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AbstractHow do early bilingual experiences influence children's neural architecture for word processing? Dual language acquisition can yield common influences that may be shared across different bilingual groups, as well as language‐specific influences stemming from a given language pairing. To investigate these effects, we examined bilingual English speakers of Chinese or Spanish, and English monolinguals, all raised in the US (N = 152, ages 5–10). Children completed an English morphological word processing task during fNIRS neuroimaging. The findings revealed both language‐specific and shared bilingual effects. The language‐specific effects were that Chinese and Spanish bilinguals showed principled differences in their neural organization for English lexical morphology. The common bilingual effects shared by the two groups were that in both bilingual groups, increased home language proficiency was associated with stronger left superior temporal gyrus (STG) activation when processing the English word structures that are most dissimilar from the home language. The findings inform theories of language and brain development during the key periods of neural reorganization for learning to read by illuminating experience‐based plasticity in linguistically diverse learners.

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

INTRODUCTION: Preventing tuberculosis (TB) disease requires treatment of latent TB infection (LTBI) as well as prevention of person-to-person transmission. We estimated the LTBI prevalence for the entire United States and for each state by medical risk factors, age, and race/ethnicity, both in the total population and stratified by nativity. METHODS: We created a mathematical model using all incident TB disease cases during 2013–2017 reported to the National Tuberculosis Surveillance System that were classified using genotype-based methods or imputation as not attributed to recent TB transmission. Using the annual average number of TB cases among US-born and non-US-born persons by medical risk factor, age group, and race/ethnicity, we applied population-specific reactivation rates (and corresponding 95% confidence intervals [CI]) to back-calculate the estimated prevalence of untreated LTBI in each population for the United States and for each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia in 2015. RESULTS: We estimated that 2.7% (CI: 2.6%–2.8%) of the U.S. population, or 8.6 (CI: 8.3–8.8) million people, were living with LTBI in 2015. Estimated LTBI prevalence among US-born persons was 1.0% (CI: 1.0%–1.1%) and among non-US-born persons was 13.9% (CI: 13.5%–14.3%). Among US-born persons, the highest LTBI prevalence was in persons aged ≥65 years (2.1%) and in persons of non-Hispanic Black race/ethnicity (3.1%). Among non-US-born persons, the highest LTBI prevalence was estimated in persons aged 45–64 years (16.3%) and persons of Asian and other racial/ethnic groups (19.1%). CONCLUSIONS: Our estimations of the prevalence of LTBI by medical risk factors and demographic characteristics for each state could facilitate planning for testing and treatment interventions to eliminate TB in the United States. Our back-calculation method feasibly estimates untreated LTBI prevalence and can be updated using future TB disease case counts at the state or national level.

The personal characteristics of entrepreneurs can be importantly related to entrepreneurial startup intentions and behaviors. A country-moderated hypothesis including the relationship between an individual's risk-taking propensity and entrepreneurship (behaviors or intentions of the person) was conceptually developed and empirically tested in this study. The data collection was performed through a structured questionnaire. Multinominal logistic regression was used for analyzing data obtained from 1,414 students in six countries. The crucial contribution of this research is the clarification of the character of risk-taking propensity in entrepreneurship and the indication that the risk-taking propensity-entrepreneurship relationship can be moderated contingent on power distance.

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

First Published January 1, 2017. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage). ; This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset. ; The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill's European Union Center of Excellence; The European Union's ERC Advanced Grant on Causes and Consequences of Multilevel Governance (number 249543); The European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme EUENGAGE (number 649281).

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

The objective was to conduct a program evaluation of the Centre for Healthy Weights—Shapedown BC (CHW-SB), a family-centered, multidisciplinary program for obese children, by assessing the change in weight trajectories from program intake to completion. Secondary outcomes included changes in clinical, biochemical and psychological parameters, and in physical activity (PA) levels. The CHW-SB program was evaluated over 10 weeks. Data collection included anthropometric, metabolic, PA and psychological measures. Longitudinal mixed effects regression was performed to evaluate weight change from Phase 1 (before program on waitlist) to Phase 2 (during program). 238 children < 18 years of age were referred to the program of which 119 were eligible for participation. There was a significant decrease in weight trajectory in children following program entry. Participants experienced an average .89% monthly increase before program entry, compared to a .37% monthly decline afterwards, a drop of 1.26% (p < 0.0001, 95%CI 1.08 to 1.44). zBMI (2.26 ± 0.33 to 2.20 ± 0.36, p < 0.001), waist circumference (99 ± 15.7 to 97 ± 16 cm, p < 0.0001) and fasting insulin (137 ± 94.8 to 121 ± 83.4 pmol/L, < 0.001) also decreased in participants who attended the final visit. Significant improvements were seen in all measures of PA, self-concept, and anxiety. CHW-SB, a government-funded program, is the first obesity-treatment program to be evaluated in Canada. While short-term evaluation revealed significant improvements in adiposity, PA, and psychological measures, the lack of full follow-up is a limitation in interpreting the clinical effectiveness of this program, as drop-out may be associated with lack of success in meeting program goals. These data also emphasize the need for ongoing evaluation to assess the long-term implications of this unique program and ultimately optimize utilization of governmental resources. ; Medicine, Faculty of ; Science, Faculty of ; Other UBC ; Non UBC ; Family Practice, Department of ; Pediatrics, Department of ; Population and Public Health (SPPH), School of ; Statistics, Department of ; Reviewed ; Faculty