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<p>In August 2016, the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) released its Strategic Vision for charting a course for research over the next decade. This vision was the culmination of an unprecedented process that engaged diverse stakeholders from across the United States and around the globe. The process resulted in four mission-oriented goals and eight strategic objectives that provide an overall framework for advancing research in heart, lung, and blood diseases and sleep disorders. In this perspective, we address opportunities that NHLBI has identified to advance late-stage (T4) translation research, implementation science, health inequities research, global health research, and related research workforce development. Additionally, we highlight the importance of continued active engagement of the clinical and public health research community and the strategic, transdisciplinary, cross-sector partnerships necessary for advancing research priorities to maximize the population-level outcomes and health impact of scientific discoveries.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2017;27(4):367-370; doi:10.18865/ed.27.4.367. </p>

AbstractChemical terrorist attacks by non-state actors have traditionally been characterised as low probability events; however, the apparent normalisation of chemical weapons use, including by terrorists, in the ongoing conflict in Syria is causing some in the international security community to question whether it will remain low probability. For Europe there is an additional potential concern, namely the numbers of EU citizens who are "foreign fighters" and whose return from the conflict zone might also result in "importing" chemical weapons use. This article examines the rise of the "chemical weapons-returning foreign fighter" narrative and considers aspects of the European response. These responses predate the current concerns and include important efforts to create a robust public health response, such as early alert and communication systems, so that the attractiveness of these weapons being used within a European context might be reduced. Although there are limitations as to how far one can transfer what happens in a Syrian context to Europe, the suggestion is made that some of the framing assumptions within this response architecture may be now inadvertently limiting the potential to identify and respond to chemical attacks.

Resumo: Assim como em qualquer profissão, a Arqueologia também apresenta ao arqueólogo alguns riscos inerentes ao exercício de suas atividades. Nosso trabalho apresenta e discute as práticas de higiene e de segurança em Arqueologia, com ênfase nos trabalhos de campo e de laboratório. Pretendemos com este artigo aumentar a conscientização da comunidade arqueológica para os potenciais riscos que envolvem os trabalhos nessa área, seja na iniciativa privada seja no ambiente acadêmico, e discutir algumas ações que podem ajudar a aumentar a segurança de trabalhadores e pesquisadores nesses contextos.Abstract:Like any other profession, archaeology also presents to the archaeologist and to the whole team some inherent risks in the practice of their activities and the environment in which such activity is inserted. Our work presents and discusses the practice of hygiene and safety in archaeology, with emphasis on fieldwork and laboratory activities. We intend to improve awareness of the archaeological community to the potential risks involved in the work in this knowledge area, whether in the private sector either in the academic field work or laboratory activities, and discuss actions that can help increase the security of workers and researchers in these contexts.

Abstract
This paper studies the ritual of Ashura as performed by a group of Shia Pakistani migrants in Piraeus, Greece, inscribed in the context of the financial crisis that is currently shaking the country and its socio-political implications, notably the rise of the far-right. Based on participant observation, we start by unfolding the discourses through which our interlocutors attempt to legitimise their religious practices, by connecting the Karbala narrative with the current political oppression of Shiite minorities, but also by articulating a poetics of similarity with equivalent acts of faith from the Greek cultural context, rather than arguments on multiculturalist difference. We then turn our attention to the way Ashura is portrayed by Greek art and media, and we unpack how the poetics of similarity and the politics of difference are presented from different viewpoints. Finally, we study how the interrelations between this migrant Shiite community and ideas regarding the "national self" are manifested in symbolic uses of blood—from murderous threats received by Neo-Nazi groups, to their rejected proposal for a blood-donation campaign parallel to the Ashura.

In recent times, the European Union has been confronted with huge challenges and crises, which, in the absence of prompt and effective measures, call into question the future of the European project itself. The political incongruities, the disintegrating tendencies culminating with Brexit, the divisions between northern and southern states over economic crisis and austerity measures, the refugee waves and their poor integration into society, the rise of populist and extremist currents, etc. have caused anger, confusion and fear among Europeans, influencing the relations between member states and public perceptions. In this unstable context, studying people's opinion on the EU and its subtle mechanisms becomes an important and pragmatic effort, as the public has the means to pursue action based on its feelings of support or opposition towards the community block. Oana Ștefăniță's book, Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? proposes such an insight into the world of young European citizens, investigating their interest in European issues, the EU's place on the agenda of interpersonal conversations, the way they understand and experience the feeling of European belonging, and their perspectives on the future of the Union.

This study examines economic components of the support base for each party in Ghana's de facto two-party system. Most accounts of partisan voting in African democracies contend that some voters routinely support the same party because it rewards co-ethnics through patronage in the form of private and local community goods. A few recent studies have found that some voters vote retrospectively and sociotropically, rewarding or punishing the incumbent party on the basis of its overall performance in office. However, neither the ethno-clientelist account nor the performance assessment account addresses the possibility that African parties build their support bases around competing economic policy interests. Using a merged dataset from the Afrobarometer Survey Round 5 and district-level industrial employment and agricultural production data from Ghana, I find that it is economic interests by agricultural sub-sector that are highly predictive of parties' issue-based platforms. Voters who do not share a common interest with any of the main parties' key policies are most likely to switch party preferences election to election.

Political identities are crucial for understanding electoral behavior: individuals who identify with a political party behave as loyal supporters who would hardly vote for competitors old or new. Although this is an obvious observation, it has received little attention in the study of populism—a set of ideas that not only portrays established political parties as corrupt and self-serving entities but also depicts "the people" as a homogenous and virtuous community that should run the government. In this contribution, we develop a novel theory that claims that populism can thrive only when an antiestablishment political identity exists. This identity denotes an emotional and rational repulsion toward all established political parties in a given country. We test our theory by analyzing original survey data from contemporary Chile. The empirical analysis reveals not only that a limited segment of the electorate holds an antiestablishment political identity coalesced by populism but also that there is a large segment of apartisans adverse to populism. These empirical findings have important consequences for the study of populism, particularly when it comes to analyzing its emergence and electoral potential.

The indiscriminate use of antibiotics in dairy cattle without complying with the waiting period results in residual contamination, whose effective control in produced milk requires validated methods toensure analytical results. The aim of this study was to optimize and validate the HPLC-UV/VIS method at 365 nm for analyzingthe tetracycline in pasteurized cow milk in accordance with the European Community (2002/657/EC). Spiked milk with analytes (oxytetracycline, tetracycline, doxycycline, and chlortetracycline) was submitted to deproteinization and cleaning by a C18 solid-phase column and analyzed by HPLC using a gradient system with 0.01 mol L?1 oxalic acid-acetonitrile-triethylamine (90:9.9:0.1) and acetonitrile on a reverse phase (C18) column. Accuracy and precision were assessed by adding analytes to levels of 0.5, 1, and 1.5 times the permissible maximum limit allowed in Brazil. The method presented selectivity with a decision limit (CC?) and detection capability (CC?) ranging from 114.2 to 143.7 and from 129.3 to 188.7 µg kg?1, respectively. The recovery of tetracyclines was higher than 82.5% with a precision of 7.1%, demonstrating theefficiency in determining tetracycline residues in cow milk.

AbstractIn forest management planning, participatory planning processes are often encouraged as a means to acquire relevant information and to enhance the stakeholders' acceptability of alternative plans. This requires the aggregation of the stakeholders' preferences that can be done in a wide variety of manners. The aggregation process strives to reduce the information into a single set of preferences that simplifies the information and allows for the use of discrete decision support tools. Depending on how the preferences are aggregated, a wide range of plan rankings can emerge. Although this range of ranking complicates the issue of plan selection, it does highlight the uncertainty involved in aggregating stakeholder preferences. In this study, we suggest an alternative method of deriving rankings for a set of alternative management options. Our proposed method suggests treating acquired preferences as the uncertain elements of a stochastic programming problem and the results provide the decision maker with the acceptability probability for each plan. The method is illustrated with a case of pairwise comparisons from a set of stakeholders representing preferences from different interest groups in a community planning process.

Abstract
In Switzerland, Francoprovençal is still spoken in parts of the cantons of Fribourg and Valais, but has (almost) disappeared from other cantons. The archives of the Journal de Genève (JdG) illustrate the evolution of glottonyms and linguistic representations, ranging from acceptance of the extinction of patois to conservation efforts, and, more recently, to hopes of revitalization. This analysis is based on two corpora organized around 1909, composed of texts containing respectively at least one occurrence of the keywords "patois" (1826–1909) and "franco-provençal" (1909–1998). These corpora also reflect identity construction based on language at a regional, national or transnational level. In the 19th century, the imagined language community applied to "little fatherlands" (cantons), to Romandie or to a cross-border space limited to Geneva and Savoy. In the 20th century, the appearance of the word "Franco-Provençal" led some people to extend the symbolic space to the whole FP area, especially to the Aosta Valley. Even though the "FP cause" remains secondary in the JdG and the discourse on "Harpetan" seems anecdotal, we observe some signs of "proto-national" construction.

AbstractThis paper adopts a qualitative case study on the generalist service delivery model of I‐Care, a Durban‐based non‐governmental organization that works with male street children. Fifteen face‐to‐face interviews were conducted with 10 I‐Care employees and 5 former street children. A focus group was set up with I‐Care employees. Although existing literature is forthright about a generalist approach for children at risk, it remains unclear how to implement this approach in practice. This paper reviews a continuity of 5 fundamental social work practices for working with street children: (a) outreach work, (b) child–family and child–community mediation, (c) transitory care centres and programmes, (d) brokerage, and (e) mentorship and follow‐ups. The study analyses how these practices contribute to the capability and agency expansion of the street children and outlines challenges that service providers and former street children experience. The main challenges acknowledged are balancing between the agency and protection of street children and the adaptation of children to street life. The study proposes intervention strategies to overcome these challenges.

This article looks at an important interface between the small community of Soviet hippies and Soviet authorities: the politics of madness. Like dissidents, hippies often found themselves forcefully sequestered in psychiatric institutions. Yet an account of state repression against colourful, innocent flower children does not give justice to the complicated power games that were fought on the battlefield of craziness. Hippies used the ease with which diagnoses of schizophrenia were handed out to obtain exemption from the army. They embraced and fostered the label 'crazy', subverting official actions through absolute acceptance rather than resistance. At the same time, they feared the loss of control that came with psychiatric treatment, yet re-invented their often traumatic experiences into a marker of their identity. The relationship between hippies and Soviet psychiatry reflects the multi-layered entanglement, which bound the Soviet system with one of its most unruly subjects. Hippie politics of craziness defy easy classification in conformism and dissent, instead highlighting the way in which a group at the margins of society made use of the political environment they lived in, subverting and succumbing to it at the same time.

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Ergebnis der Sondierungsgespräche zwischen CDU/CSU, FDP und Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (Tagesspiegel)
Das Klima dreht sich gegen das Klima (Süddeutsche)
Der Super-Ausschuss (Süddeutsche)
Jamaika-Verhandler hoffen auf Einigung am Wochenende (Süddeutsche)

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Paradise Papers (Sueddeutsche)


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Vor Bonner Klimakonferenz: USA veröffentlichen düsteren Report (Heise online)
Kleine Schritte in die richtige Richtung (Süddeutsche)
Bayern gehen die Schmetterlinge aus (Süddeutsche)
Deutschland gibt 125 Millionen Dollar für Unwetter-Versicherungen (Spiegel online)
Deutschland verzagt, USA überraschen, Türkei blamiert (Spiegel Online)


Siemens
Siemens wandelt sich vom trägen Tanker zur Schnellboot-Flotte (Süddeutsche)


Simbabwe

'Mugabe Must Go': Thousands in Zimbabwe Rally Against Leader (New York Times)
"Mugabe war zunehmend eine Marionette" (Deutschlandfunk)
Mugabe Is Gone, But Zimbabwe's Dictatorship Will Remain (Foreign Affairs)
Putsch unter Dieben (Süddeutsche)
"Ära Mugabe ist nicht sofort zu Ende" (Deutschlandfunk)
Simbabwe: Berlin wartet und hofft (DW)


Drittes Geschlecht

Demokratie ist Silber, der kleine Dienstweg Gold (Achgut)

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AbstractThis article analyzes an innovative, and relatively successful, experience in Chicago: its participatory budgeting (PB) process. Treating it as process‐in‐the‐making, we are attentive to moments of uncertainty and controversy over the first year of its development. As a process of direct democracy, PB is profoundly ambiguous: it is, in principle, open to all, but it has no way to adjudicate between different ways of knowing and making claims by technical experts, democratically elected office holders, and newly established neighborhood leaders. Because it is a bottom‐up process that in principle does not privilege certain groups, it generates ambiguity over who gets to speak for and on behalf of the whole. In Chicago, each of these ambiguities generated controversies, which generated political talk that implied utopian alternatives that were then settled in ways that closed off these alternatives, in the end reinforcing the power of experts and revaluing the role of established community leaders against newcomers. We contend that the critical literature on participation should be more attentive to moments of conflict, ambiguity, and closure when the outlines of participatory processes are collectively produced.

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Sondierungsgespräche



Grüne kompromissbereit bei Kohleausstieg und Dieselverbot (SZ)


Sondierungsgespräche Die dicksten Brocken für Jamaika kommen noch (Kölnische Rundschau)




SPD lahmt


Schulz rechnet mit eigenem Wahlkampf ab (Spon)


AfD-Wähler doch Rassisten


Formate des Politischen

"Der Globale Wandel des Politischen und die Versuchung des Autoritären", Vortrag: Silke van Dyk, Universität Jena

Verfassungsrichter zu AfD und Europa



"Die Verfassung der Öffentlichkeit – die Öffentlichkeit und das Bundesverfassungsgericht"





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Warum der Kampf gegen die Steuerflucht so lasch ist

Paradise Papers: Trump-Minister verdient an Russland-Geschäften (SZ)

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ParadisePapers: Der Schattenwelt von Reichen und Konzernen ein Ende bereiten! (Sven Giegold)




Klimakonferenz


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