Historians often look for genealogies of nationalism in Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman imperial history. In this article, I use an inter-imperial framework to argue that the formative period of contemporary Eastern Mediterranean-European regionalism was the last five decades of these two empires. The diplomatic, economic and cultural relations between the two middle powers compose an alternative history to national narratives. I show that dualism ('independence' within empire) was an attractive imperial reform model for Ottoman Muslim intellectuals. I describe first a forgotten Egyptian-Ottoman dualist vision, and then I analyse the more well-known Arab-Turkish dualist plans up to 1921.
This article explores how a specific strand of neoliberal-oriented intellectuals, namely those who revolved around the Mont Pèlerin Society (MPS), conceptualised the EEC policies between the 1980s and the early 1990s. In particular, this contribution considers two MPS general meetings, respectively held in 1982 and 1990, which were dedicated to the issue of European integration. Drawing on both primary and secondary sources, this article first assesses how neoliberal thinkers commented on and interpreted the EEC transformations during the 1980s. Second, it challenges the assumption according to which the run-up to the establishment of the EU was the outcome of a consolidated project of neoliberalisation of the EEC and EU institutions. Finally, this article shows in which terms these neoliberal thinkers conceived of the depoliticisation of European institutions after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the looming end of the Cold War.
Headed by Michèlle Merger, a framework of analysis that could act as a decision aid in transport policies and a set of recommendations that would help, thanks to lessons learnt from history, to establish the priorities to be given to different projects involving trans-European connections and intermodal transport. The Action brought together experts from countries covering all different geographical and political regions of Europe. Based on the experience gained during two centuries of the European transport development, they identified a number of barriers to the creation of efficient intermodal transport networks. The Action established not only the European network of specialists, but led to the creation of T2M Association of scholars and practitioners linked to the history of transport and economics both from Europe and the USA. ; The main objective of the COST 340 Action is to provide a framework of analysis that can act as a decision aid in transport policies and a set of recommendations that will help, thanks to the lessons learnt from history, to establish the priorities to be given to different projects involving trans-European connections and intermodal transport. ; publishersversion ; published
In the mid-1960s, a small delegation of graduate students went to Theodore S. Hamerow's office at the University of Wisconsin—Madison. Noting that theJournal of Central European Affairshad ceased publication in 1964, James Harris, Stanley Zucker, and I asked our advisor why there was no academic journal dedicated to German history, a new field that had been developing rapidly. What could we do to create such an organ? The otherwise placid Hamerow wrinkled his brow and angrily asked who had put us up to this initiative! When we answered that this was just our idea, he relaxed and told us that he was the chair of a committee charged by the Conference Group for Central European History with doing just that, namely, founding such a new journal. Douglas A. Unfug of Emory University had already put in a bid, in fact, andCentral European Historystarted to appear in 1968. By using a variation of the previous name, the journal hoped to pick up prior subscribers and avoid being identified by its title with the erstwhile enemy—Germany.
'Anticorruption in History' is the first major collection of individual and comparative case studies on how societies and polities in and beyond European history defined legitimate power in terms of fighting corruption and designed specific mechanisms to pursue that agenda.
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The creation of the European Union as we know it began with the conclusion of the Second World War. At that time there was a call for the creation of a united Europe with the intention of preventing future wars among the nations. As a result of the war, Europe was split into Eastern and Western factions. As the Western nations began to form the Council of Europe in 1950, there was a call for further cooperation. On May 9, 1950, Robert Schuman, the French foreign minister, called for a deeper cooperation among European nations (this would be known as the Schuman Plan). This day would later be honored as "Europe Day," which honors peace and unity within Europe. Six nations responded to this call. On April 18, 1951, Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands sign a treaty that forms the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), which ran the countries' coal and steel under a united management. The ECSC countries followed up by signing the Treaty of Rome on March 25, 1957, and this would create the European Economic Community (EEC). As a result, people, goods, and other services can now move freely across the borders. ; https://uknowledge.uky.edu/world_europe_journey/1000/thumbnail.jpg
Starting in the 18th century, the majority of the world's Jews lived in Eastern Europe. The region remained the centre of Jewish life - until the Holocaust. But in both disciplines, in Jewish History and in East European History, research on East European Jews lived in the shadows. In Germany, such research is inseparably connected with 20th century history. After the First World War and the wave of Russian-Jewish immigration to Germany that followed, Jewish history flourished. After 1933, 'research on Jews' became an anti-Semitic discipline, which, from 1939 onward, served German policies of occupation and annihilation. In the postwar era, Jewish history was initially taboo. Not until the mid-1960s were the first chairs of Jewish Studies established. It was only in the 1980s that East European History, which was then oriented towards social history, began to examine Jews in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Today, the study of East European Jewish history has become a paradigm for transnational and global historical questions. Adapted from the source document.
A look at Ireland during the first half of the 1930s focuses on opposition to the Fianna Fail Party. The shift of the opposition to the Right, led by the Blueshirt movement, is outlined, & the impact of this new direction evaluated. It is contended that the Blueshirts' attempts to adopt ideas from contemporary European thinking was a primary cause for the position change. The Irish experience during this transitional period demonstrates how readily a democratic political grouping will abandon liberal political discourse & employ fascist ideas in a struggle to gain political power. The Blueshirt movement emerged in 1932 as an organization of ex-servicemen concerned with Fianna Fail policies they saw as a threat to pension rights. Their gain of mass support, increased use of violence, & eventual merger with other opposition groups are explored, & the ban against them imposed by the government & their eventual downfall described. J. Lindroth
In: Aktualʹni pytannja suspilʹnych nauk ta istorii͏̈ medycyny: spilʹnyj ukrai͏̈nsʹko-rumunsʹkyj naukovyj žurnal = Current issues of social studies and history of medicine : joint Ukrainian-Romanian scientific journal = Aktualʹnye voprosy obščestvennych nauk i istorii mediciny = Enjeux actuels de sciences sociales et de l'histoire de la medecine, Band 0, Heft 3, S. 104-108
Practices labelled as corrupt in nineteenth-century European elections are generally conceived either as a form of domination where the candidates and their agents use exclusive resources for personal gain or a means of transaction between candidates and voters, on the assumption that candidates deploy corrupt practices in order to perusade voters. Consequently, electoral corruption in the nineteenth century is considered a tool that limits the participation of enfranchised citizens, whose conception of corruption is largely uncultivated. This study challenges this notion and demonstrates how corrupt practices by electors in societies where freedom was not guaranteed, did not restrain but instead extended the possibilities of political participation. The novelty of this study is based on integrating research focused on politicization beyond the elite and the new history of corruption, using Great Britain, France, and Spain as case studies. This integrated process found that corruption was used by electors to overturn unfavourable results, thus providing a platform for participation beyond voting.