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This article intends to reiterate from the theoretical and academic contributions the impact that supposed the consolidation of the rule of law in Economic, Social and Cultural Rights that allows the construction of a democratic model having as central the human, their needs and dignity as the supreme value of being born all other freedoms. A descriptive methodology to accurately collect the different theoretical proposals about the above two premises raised is proposed. The ideas and theoretical here addressed and resumed discussions are the result of the research performance of academic nature of seedling Human Law St. Thomas University - Medellin within the project " Incorporation of international legal instruments relating to Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in judgments of the Constitutional Court on Social Rights as a trend towards recognition of DESC as autonomous fundamental right." ; El artículo pretende reiterar, desde las aportaciones teóricas y académicas, el impacto que supuso la consolidación del Estado Social de Derecho en los Derecho Económicos, Sociales y Culturales que permite la construcción de un modelo democrático teniendo como eje central al ser humano, sus necesidades y la dignidad como valor supremo del que nacen todas las demás libertades. Se propone una metodología descriptiva que recopile de forma precisa las diferentes propuestas teóricas alrededor de las dos anteriores premisas planteadas. Las ideas y discusiones teóricas aquí abordadas y retomadas son producto del ejercicio investigativo de tipo académico del semillero de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Santo Tomás - Medellín dentro del proyecto denominado "Incorporación de los instrumentos normativos internacionales referentes a los Derechos Económicos Sociales y Culturales en las sentencias de la Corte Constitucional sobre Derechos Sociales como tendencia hacia el reconocimiento de los DESC como derechos fundamentales autónomos". ; O artigo pretende reiterar desde os aportes teóricos e acadêmicos o impacto que supôs a consolidação do Estado Social de Direito nos Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais (em adiante DESC) que permite a construção de um modelo democrático, tendo o ser humano como eixo central, suas necessidades e a dignidade como valor supremo do que nascem todas as outras liberdades. É proposta uma metodologia descritiva que recopile de forma precisa as diferentes propostas teóricas ao redor das anteriores premissas expostas. As ideias e discussões teóricas aqui abordadas e retomadas são produto do exercício de pesquisa de tipo acadêmico do grupo de pesquisa estudantil de Direito Humanos da Universidade Santo Tomás – Medellín dentro do projeto denominado "Incorporação dos instrumentos normativos internacionais referentes aos Direitos Econômicos Sociais e Culturais nas sentenças da Corte Constitucional sobre Direitos Sociais como tendência para o reconhecimento dos DESC como direitos fundamentais autônomos".

La ricerca analizza la forma di Stato e di Governo e si focalizza nel ruolo importante del Capo dello Stato in funzione alla separazione dei poteri e consolidamento della democrazia in una Repubblica Parlamentare. Questa ricerca comparativa analizza l'evoluzione della forma di governo in Italia e Albania. La ricerca analizza nei dettagli l'evoluzione della forma di Governo, focalizzandosi all'istituzione del Capo dello Stato in Albania dall'indipendenza (1912), evidenziando il ruolo dell'Italia in quest'evoluzione. In maniera comparativa si analizza l'evoluzione dell'istituzione del Capo dello Stato in Italia fin dalla sua unita e gli altri sviluppi i quali servirono come modello per l'Albania, evidenziano l'influenza a livello internazionale che ebbe l'Italia per l'indipendenza dell'Albania, che portò al consolidamento dei loro rapporti. Questa ricerca analizza la collaborazione di questi due Stati la quale culmino con la loro Unione Personale identificandosi nello stesso Capo di Stato. La ricerca inoltre evidenzia che come questa fase sia stata superata dalla II Guerra Mondiale e la Guerra Fredda che vide questi Stati a sviluppare diverse forme di Governo. Per di più la ricerca evidenzia la trasformazione politico-istituzionale e il processo di cambiamento dell'Albania dopo la caduta del muro di Berlino che segno la fine del sistema comunista, che vide l'Albania ad adottare il modello Italiano per il Capo dello Stato. ; This study analyses the important role of the Head of State on the separation of power and the consolidation of democracy in a Parliamentary Republic. This comparative study analyses the evolution on the form of governance in two respective countries Albania and Italy. The study develops in-depth analyses on the alteration of the form of governance indicating the evolution of the country's President Institution in Albania from independence (1912) to democracy (1990) and the influence of Italy, decisive to the governance of the country. Comparatively, the analysis follows the alteration on the evolution of the Head of State in Italy pursuant to country's unification and further developments, which served as a model for Albania, stating the international role Italy played towards Albanian's independence which led to the consolidation of the cooperation between countries. This research draws an analysis on the collaboration between the abovementioned countries resulting the institutional unification and having a common leadership, practice abolished with the Second World War, identifying two different forms of governance in respective countries during the Cold War. Moreover, this study highlights institutional transformation and developments in Albania subsequent to the fall of Berlin Wall identified as the failure of communist regime, specifying Albania's form of governance and Head of State pursuant to the Italian model.

Die negativen Vorurteile betreffend Ineffizienz der Verwaltung und Behördenfaulheit stehen in krassem Gegensatz zum Einfluss, den die Verwaltung in der Regelung des alltäglichen Lebens einnimmt. Die Rolle der Verwaltung nahm parallel zur Entwicklung des modernen Staats laufend an Bedeutung zu. Dabei verschob sich zunehmend der Gestaltungsraum von den politischen zu den administrativen Institutionen. Die Verwaltungswissenschaft setzt sich mit diesem Wandel auseinander. Daraus folgen verschiedene Fragestellungen: Gibt es ein genug, ein zu viel oder zu wenig an Staat? An wessen Interessen sollte sich die Verwaltung orientieren, wenn sie ihre Aufgaben gut erfüllen wollte: Dem Souverän oder der Exekutive? Dem Monarchen, dem Volk oder der stärksten Partei? Oder soll sie sich auf das Gemeinwohl ausrichten – so undefiniert dieser traditionsreiche Begriff ist und auch ausschliessende, z.B. völkische, Prinzipien zu umfassen vermag? Oder gelten für die Verwaltung eher abstrakte Maximen wie Rechtsstaatlichkeit, Effektivität oder Effizienz? Die bekanntesten Schlagworte der Verwaltungswissenschaft dürften "Bürokratie" und "New Public Management" sein. Beide Begriffe sind stark politisiert und auch in ihrer Bedeutung umstritten, wobei letztere auch nicht der Verwendung im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs entspricht. Dies ist aus bedauerlich, weil es die gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzung betreffend dieses wichtigen Faktors staatlicher Organisation verhindert. Für die verwaltungswissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung bedeutet dies vor allem eines: Sich der divergierenden Bedeutungen von Begrifflichkeiten bewusst zu sein. Hier stösst man allerdings auf ein wesentliches Problem: Während die Bedeutung in der öffentlichen Diskussion notorisch unscharf ist, kennt auch der wissenschaftliche Diskurs keine klare Definition der Verwaltung, der Verwaltungswissenschaft oder verschiedener verwaltungswissenschaftlicher Konzepte. Die Schwierigkeit, die Verwaltung und ihre Bereiche zu definieren, kann als Versagen der Wissenschaft verstanden werden (Ellwein, 1966: 15; von Stein, 1965: 2384) oder auch daran liegen, dass das Unterfangen prinzipiell unmöglich ist (Forsthoff, 1973: 1). Auf jeden Fall zeigt die komparative Verwaltungswissenschaft, dass Begriffe und Konzepte aus fremdsprachigen Publikationen und deren Kontext übernommen wurden. Besonders deutlich wird dies darin, dass in der Management-Literatur oder der Policy-Forschung die ursprünglich englischen Begriffe im deutschen Sprachgebrauch ebenfalls verwendet werden. Aber die Bedeutungen der ursprünglichen Ideen haben sich während des Transfers in den neuen wissenschaftlichen und politischen Zusammenhang geändert. Daraus folgt eine zweite Problemdimension, die bereits von Woodrow Wilson (1941 [1887]) im Gründungsdokument der US-Verwaltungswissenschaft aufgeworfen wurde: Für welchen Bereich kann die Verwaltungswissenschaft eine Gültigkeit beanspruchen? Wilson argumentiert, dass die Verwaltung als eine Technik zu betrachten sei. Als solche sei sie unabhängig vom politischen Kontext gültig, weswegen er vorschlug, die USA sollten sich in der Suche nach der besten Staatsverwaltung am preussisch-deutschen Modell zu orientieren. Analoge Gedankengänge können auch in der deutschen Verwaltungswissenschaft festgestellt werden, wenn sich die Forschenden auf ausländische Inspirationen beziehen. Die Forschenden suchen dabei Antworten, die unabhängig von ihrer Herkunft auf die eigenen politischen, ökonomischen oder sozialen Problemstellungen gemünzt sind. Diese Probleme – genauso wie die Lösungsansätze – können globale sein, orientieren sich in der Regel jedoch an den eigenen nationalen Institutionen. Denn nur von diesen können sich die Forschenden erhoffen, dass ihre Lösungsvorschläge in die Praxis umgesetzt werden. Basierend auf dieser Argumentation schliesst die aktuelle komparative Verwaltungswissenschaft auf nationale Traditionen der Verwaltungswissenschaften, die den spezifischen Staatsverständnissen entsprechen (Raadschelders und Rutgers, 1996; Rutgers, 2001b; Stillman, 2001). Dabei werden zwei wesentliche Faktoren ausgeblendet: Erstens wandelte sich das Staatsverständnis im Verlauf der Zeit. Zweitens sind und waren die Verwaltungsforschenden trotz ihrer Ausrichtung an einer nationalen Institution nicht in einem nationalen Diskurs isoliert. In den modernen und zeitgenössischen verwaltungswissenschaftlichen Publikationen wird die internationale Einbettung sowohl in den referierten Werken als auch in den Moden der behandelten Themen und angewandten Methoden evident. Diese Einsicht gilt aber nicht erst ab der Globalisierung in den 1990er Jahren, sondern lässt sich bereits in der Zeit vor der deutschen Staatenbildung aufzeigen. Gerade die Kameralisten reisten häufig zwischen den europäischen Fürstenhäusern umher und sorgten dadurch nicht nur für eine weite Verbreitung ihrer Ansätze, sondern kamen selbstverständlich auch mit fremden Ideen in Kontakt (Wakefield, 2009). Und die Entwicklung in der deutschen Verwaltungswissenschaft nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg kann ohne eine tiefere Betrachtung der Entwicklungen in den USA nicht verstanden werden. Aus diesem Grund wird hier ein Versuch unternommen, die Entwicklung der deutschen Verwaltungswissenschaft von der Gründung Deutschlands 1871 bis in die 1970er Jahre auf den Einfluss US-amerikanischer Ideen hin zu untersuchen. Dazu werden zuerst in der Sektion I der Untersuchungsgegenstand und die theoretischen Grundlagen eingeführt, anhand derer der Import von Ideen aus den USA durch die deutsche Verwaltungswissenschaft untersucht wird. Sektion II zeigt anhand von Primärquellen die Entwicklung der deutschen Verwaltungswissenschaft. Die Struktur folgt dabei den Phasen sozialer und politischer Umbrüche: Gründung des deutschen Reiches (Kapitel II.1), Zwischenkriegsperiode (Kapitel II.2), Nachkriegszeit (Kapitel II.3) sowie die 1960er und 1970er Jahre (II.4). In Sektion III wird der Ideentransfer analysiert und danach in IV die Konklusionen betreffend die deutsche Tradition der Verwaltungswissenschaft präsentiert.

У статті висвітлено базові освітні стандарти польської системи освіти. Досліджено стандарти вищої освіти, що ґрунтуються на основних вимогах Болонського процесу, та здійснено їх аналіз на прикладі Польщі. Реформування вищої освіти істотно підвищить конкурентоспроможність європейської системи освіти, зокрема вищої освіти Польщі та України. Автор зазначає, що Болонський процес, спрямований на створення спільної зони європейської вищої освіти, дозволить повною мірою скористатися перевагами культурної різноманітності, неухильно підвищувати якість освіти, полегшити мобільність студентів і забезпечити молодь повсюдно визнаними кваліфікаціями. ; The paper presents educational standards of Polish higher education system, which exists in Europe. Study of standards, which are the main demands of Bologna process, their investigation, analysis and implementation on the basis of Poland are extremely actual. Reformation of higher education system considerably raises competitiveness of European education system, particularly higher education of Poland and Ukraine. Poland has made important steps in integrating the country's higher education into the process leading to the creation of the European higher education area. The author lights up the main tendencies of higher education in Poland. Following the reforming goals, Poland pays attention to European norms and standards in education, science and technology. Learning and understanding of world experience in higher education, improvement of managerial levers are of great theoretical and practical importance. Results of investigation underlie the basis for forecasting and development of the national higher education within the context of forthcoming to European standards. All innovations assume also a political character. Bologna process should promote to settlement of education imperfection and irregularity; unemployment. Suspension and pragmatism in implementation of the main directions of Bologna process indicate that Poland has chosen the right way. The difficulties that Poland had towards its way into European educational and scientific area have been overcome. Joining of Ukraine to Bologna process is a systematic integrated process of forwarding of its higher education into European and world educational and scientific area. Globalization predetermines continual pursuit of reforming and modernization of higher education system in Ukraine. Integration into the European structure for Ukraine means to obtain country's European identity and to help enhance its educational opportunities. Experience exchange will help Ukraine to become closer to the level of European counties. The implementation of a higher quality of education within Bologna process will enhance student and academic staff mobility. Recognition of qualifications and diplomas between Ukraine and European countries will promote to international competitiveness of Ukrainian higher education graduates. The author notes that Bologna process of reformation, directed at establishment of joint area of European higher education, allows in full take advantages of cultural variety, steadily improve the quality of education, facilitate students' mobility and provide the youth by everywhere recognized qualifications.

У статті розглянуто офіційні настанови розвитку питань іншомовної освіти в межах інтегрування Європейського простору вищої освіти. Висвітлюються рішення і дії Ради Європи та Європейського Союзу, спрямовані на формування мультилінгвальної та багатокультурної Європи. Визначено, що вирішення проблеми здійснюється на індивідуальному, національному та наднаціональному рівнях. Встановлено, що сфера вищої освіти розглядається як важливий чинник, що дозволяє формувати відкритий простір європейської вищої освіти, сприяти мобільності європейців, пропонувати важливі засоби економічного зростання шляхом поліпшення вивчення іноземних мов. Схарактеризовано пріоритети навчання іноземних мов у вищій освіті й суттєвий вплив розвитку мовних і мовленнєвих умінь для ефективного функціонування в сучасному світі. ; The article deals with foreign language learning policy making in Europe and in European higher education in particular. The study points out that demands are made not only for the recognition of a citizenship of residence, but also for an acknowledgement of the value of a diversity of languages and cultures for all countries. The leading European agencies (The Council of Europe, The European Union) decisions and activities directed at the promotion of foreign language learning in higher education are considered. The efforts made to raise awareness of the European Union and Council of Europe recommendations for promoting language learning and linguistic diversity across Europe and to promote European co-operation in developing language policies and practices for higher education are discussed. The article also focuses on the implications of the Bologna Process for the field of HE language education (languages and academic mobility, languages and employability, lifelong language learning). The investigated data prove that globalization and integration set a new economic context for the developments in HE foreign language provision. The adopted decisions are connected with raising foreign language proficiency at the individual, national and supranational levels. The tasks and practical solutions are aimed at the creation of a European Higher Education area, allowing for mobility of students, graduates and higher education staff; preparing students for their future careers and for life as active citizens; offering broad access to high quality higher education, based on academic freedom by means of promotion language learning in higher education and acquisition of foreign language skills. The calls for academic mobility lead to understanding that students, graduates, and teaching staff need a potentially wide range of communicative skills which arise out of the various tasks which they may have to perform in a foreign language (gaining access to specialised material in another language, participating in mobility programmes and in international projects, the professional communication skills, socialization skills etc.) The priorities of foreign language learning and teaching within European higher education context are characterized (needs analysis, professionally-oriented language learning, creating diversity of language learning models).

International audience ; Les mouvements sociaux sont devenus une caractéristique incontournable du paysage politique urbain dans les villes africaines contemporaines-de la mobilisation urbaine contre l'apartheid aboutissant à rendre les villes 'ingouvernables' en Afrique du Sud, et contribuant à la chute du régime en 1994 ; au plus récent mouvement pour la démocratie qui a vu le jour au Maroc, lors du « printemps arabe » de 2011, en passant par les mobilisations politico-ethniques qui ébranlèrent notamment les villes kenyanes au milieu des années 2000. Ces mobilisations ont divers objets de revendication dans la ville, sur la ville, et s'articulent souvent, de manière complexe, autour de notions de justice et d'injustice ou de droits. Cependant, dans le contexte des études urbaines africaines, l'analyse dominante des mouvements sociaux urbains, de même que la rhétorique contemporaine du « droit à la ville », sous-estiment souvent la difficulté que représente le passage à un langage de droits (à la différence par exemple de ce que l'on peut observer dans les villes brésiliennes, voir Holston, 2008). Ces approches partent, peut-être un peu vite, du principe que la contrainte majeure rencontrée par les gens voulant mobiliser leurs « droits » est la répression d'Etat, ou plus largement le manque d'opportunités politiques (Bayat, 1997). Dans ce type d'approche, les habitants sont condamnés à la stratégie de l'« empiétement silencieux » (quiet encrochment) ou de la « résistance au quotidien », car la revendication ouverte de leurs droits les mettrait en danger. Notre approche ici est de considérer le « droit à la ville » dans la mesure seulement où il devient instrument de mobilisation des résidants ; lorsqu'il est explicitement constitué en catégorie de l'action collective, de l'organisation de la société civile ou du débat public. Afin de prendre le « droit à la ville » au sérieux (précisons que nous ne discutons pas ici du concept lefebvrien mais considérons seulement le droit a la ville en tant qu'il devient une instrument de mobilisation politique), nous suggérons qu'il est essentiel d'analyser la manière dont les revendications individuelles et collectives sont formulées et dans quelle mesure elles s'articulent autour de la notion de droit. Pour comprendre autrement les formes de lutte pour la justice ou contre l'injustice spatiales, nous examinons dans ce chapitre la manière dont les mobilisations s'expriment ou non en termes de droits en nous appuyant sur des cas de mobilisations dans des quartiers pauvres du Cap, de Casablanca, de Johannesburg et de Nairobi. Dans les trois contextes nationaux, l'étude des stratégies de résistance quotidienne démontre également un autre niveau de complexité. La mobilisation d'un discours de droits s'affiche le plus souvent en rupture avec les systèmes locaux de gouvernance, de régulation et de redistribution urbaines, qui repose souvent sur des accords formels ou informels à l'échelle locale (de type clientéliste par exemple).

Commodity currencies have been stood against fiat money in the discourses on the history of money, implying a development from primitive forms of money – which needed anchor in a real commodity to gain acceptance, for instance gold, silver or copper – to a more sophisticated monetary regime based solely on confidence and trust. This paper argues that the idea of a gradual replacement of the former form of money by the latter is an ahistoric construct: commodity and fiat monies have replaced each other over the millennia, and the latest craze for commodity currency was as recent as the 1920's when numerous European currencies were based on gold. More fundamentally, money is here viewed as a social relationship, where the anchoring of money in commodities over the centuries may be seen either as strengthening the social contract between the regent and the people, or as undermining it by reducing the space of politics at the expense of automatic regulators. With the break-through of democracy in the early 20thcentury, the benefits of automaticity were increasingly questioned, and finally abandoned in the 1930's. In this light, the Bretton Woods regime (1945-1970), although based on dollar-gold convertibility, is not to be interpreted as a commodity currency system but rather as one where politics took the lead over market forces, ushering post-WWII Europe, North America and Japan into a stage of embedded liberalism. It is customary to pin the demise of this era to the misuse of the USA of its de facto international currency monopoly, but the crucial shift was rather the advent of neoliberal political domination of the 1980's which disembedded markets from politics once again, not the over-reach of the USA. The tying of the hands of politics, and thus of democracy, of disembedding the markets, took another leap forward with the convergence criteria established by the EU as a precondition for joining the euro zone. The paper concludes that just as the embedding of the markets post-WWII grew out of the interwar years' dismal economic, social, political and military experiences, so, too, a re-embedment of markets may take its point of departure in the economic, social and political catastrophes following the financial crisis of 2008, and the difficulty of dealing with its consequences which have beset the euro zone countries ever since. If such a trend begins to take hold, it is argued, it is the political embedding of markets which we should focus on, not the tying of currencies to a commodity anchor.

International audience ; L'acte de naissance de l'Empire almohade relève du mythe autant que de l'histoire : voyage d'Ibn Tûmart en Orient, rencontre avec les autorités almoravides, premier serment d'allégance (bay'a) de ses disciples dans les monts de l'Atlas, premières batailles contre le pouvoir de la plaine, mort du Mahdî Ibn Tûmart, conquête de Marrakech. De retour d'Orient, vers 1116-1117, Ibn Tûmart se serait posé en censeur « sunnite » des moeurs. Dès 1120, il aurait reproché aux Almoravides leur corruption, leur hérésie et leur anthropomorphisme. Le point de départ du mouvement ne réside donc pas dans une conception chiite de l'imâmat, avec la revendication d'un magistère découlant de l'appartenance au sang du prophète, mais dans la réforme des moeurs et des pratiques juridiques, ainsi que dans la contestation de la pratique almoravide du pouvoir, au nom d'une vision austère et rigoriste des normes sociales d'une part, de l'autorité légitime de l'autre. Devant les troubles provoqués par Ibn Tûmart, l'émir régnant, 'Alî b. Yûsuf b. Tâshfîn (1106-1143), réputé pour sa piété, et ses docteurs de la Loi (fuqahâ') auraient émis le souhait de débattre avec le trublion de sa doctrine. Celui-ci, avisé du danger qu'il encourrait à accepter cette rencontre, se serait réfugié à Igîllîz, son hameau natal, près de Taroudant : c'est « sa première hégire ». Là, devant ses partisans, il se serait proclamé, et aurait été reconnu, imâm et mahdî : ces deux termes, d'inspiration chiite, possèdent une forte connotation eschatologique et désignent respectivement le guide de la communauté et le personnage destiné à annoncer la fin des temps. Ibn Tûmart manifeste très tôt des aspirations tant politiques que spirituelles et religieuses. À partir de sa base de l'Atlas, il organise ses troupes, prépare la conquête du pouvoir almoravide et met en place le système idéologique du tawhîd (« unitarisme »). Dans un second temps, vers 1124, il se serait réfugié avec ses fidèles dans le Sud marocain, à Tinmâl, qui allait devenir le berceau et la première capitale du mouvement almohade : c'est la « seconde hégire ». La décision de transformer l'autorité à fondement religieux, de nature quasi « prophétique », exercée par Ibn Tûmart sur « sa » communauté en une souveraineté politique exercée sur l'espace maghrébin a été prise par le Mahdī lui-même. Les expéditions lancées contre le pouvoir almoravide qui tient les plaines atlantiques commencent dès le milieu des années vingt du XII e siècle. La mort d'Ibn Tûmart, en 1130, ne les interrompt qu'un temps, celui de la transition politique, puis elles sont reprises par le successeur (khalîfa) du Mahdī, 'Abd al-Mu'min, une fois que celui-ci eut réussi à s'imposer à la tête de tous les Almohades, probablement vers 1132.

The Constitution of the Slovak Republic in Article 40 provides for the right to health protection. The state is obliged to provide its citizens, under the conditions set by the law, on the basis of health insurance, with the right to free of charge health care and sanitary aids. The modern systems providing the citizens' right to health protection are influenced by three factors: tradition, the level of scientific knowledge and at last, but not least, by the state's economic possibilities. There exists no social consensus about an optimal organization of the health system. The requirement of establishing a balance between the adequacy of the amount of the invested financial means and the real results of health care, measured in particular in the estimated living longevity, is constantly getting urgent. The state is obliged to provide the largest possible availability of health care in accordance with the newest knowledge of science, research and rational pharmacotherapy. If a forced restriction of the ownership right is inevitable for the achievement of this aim, the state finds a legal basis for it in domestic, community and international law. However, such intervention is legitimate only by keeping four cumulatively determined conditions: admissibility only to an inevitable extent, in public interest, under the law and for an adequate compensation. These legal institutions are legislatively not defined, are always assessed within the context of a concrete matter and are temporarily and locally altering. ; Konstytucja Republiki Słowackiej w art. 40 gwarantuje prawo do ochrony zdrowia. Państwo zobowiązane jest zapewnić swoim obywatelom, na podstawie przepisów ustawy, bezpłatną opiekę zdrowotną i pomoc w zakresie higieny, w oparciu o ubezpieczenie zdrowotne. Wpływ na kształt obowiązujących regulacji dotyczących prawa do ochrony zdrowia wywierają trzy czynniki: tradycja, doktryna i wreszcie, co wcale nie jest najmniej istotne, warunki ekonomiczne państwa. Brak jest porozumienia społecznego w sprawie optymalnej organizacji systemu opieki zdrowotnej. Próba znalezienia równowagi pomiędzy adekwatnością zainwestowanych środków finansowych a rzeczywistą skutecznością systemu opieki zdrowotnej, z uwzględnieniem w szczególności wpływu na nią długości życia ludzi, wciąż jest problemem bardzo ważnym. Państwo jest obowiązane zapewnić obywatelom najlepszą dostępność opieki zdrowotnej w oparciu o najnowszą wiedzę medyczną, wyniki badań naukowych oraz racjonalną terapię farmakologiczną. Jeżeli dla osiągnięcia tego celu nieunikniona jest ograniczenie prawa własności, państwo znajduje podstawy do tego w prawie krajowym, unijnym i międzynarodowym. Jednakże taka interwencja państwa jest legitymowana jedynie wówczas, gdy spełnione są łącznie cztery niezbędne do tego warunki: dopuszczalna jest tylko w stopniu koniecznym, w imię interesu publicznego, na podstawie prawa i za odpowiednim odszkodowaniem. Te sytuacje prawne nie są określone przez prawo, należy je poddawać ocenie w każdej konkretnej sprawie oraz są one zmienne w czasie i przestrzeni.

Global processes are reshaping the education systems of the Western world (Resnik 2008). New public management models are implemented in the public sector to govern schools and control teacher quality (Moos & Møller 2003). Together with this comes the notion of accountability; the belief that teachers are to be held responsible for low standards among pupils (Ingersoll 2011). The relationship between teacher quality and pupils' results also is a common argument in international reports (see Barber & Mourshed 2007; Natale et al. 2013). Altogether, these trends influence national educational policy and trickle down to district and school levels. A recent example in Sweden is "the first teacher reform" aimed at providing new forms of career services for teachers that the government launched in July 2013. In brief it allows accountable authorities to create, shape and appoint head teachers and as a consequence of this there is a great variety between the municipalities (Skolverket 2013). The first teacher reform has introduced a new and formalised category of teachers concerned with issues involving educational leadership. Educational leadership relies on interaction between school leaders and teachers (Hultman 2001; Ludvigsson 2009) and previous research underlines both structural and cultural aspects in leadership as prerequisites for successful schools (Ärlestig 2009; Törnsén 2009). My paper explores the implementation of the reform on local level by analysing policy documents and data from interviews with district administrators, principals and first teachers. The theoretical framework builds upon an understanding of leadership as relational and contextual (Pierce & Newstrom 2007) and Leithwoods et al (2007) aspects of "distributed leadership". My work here is largely exploratory and suggestive where I seek to answer two main questions: In what ways does the emergence of first teachers effect the educational leadership of the principals? How do first teachers describe and understand their role in the organisation? Preliminary results suggest that first teachers are resources in mentoring their colleagues and leading quality improvement, offering support for the principals as educational leaders by taking over processes related to collegial learning. However there is also a concern that first teachers lack legitimacy and the ability to question traditional teaching patterns for the improvement of teaching. The first teachers on their hand call for more guidance and clarity from the principals and district administrators regarding their assignments. The amount of meetings has increased and first teachers express that principals tend to move organisational issues tend to the first teachers. Most of all first teachers call for more time for their work. For some first teachers the relationship to colleagues have been strained and they experience that there are troubles to lead development processes due to envy and suspicion.

Amalfi nei secoli XII-XIII Abstract La tesi consiste nella continuazione del lavoro fatto agli inizi degli anni Settanta del secolo scorso da Ulrich Schwarz, il quale ha ricostruito gli archivi degli enti ecclesiastici e dei monasteri amalfitani limitatamente alla documentazione dei secoli IX-XI, sulla base della quale ha ripercorso le vicende del ducato dalle origini fino al 1100, quando ormai esso era già da tempo inserito nel Ducato di Puglia e Calabria fondato da Roberto il Guiscardo. La trattazione è ora concentrata sui due secoli seguenti, che videro l'affermazione definitiva della presenza normanna nel Ducato di Amalfi, l'inserimento dello stesso nel Regno di Sicilia creato nel 1130 da Ruggero II e quindi il passaggio, prima, alla dinastia sveva e poi a quella angioina fino alla morte di Carlo II d'Angiò nel 1309: due secoli di fondamentale importanza per la storia del Mezzogiorno e di Amalfi sia dal punto di vista dell'assetto politico-amministrativo centrale e periferico sia per quanto riguarda i nuovi equilibri che si vennero formando all'interno del ducato (come entità territoriale e non più politica) in seguito alla perdita del preminente ruolo politico da parte di Amalfi e all'affermazione di Ravello e Scala, che insieme a Lettere e a Capri erano diocesi suffraganee della sede arcivescovile amalfitana. Il punto di partenza è stato una ricognizione sistematica delle fonti disponibili, in maggioranza edite ma nelle sedi più disparate, di cui è stato fatto un repertorio sistematico sulla base dei regesti, suddivisi per archivi di provenienza: Archivio di Santa Maria di Fontanella (1100-1269), con documentazione proveniente dagli archivi dei monasteri dei SS. Cirico e Giulitta di Atrani, S. Tommaso Apostolo, S. Angelo de Mare; Archivio di Santa Maria Dominarum (1270-1308); Archivio di S. Lorenzo del Piano (1100-1308); Archivio vescovile di Ravello (1101-1308); Archivio arcivescovile di Amalfi (1103-1308). La tesi è corredata da una Appendice documentaria con 11 documenti inediti del secolo XII, rinvenuti nell'Archivio della Badia di Cava de' Tirreni: documenti che costituiscono un incremento non irrilevante della documentazione amalfitana originale, dopo che nel 1943 è andata distrutta tutta quella dei monasteri soppressi agli inizi dell'Ottocento, conservata nell'Archivio di Stato di Napoli. Sia essi sia i regesti dei documenti editi saranno messi a disposizione degli studiosi online sul portale internazionale Monasterium.Net, gestito da ICARus (International Center for Archival Research), un vasto consorzio di molteplici archivi e università europee, coordinato da Manfred Thaller dell'Università di Colonia, il fondatore delle Digital Humanities in Europa e il primo ad aver effettuato riflessioni sui documenti storici digitalizzati.

Uno degli elementi che ha caratterizzato l'evoluzione dell' economia a partire dagli anni '80, sia nei singoli Stati che a livello internazionale, è stato il ruolo crescente della finanza. La sua dimensione e la sua importanza sono cresciute e stanno crescendo ulteriormente, tanto che economisti e studiosi hanno coniato il termine "finanziarizzazione". Esso è usato per indicare il complesso di cambiamenti avvenuti nella relazione tra settore finanziario ed economia reale, che han dato sempre più peso agli attori o agli obiettivi finanziari. Esistono infatti varie definizioni e usi del termine, come specificato in Epstein (2005), il quale la definisce, in termini molto generali, nell'introduzione del suo libro, come: "The increasing role of financial motives, financial markets, financial actors and financial institutions in the operation of the domestic and International economies". Esso è stato usato per indicare diversi fenomeni, come l'orientamento alla creazione di valore per gli azionisti, l'aumento del debito privato, l'aumento dei volumi d'intermediazione e l'innovazione dei prodotti finanziari ad essa associati, i crescenti redditi derivanti da attività finanziarie, la maggiore frequenza delle crisi finanziarie, la nascita di nuove istituzioni finanziarie, un aumento della mobilità dei capitali a livello internazionale, ecc. Mentre fino alla congiuntura recente era prevalsa una letteratura che considerava la crescita della finanza come un fattore in grado di promuovere una maggiore efficienza nell'allocazione delle risorse, sostenendo così uno sviluppo più elevato e stabile del sistema economico, la crisi finanziaria ha portato ad una riflessione critica dell'apporto dato dallo sviluppo del settore finanziario all'economia reale. Il presente lavoro si svilupperà come segue. Nella prima sezione verrà ripresa la rassegna sulla finanzirizzazione svolta da Stockhammer, nella quale vengono messi in particolare evidenza tre fenomeni: i cambiamenti intervenuti nel settore finanziario, la finanziarizzazione delle imprese non finanziarie, e il crescente indebitamento delle famiglie; per poi fornire una rassegna della letteratura sul nesso finanza-crescita; tema oggi ancor più animato dalla percezione che la finanza abbia progressivamente prevalso e dominato l'attività reale. In secondo luogo, si proseguirà con una spiegazione dell'evoluzione dei principi contabili, seguita da una parte metodologica in cui si descrivono i limiti e i vantaggi che possono derivare dall'uso dei flussi di fondi, le principali caratteristiche della loro struttura, e gli utilizzi, sia di politica monetaria che di previsione dell'instabilità finanziaria, che sono stati fatti di questi conti. Il terzo capitolo costituisce una sorta di nota metodologica, utile ai fini della parte empirica finale del lavoro. In essa vengono elencati e spiegati in dettaglio gli strumenti finanziari e i settori istituzionali oggetto dei conti finanziari. Il quarto capitolo ha lo scopo di fornire una lettura del processo di finanziarizzazione del sistema economico europeo attraverso i conti finanziari e del reddito dei settori istituzionali.

Нефтегазовая отрасль является основной в экономике Азербайджана. Значительная часть доходов государственного бюджета формируется за счёт экспорта углеводородного сырья. Решение государственных, внутриэкономических, социальных и политических проблем зависит от правильного анализа деятельности предприятий топливноэнергетического комплекса и определения внешнеэкономических перспектив их развития. Стратегические нефтегазовые предприятия Азербайджанской Республики были неэффективны. Для создания рациональной стратегии развития и возможных вариантов реструктуризации газовой отрасли Азербайджана необходимо исследовать ее структурные преобразования, проанализировать перспективы внешнеэкономической деятельности. Перспективы развития внутреннего газового рынка Азербайджана в большей части определяются состоянием республиканской газопроводной инфраструктуры и экономическим положением стратегических предприятий газовой отрасли после проведения реструктуризации. В представленной работе под реструктуризацией предприятия понимается один из методов его реформирования посредством проведения преобразования в организационной, финансово-экономической, производственно-технической и социальной подсистемах. Ключевой целью этих преобразования является адаптация к изменившимся условиям внешней среды для вывода предприятия из кризиса и повышения эффективности функционирования. Топливно-энергетический комплекс является ключевым в экономике Азербайджана. Анализ деятельности и определение внешнеэкономических перспектив развития предприятий этого комплекса необходимы для успешного решения ряда государственных проблем. Также следует использовать комплексный подход при оценке конкретных международных газовых проектов, учитывая важное внешнеэкономическое значение экспорта газа для Азербайджана.The oil and gas industry is a key sector in the economy of Azerbaijan. A significant part of the revenues of the state budget is formed by hydrocarbons. The solution of the state, the economic, social and political problems depends on the proper analysis of the activity of enterprises of fuel and energy complex and determining the economic prospects of their development. Strategic oil companies of the Azerbaijan Republic were ineffective. In order to create a rational development strategy and possible restructuring of the gas industry of Azerbaijan it is necessary to investigate its structural transformation, to analyze the prospects of foreign economic activity. Prospects of development of the domestic gas market in Azerbaijan is mostly determined by the state Republican pipeline infrastructure and economic status of strategic enterprises of the gas industry after the restructuring. In the present work the restructuring of the company means that one of the methods of its reformation, through the transformation of organizational, financial, technological and social subsystems. A key goal of these transformations is to adapt to the changing conditions of the external environment for the business enterprise from the crisis and improving the efficiency of the operation. Fuel and energy complex is crucial to the economy of Azerbaijan. Analysis of activities and the definition of foreign economic prospects of development of the enterprises of this complex is necessary for the successful solution of a number of state issues. You should also use an integrated approach when assessing specific international gas projects, given the important economic value of gas exports to Azerbaijan.

В статье автор исследует концептуальные изменения в переговорных процессах о границах в Северной Европе. Анализируя то, как определяется статус Финляндии в мирных договорах между Россией и Швецией, автор показывает, как сквозь века Россия участвовала в обсуждение ключевых понятий европейского политического языка, государственности, территориальности и гражданственности. Начиная с теоретических дискуссий в истории понятий, автор прослеживает, как понятие государства, отделенное от личности правителя, возникает в мирных соглашениях средневековья и раннего Нового времени и как владения правителя получили статус политических образований. Через рассмотрение того, как понятие линейной государственной границы было связано с территорией Финляндии, в статье обсуждаются более обширные процессы развития идеи о территориальном государстве и линейных государственных границах. В статье ставится вопрос о том, как и через какие политические образования возникают новые представления о суверенитете в мирных соглашениях между Россией и Швецией и как в отношения между двумя странами были введены международное признание территориальной неприкосновенности и гражданские права. Цель статьи состоит в развитии сравнительной дискуссии о том, как возникновение государства и процесс установления границ в Северной Европе были связаны с политической модернизацией и как и в какой степени переопределение границ и территорий были связаны с новыми концептуализациями государства, суверенитета и гражданственности типичные для современной политики. ; This paper examines conceptual change in negotiating borders in the European North. By analyzing the definitions of the status given to Finland in peace treaties between Russia and Sweden, the paper strives to enlighten how through the centuries Russia was involved in negotiating key concepts of European political language, state, territoriality and nationality. With the theoretical discussions in conceptual history as starting point, the paper illustrates how a concept of state, separated from the person of the ruler, emerges in mediaeval and early modern peace treaties, and how the estates of the ruler gradually gain status as political units. With special focus on how notions of a linear state border were attached to the territory of Finland, the paper discusses broader processes of the development of ideas of territorial state and linear state borders. The paper asks how and at which political junctures new understandings of sovereignty appear in the treaties between Russia and Sweden and how international recognition of territorial integrity and the rights of citizens were introduced as part of the relations between the two countries. The broader aim of the paper is to contribute to a comparative discussion on how state-making and bordering processes in the European North were linked to political modernization, and how and to what degree the redefinition of borders and territories were connected to new kinds of conceptualizations of state, sovereignty and nationality characteristic to modern politics.

В статье утверждается, что в системе социокультурных качеств личности особое место занимает взаимодействие этничности и гражданственности, поскольку оно ярко выражает природно-социальную двойственность человеческого бытия. Также выявление соотношения этнического и гражданского в самосознании человека и общества позволяет определить степень социальной адаптации и возможность интеграции народов в единое национальное государство. В разных культурах российских народов сложились собственные смысловые модели гражданственности. Выражая ментальные установки человека, гражданственность предстает как проявление личностного сознания ответственности и долга по отношению к родине и государству, преломленного через этническую культуру и традиции. Патриотизм и уважение гражданами властной системы напрямую связаны с возрождением культуры межэтнических отношений и национальным самоопределением российских народов под эгидой всеобщей федеральной гражданственности. В настоящее время адекватное истолкование феномена гражданственности предполагает исследование изменений в этноменталитете российских народов, вызванных гиперинформированностью населения, глобализацией в сфере экономики, культуры, образования, усилением националистических и террористических проявлений в различных точках земного шара. В Российской Федерации найден политический «ключ» к урегулированию межнациональных отношений, но поиск механизмов дальнейшего формирования стабильной общероссийской гражданственности должен вестись уже в области коррекции социокультурных качеств личности через СМИ, школу, рекреационно-массовые мероприятия, способные влиять на ментальность этнополитического человека. ; The interaction between ethnicity and civic consciousness occupies a special place in the system of sociocultural qualities of the person, because it brightly expresses a natural and social duality of human existence. Also the correlation between ethnic and civic in the self-consciousness of personality and society helps to determine the degree of social adaptation and integration of peoples into the uniform nation state. In different cultures of Russian peoples their own semantic models of civic consciousness are developed. Expressing human mental attitudes, civic consciousness appears as a manifestation of personal sense of responsibility and duty to the homeland and the state, refracted through the ethnic culture and traditions. Patriotism and respect for the power system by the citizens are directly connected with revival of culture of the interethnic relations and national self-determination of the Russian peoples under the auspices of federal universal citizenship. Currently, adequate interpretation of the phenomenon of civic consciousness assumes research of changes in a ethnic mentality of the Russian peoples caused by hyper knowledge of the population, globalization in the sphere of economy, culture, education and strengthening of nationalist and terrorist acts in various points of the globe. Political "key" to settlement of the international relations is found in the Russian Federation, but search of mechanisms of further formation of a stable all-Russian civic consciousness has to be conducted already in the field of correction of sociocultural qualities of the personality through mass media, school, recreational and public events that can influence upon mentality of the ethnopolitical person.