the process of harmonisation for all these spheres of law. Setting-up transparent and clear rules of functioning of subjects of financial services forms the main condition for the operation of this principles.A thorough research on the principles and foundations of the harmonisation of Ukrainian law with that of the EU should also include analysis of decisions by the European Court of Justice, as they are important contribution to the development of principles of law, of definitions and terms, and decisions per se as legal basis for the approximation.In summary, the process of harmonisation of the law of Ukraine to that of the EU in the area of financial services regulation should be based on the principles of relevance, reason; sufficient freedom of the market players should be provided and opportunities should be considered for introducing new products and services on the financial market that are in operation outside Ukraine for adaptation at the Ukrainian market.Key words: securities, financial services, harmonization of the law of Ukraine to the EU Law.

The general Law of education was done in the middle of the struggle between whom there is disputed the control of the educational field; maybe because of it internal contradictions. And while some took it as a donation and they defend her as accomplishment of the magisterial aspirations; the government proposed to demobilize a qualified union and to be cutting the above mentioned law away depending on the intentions of the new social politics.The Law 115 does not define the quality, considers it to be an intention, a zeal for adjusting to the legal mandates and something that will be executed when create specifics instances. The "quality" maybe is the name of the new worry opposite to the school, once the device has imposed ("coverage") up to the point of being accepted as natural. From the power we go on to the control; it is a question of a visible "quality" across massive evaluations, in whose (which) interpretation they intervene "experts" without formation in education, and whose results legitimised political reminded in the whole Latin America with the multilaterally organisms and the international banking. One forgot us that we were doing research -not massive evaluations- and we were investigating for material conditions -not for "associate factors"-. There was sought a complex and heterogeneous participation of the involved ones, not to simplify the education and to find culprits.But though the "quality" is the great consensus, since little is discussed, it is not a question of a universal concept. Only made of speaking or acting in her name it does not make an action or a good politics. To recover the intellectual and political movement of the teachers, it might help to stop the politics in question. ; La Ley general de educación se hizo en medio de la pugna entre quienes se disputan el control del campo educativo; tal vez por eso sus contradicciones internas. Y mientras unos la tomaron como una dádiva, y la defienden como realización de las aspiraciones magisteriales; el gobierno se propuso desmovilizar un gremio cualificado e ir recortando dicha ley en función de los propósitos de la nueva política social.La Ley 115 no define la calidad; la considera una intención, un afán por ajustarse a los mandatos legales y algo que se ejecutará cuando se creen ciertas instancias. La "calidad" tal vez sea el nombre de la nueva preocupación frente a la escuela, una vez el dispositivo se ha impuesto ("cobertura") hasta el punto de ser aceptado como natural. Del poder pasamos al control; se trata de una "calidad" visible a través de evaluaciones masivas, en cuya interpretación intervienen "expertos" sin formación en educación, y cuyos resultados legitiman políticas acordadas en toda América Latina con los organismos multilaterales y la banca internacional. Se nos olvidó que hace poco hacíamos investigación -no evaluaciones masivas- e indagábamos por condiciones materiales -no por "factores asociados'-. Se buscaba una compleja y heterogénea participación de los involucrados, no simplificar la educación y encontrar culpables.Pero si bien la "calidad" es el gran consenso, pues poco se discute, no se trata de un concepto universal. El sólo hecho de hablar u obrar en su nombre no hace buena una acción o una política. Recuperar el movimiento intelectual y político de los maestros, podría contribuir a frenar la política en cuestión.

AbstractWe make physical efforts when we swim, carry shopping bags, push heavy doors, or cycle up hills. A growing concern among philosophers and scientists in related fields is the absence of a well-defined concept for physical efforts. This paper addresses this issue by presenting a force-based definition of physical efforts. In Sect. 1, we explore the shortcomings of existing definitions of effort. Section 2 introduces the force-based account of efforts according to which making an effort consists in exerting a force so as to make an object move or stay at rest. Section 3 introduces three central distinctions stemming from the account: failed vs. successful efforts; resisted vs. unresisted efforts; and efforts vs. effortful actions. Section 4 presents a key objection, to the effect that the force-based theory cannot account for the difficulty of efforts: efforts usually feel difficult, but effort's difficulty is not always a function of the magnitude of force(s) exerted. Section 5 argues that the most in-depth account of difficulty so far, that developed by Bradford (2015), cannot account for the difficulty of efforts. Sections 6 & 7 develop a novel account of effort's difficulty.

AbstractRepresentations of the slim body have traditionally been at the centre of scholarly interest in dieting culture, whereas food often remains a shadowy presence compared with more persistent themes of body discipline, slenderness and anti‐fat messages. This article offers a different perspective on weight‐loss dieting, placing food at the very centre of the analysis. By examining different diets in British and Scandinavian ladies' magazines from the 1890s to the 1920s, I argue that the gendering of different foods was central to the changes that weight‐loss diets went through at the turn of the twentieth century, when the meat‐heavy diets associated with male dieting were gradually transformed. That this process was initiated within the feminine beauty culture promoted by ladies' magazines is reinforced by the fact that weight‐loss diets changed well before mainstream nutritional advice did. The empirical analysis shows that this process of feminisation tied weight‐loss diets to existing, vegetarian beauty routines for a good complexion, suggesting that modern dieting culture is not only about slimming, but can be seen as a variation of a theme within beauty culture that centres around the imagined impact of different foods on the gendered body.