Suchergebnisse

An exploration of the dynamics of post-Agreement institution building in Northern Ireland describes the current crisis that has cast serious doubts on the efficacy of the Agreement of 10 April 1998. Three possible explanations for the failure are offered: (1) power-sharing is not a suitable mechanism for conflict resolution in Northern Ireland; (2) politicians lack leadership, vision, & skills; & (3) institutions established under the Agreement suffer from structural shortcomings. An overview of the power-sharing structure is followed by consideration of whether adoption of a power-sharing settlement was a wise decision. Underlying causes of the many difficulties that arose during the implementation & operation processes are pointed out, along with the limits placed on majoritarian democracy by the institutional structure of devolved government. The future of power-sharing in Northern Ireland is said to be crucially linked to the next elections. It is as yet unknown whether existing problems will be resolved with the current or a renegotiated institutional framework. Suggestions are made for internal & external revisions that could offer power-sharing institutions greater stability. 4 References. J. Lindroth

The earliest submission of the Dalmatian cities to Venetian sovereignty, around the medieval millennial year 1000, remained fundamental for the mythology of Venice's political culture right up to the end of the history of the republic in 1797. Giacomo Diedo, whose history of Venice was published in 1751, focused his attention upon "the first acquisitions of the Venetians in Dalmatia, which then might serve as a base for further advances." In fact, the coastal cities of Dalmatia would serve Venice in the most literal (and littoral) sense as bases for an imperial commercial domain that advanced beyond the Adriatic to the eastern Mediterranean, but for Diedo, and his eighteenth-century contemporaries, Dalmatia was also an ideological base on which to construct a culturally convenient vision of Venetian empire. The Dalmatians, in order "to secure themselves from the molestations of the barbarians" (the Narentani along the river Neretva), appealed for the protection of Venice, so that the Adriatic armada of the Doge Pietro II Orseolo was welcomed "with acclamations by the inhabitants who saluted him as their liberator."

The public sphere, according to Habermas, is "in principle inclusive," so much so that "however exclusive the public might be in any given instance, it could never close itself off entirely and become consolidated as a clique; for it always understood and found itself immersed within a more inclusive public of all private people." Further, Habermas specifies that "the public sphere of civil society stood or fell with the principle of universal access," that any absolute exclusions made it "not a public sphere at all"—for the public sphere "anticipated in principle that all human beings belong to it."' The theoretical tension between principles of inclusion and exclusion thus has been essential to the delineation of the public sphere—in its eighteenth-century historical origins and in its twentieth-century academic formulation—and that tension structured the dual aspect of the public sphere, conceived as a phenomenon of social structure and cultural representation.

Résumé

Die Wissenschaft von der Kriminologie befindet sich in einer latenten Krise. Bei zunehmender Kriminalität ist nach Ursachen für die relative Wirkungslosigkeit der Maßnahmen von Vorbeugung u. Behandlung zu suchen. Damit stellt sich die grundsätzliche Frage nach dem Verhältnis von Theorie und Praxis im Umgang mit der Kriminalität. Der Begriff 'kriminologische Theorie' wird durch drei Aspekte gekennzeichnet: 1. die theoretischen Inhalte, 2. die Vermittlung von Theorie in Lehre, 3. die Beteiligung von Personen, die Theorie betreiben. Es zeigt sich, daß sich die Praxis der Theorie in beliebiger Weise bedient und auch deren Ziele selbst bestimmt. Ebenso ist festzustellen, daß kriminologische Wissenschaft nicht anders vorgeht. Die Kritik läßt sich in zwei Punkten zusammenfassen: 1. Kriminologische Wissenschaft kann eine handlungsleitende Funktion gegenüber der Praxis solange nicht erfüllen, wie sie die Bedingungen, die Notwendigkeit und die Sinnhaftigkeit der Umsetzung von Theorie in die Praxis nicht mitbedenkt; 2. Auch kriminologische Theorie würde die Bestimmung von Zielen von Veränderung oder Verbeserung der Praxis nur bei sich selbst suchen. (NG)

Les agitations urbaines qui, du XIIIe à la fin du XVe siècle, jalonnent 1' « automne du moyen âge », ont retenu l'attention des historiens. Ceux-ci n'ont pas eu de peine à en déterminer les principales zones d'extension : Pays-Bas, bords du Rhin, Italie. C'est là que l'essor économique médiéval a créé de grandes -villes industrielles, concentré dans leurs ateliers les premiers prolétariats urbains de l'Europe, tisserands et foulons de Florence, « ongles bleus » de Gand; là aussi qu'au cours du xiv" siècle les révolutions municipales ont jeté à bas les gouvernements oligarchiques. De ce grand drame social Henri Pirenne a tracé un tableau resté classique: Plus récemment, une étude minutieuse des sociétés urbaines a conduit à mieux distinguer des types d'évolution, opposer par exemple au destin d'un grand centre industriel comme Gand celui d'une ville avant tout commerciale comme Liège. Par ailleurs, les documents ont permis de préciser les formes d'exploitation sociale et de reconstituer, entre autres, l'inoubliable figure d'un Jehan Boinebroke, drapier de Douai.