Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to analyse, for the case of Portugal, the effectiveness of wage reduction ‐ a current proposal since 2011 to help the country to reverse the high public and external debt - in promoting the efficiency and international competitiveness of the economy. A static multi‐sector and single‐country general equilibrium model is used and data is collected from the GTAP7 Database. The model allows the measurement of changes by sector. The simulations performed show that extending the reduction of wages already deployed by the government in the public sector to the private sector leads to a positive impact on employment (both skilled and unskilled labour), production and volume of exports in all sectors except those that are R&D intensive, the latter having a low weight in the Portuguese economy. However, it is possible that the positive results in terms of external competitiveness are not sustainable, as the impact on productivity is negative, albeit small, for most sectors. There are also reasons for concern regarding the observed deterioration of the trade balance of most sectors, the exception being the traditional labour intensive sectors, which show good prospects in this respect.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse, for the case of Portugal, the effectiveness of wage reduction - a current proposal since 2011 to help the country to reverse the high public and external debts - in promoting the efficiency and international competitiveness of the economy. A static multi-sectoral and single-country general equilibrium model is used and data is collected from the GTAP7 Database. The model allows the measurement of changes by sector. The simulations performed show that extending the reduction of wages already deployed by the government in the public sector to the private sector leads to a positive impact on employment (both skilled and unskilled labour), production and volume of exports in all sectors except those that are R&D intensive, the latter having a low weight in the Portuguese economy. However it is possible that the positive results in terms of external competitiveness are not sustainable as the impact on productivity is negative, albeit small, for most sectors. There are also reasons for concern regarding the observed deterioration of the trade balance of most sectors, the exception being the traditional labour intensive sectors, which show good prospects in this respect.

L'allocation de permis d'émission, notamment celle s'inscrivant dans le cadre du Protocole de Kyoto pour six gaz à effet de serre (GES), a suscité et suscitent encore de vives discussions politiques sur la question de savoir qui (quel pays ou quelle région) devrait supporter un effort plus ou moins important et quelle serait la manière adéquate de distribuer les quotas de permis entre les entités affectées par le Protocole. Le présent article vise à contribuer à ce débat dans le cadre d'une petite économie ouverte multirégionale, où l'une des régions est plus spécialisée dans la production de biens et services intensifs en émissions polluantes. Différents scénarios de partage de l'effort national de réduction des émissions entre les deux régions sont analysées. On montre notamment qu'une réduction proportionnelle des émissions (ou des dotations de permis) régionales affecte plus le bien-être de la région spécialisée dans la production intensive en émissions polluantes. Un autre résultat est qu'il n'est pas possible de concevoir un scénario qui soit à la fois efficace, équitable et sans transferts interrégionaux. Les conclusions quant aux impacts des différents scénarios sur le bien-être des régions sont indépendantes de la présence ou non d'un marché international de permis d'émission.

L'allocation de permis d'émission, notamment celle s'inscrivant dans le cadre du Protocole de Kyoto pour six gaz à effet de serre (GES), a suscité et suscitent encore de vives discussions politiques sur la question de savoir qui (quel pays ou quelle région) devrait supporter un effort plus ou moins important et quelle serait la manière adéquate de distribuer les quotas de permis entre les entités affectées par le Protocole. Le présent article vise à contribuer à ce débat dans le cadre d'une petite économie ouverte multirégionale, où l'une des régions est plus spécialisée dans la production de biens et services intensifs en émissions polluantes. Différents scénarios de partage de l'effort national de réduction des émissions entre les deux régions sont analysées. On montre notamment qu'une réduction proportionnelle des émissions (ou des dotations de permis) régionales affecte plus le bien-être de la région spécialisée dans la production intensive en émissions polluantes. Un autre résultat est qu'il n'est pas possible de concevoir un scénario qui soit à la fois efficace, équitable et sans transferts interrégionaux. Les conclusions quant aux impacts des différents scénarios sur le bien-être des régions sont indépendantes de la présence ou non d'un marché international de permis d'émission.

The legal advancements made by western feminists from the 1960s continuing today mark a distinct shift for both the women's movement and mainstream radical feminist philosophy. This project examines the unintended consequences of the rise of the international women's movement as American feminists brought the law to bear as the primary instrument for reform to eradicate rape and violence against women. As contemporary political scholars demonstrate, legal remediation further codifies gender inequality and protective tropes that sexualize women's injury. Chapter 2 and 3 examines the intensified feminist efforts to criminalize domestic abuse at an international level, first at the United Nations (1980s) and later, sexual violence during wartime in international criminal law (1990s). In practice, state legislation to protect women from violence is often used as a vehicle to advance conservative political agendas. Two anthropological case studies explore these policies in action: Algerian women's access to humanitarian asylum in France and specialized humanitarian medical care provided to raped women in the Democratic Republic of Congo. One pressing conclusion to draw from both studies is that women's full citizenship status is being threatened by conservative notions of women's worth being defined in terms of her chastity. Chapter 4 examines the highly publicized humanitarian medical response to mass rape in Congo and explores the colonially derived racial hierarchy that underlies many humanitarian missions. In the interest of circumventing state power over sexuality and therefore removing the sexual stigma from rape in legal terms, this paper engages with Michel Foucault's argument that the crime of rape be desexualized and placed on a spectrum of degrees of assault.

The Working Paper charts the evolution of Conversion Studies from the Cold War to the post-Cold War period and discusses some of the reasons for the demise of the discipline in the new millennium. Based on a consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of Conversion Studies in the past, it makes some suggestions on how conversion could inform a systematic field of academic inquiry in the 21st century. The propositions put forward to this end lean toward a comparatively conservative approach that pays close attention to the historical legacy of conversion as a concept. In sum, Conversion Studies should be a multi-disciplinary, critical and policy-relevant field of research that advocates social change based on analyses of political economies of violence, particularly in the affluent, industrialized and comparatively peaceful societies of the Global North. At the same time, it ought to abandon its past reliance on a simple civil–military dichotomy and, instead, engage with the more complex issues raised by a focus on organized violence. This includes a continual questioning and readjustment of one's own normative coordinates.

This article examines U.S. efforts to build a broad international coalition in the area of missile defense. The basic formats of military cooperation with foreign countries in the deployment of the U.S. global missile defense system are described, as well as the principles of cooperation on the part of the United States. A review of the regional missile defense systems created by the United States as an intermediate step on the way to a global missile defense system is provided. Particular emphasis is placed on the implementation of The Phased Adaptive Approach for Missile Defense in Europe (European Phased Adaptive Approach, EPAA) and the creation of Active Layered Theater Ballistic Missile Defense (ALTBMD). Specified milestones and activities under the program, as well as the practical difficulties faced by the U.S. and European countries to deploy missile defense in the context of the global economic crisis are analyzed.

There is a widespread feeling that globalization represents a major system change that has or should have brought world society to the forefront of international relations theory. Nonetheless, world society remains an amorphous and undertheorized concept, and its potential role in shaping the structure of the international society of states has scarcely been raised. We build on Buzan's (2018, 2) master concept of 'integrated' world society ('a label to describe the merger of world and interstate society') to locate the integration of world society in the globalization of social networks. Following the advice of Buzan (2001) and Williams (2014), we use conceptual frameworks from international political economy to systematically explore the structure of integrated world society along six dimensions derived from Mann (1986) and Strange (1988): military/security, political, economic/production, credit, knowledge, and ideological. Our empirical survey suggests that, on each of these dimensions, power has centralized as it has globalized, generating steep global hierarchies in world society that are similar to those that characterize national societies. The centrality of the United States in the networks of world society makes it in effect the 'central state' of a new kind of international society that is endogenized within integrated world society.

Ein Expertengremium aus verschiedenen Fachbereichen diskutierte im Oktober 1985 in Ottawa über SDI und die militärischen und politischen Auswirkungen. Das Projekt bleibt umstritten, da vielfältige Schwierigkeiten einer Verwirklichung entgegenstehen. Die gesamte Abschreckungsstrategie wird von den Optionen von SDI betroffen. Es stellt sich die Frage, wie in Ost und West auf diese Herausforderung reagiert werden wird. (BIOst-Rsg)

"Proceedings of the Twenty-second International Conference on Knowledge, Culture, and Change in Organizations, hosted by the Alvernia University, 14-15 January 2022. The conference featured research addressing the following special focus: "Organizational Memetics: Nature-Centered Perspectives on Organizations" and annual themes: Organizational Intangibles and Tangible Value: What are the intangible drivers which determine the livability of organizations for insiders and their credibility and attraction to outsiders?; Knowledge Economies as the Constant: Ours is the era of the knowledge economy, but when has this not been the truth?; Organizations as Knowledge Makers: What is this nebulous thing 'knowledge' and how do organizations create, innovate, and manage it?; The Value of Culture and the Demand of Change: How do we guide change to social, stakeholder and market dynamics grounded in principles of ethics, equality and care for those in our organizations and the societies we live in?"--

Background: Physical education (PE) and physical education teacher education (PETE) have a substantial literature base that advocates for students to develop a critical consciousness, appreciate multiple perspectives, and engage in actions to enhance social justice (Tinning 2016). Analysing sociocultural issues, critically reflecting on beliefs, knowledge, biography and values, and developing a sense of agency to enact change, have been recognised as an integral part of the PETE knowledge base for some time (Fernández-Balboa 1997). However, there remain differences in how social justice itself is conceptualised and enacted. Social justice is aligned heavily with critical and 'post' theories where taking action for justice, democracy and power are central; but social justice is also found in humanist beliefs in student-centredness and equality and has been co-opted by neoliberal forces that promote individual responsibility. While a lack of consensus is not in itself a problem (Bialystok 2014), diverse definitions might contribute to confusion (Randall and Robinson 2016) and lead to uncertainty over what and how to teach for social justice. Purpose: In order to work towards greater certainty around concepts of social justice in the PETE community, this project sought to map variations in definition and conceptualisation of social justice and sociocultural issues among physical education teacher educators (PETEs) and physical education and sport pedagogy (PESP) educators, as part of a wider project on social justice and sociocultural perspectives and practices in PETE. Methods: PETE and PESP faculty (n=72) in North America, Europe, and Australasia engaged in an in-depth interview, during which they were asked how they define social justice and sociocultural issues. Additional information about participants' social identity was collected. A constant comparative method of analysing participants' definitions mapped a range of concepts building on the theoretical framework of neoliberal, humanist, critical and 'post' approaches to social justice. Findings: The data demonstrate that there are a range of understandings about sociocultural issues and social justice. Most commonly, some participants articulated a humanist approach to social justice by encouraging their pre-service teachers (PSTs) to have awareness of equality of opportunity in relation to gender, sexuality and/or racism. Less prevalent, but strongly stated by those who conceptualised social justice in these terms, was the importance to take action for democracy, empowerment or critical reflection. The terms diversity and equality, framed in neoliberal and humanist discourses, were most commonly used within the United States (US), while critical pedagogy and alignment with critical and 'post' theories were more prevalent in Australia and New Zealand. Conclusion: Differences exist in the ways social justice is conceptualised in PETE. While this can be attributed to the influence of local issues, it is also reflective of what intellectual tools, such as humanism or critical theory, are available for problematising social issues. The range of non-critical concepts found raises concern that PSTs are not getting the tools to enact social justice or tackle sociocultural issues.