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The relatively minor role of religion in influencing the choice of chiefs & political officials in Busoga, Uganda, is considered as a contrasting example to experiences in other parts of Uganda, in which religion played a major role in political issues. The preeminence of Protestantism over Catholicism & Mohammedanism & Protestant domination over allocation of resources precluded religious conflicts from deciding political issues. Catholics & Muslims sought to develop patron-client relationships with individual Protestant chiefs in lieu of overt hostilities. Consequently, although the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) was the party for Protestants & the Democratic Party the party for Catholics, other factors, eg, self-interest & 'clanism', were more important in determining party affiliation. Thus, the Protestant chiefly groups were able to choose which party to support without any fear of waning power. Of major importance in perpetuating the Protestant dominance among the chiefly groups was the selection of predominantly Protestant schools by colonial authorities for the education of future chiefs in Africa & abroad. T. Keister.

'Piety, Power, and Politics: Religion and Nation Formation in Guatemala 1821-1871' by Douglass Sullivan-Gonzalez is reviewed.

AbstractIn Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.

AbstractThis paper explores German-Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen's challenge to materialist theories that anticipate capitalism's collapse and assert socialism's dependence upon self-interest. It places Cohen's religious socialism in conversation with a cohort of Jews who led and sacrificed their lives for the German revolution of 1918–1919. I argue that although self-interest and an insistence upon socialism's inevitability may motivate revolutionary action, it can also result in quietism. Through Cohen'sReligion of Reason out of the Sources of Judaism, I show how Jewish prayer functions as a ritual practice of ethical recommitment to a cause that appears unrealizable. Cohen's notion of prayer as dialogical monologue—wherein the petitioner addresses a unique and, according to Cohen, silent God—allowed him to overcome doubt and self-interest. Beyond what Kant understood as prayer's socializing power, this paper uncovers the capacity of dialogical monologue to re-tether individuals to movements that cannot guarantee victory, yet which make ethical demands of us anyway.

Introduction. Music as culture, medium and religion -- The region. The Bora Sambar region ; Oral history ; The sacred landscape of the Bora Sambar region and the memory of resistance -- Religion, rituals, music. A boil ritual in Sargival Village ; Thea-phony : music and the goddess ; The village orchestra : Ganda Baja -- Dance and ritual as idioms of affinity and alliance. Dalkhai dance ; Tin sali yatra : a ritual of divine marriage ; Binjhal Biha -- Music, movement, death and ailment. The "guilt and expiation priest-musicians" ; The concept of sur : sound and liberation ; Itinerary non-Brahmin priest-musicians -- Music and the market. Baja bazaar : sacred music for sale ; The market of gods -- Music as religious instruction and cultural transfer. Sanchar ; Krishna guru parties ; Pala -- Possession and performance in western Odisha. Nag bacca : the snake children and their rituals ; Sobri Sobren lila ; Dand nacho -- From ritual to political music. Sambalpuri folklore ; Music, politics and ethnicity ; Music, modernisation and dalit power

From North Africa to Indonesia, Muslim populations have struggled to cope with the new environmental realities. In the era of globalisation, however, Islamists are increasingly addressing green issues and suggesting policies to help protect the environment. Delving into the causes of this new environmentalism phenomenon, Emmanuel Karagiannis explores the motivations of different Islamist groups and assesses the degree of influence that Islamic texts, rulings and principles have on the green policies pursued.

"The question as to whether religion can block economic development and institutional change, or is a purely endogenous factor, assumes particular importance today because of the rise of Islamist movements and the disappointing economic performances in the lands of Islam. This paper starts from a critical examination of the thesis of Bernard Lewis according to which the lack of separation between religion and politics creates particular difficulties on the way to modern economic growth in these lands. It will be argued that (1) Lewis' thesis conceals the critical fact that, even when political and religious functions appear to be merged, religion is the handmaiden rather than the master of politics; (2) the influence of religion increases when the state falls into crisis, owing to its impotence or excessive absolutism; (3) because the Islamic frame of reference provides political rulers with a cheap default option when they are contested, they rarely undertake the much-needed reforms of the country's institutions; (4) this way of escape is all the more attractive to contested rulers as Islamist movements, born of the internal situation as well as of the international environment, accuse them of un-Islamic behaviour; (5) as argued by Timur Kuran, by creating an "institutional trap", the legacy of the Islamic classical system also makes institutional reforms more difficult to achieve." [author's abstract]

AbstractThis article analyzes political participation and the attitudes of Muslim-Americans. Assessing national patterns, the first part highlights several regression models, discerning the impact of race/ethnicity, gender, foreign born status, age, and education on political activity and attitudes. I also compare changes in voting patterns among respondents between the 2000 and 2004 elections. The second half is based on in-depth interviews of Muslims from St. Louis, Missouri, probing more directly particular shifts in views and participation since September 11. Among the national sample, South Asians and Middle Easterners largely supported Republican George W. Bush in 2000, while African-Americans voted for Democrat Al Gore. However, by 2004, race and ethnicity were no longer statistically significant factors dividing the Muslim vote; instead, support largely went to Democrat John Kerry. Changes in voting patterns between 2000 and 2004 were also evident in the St. Louis sample of South Asians and Middle Easterners. They generally cited unfavorable views of Muslim treatment both at home and abroad since the War on Terror began as major reasons for these changes. Partisan and voting shifts were not evident among African-Americans, who have been consistent Democrats. However, many African-Americans in addition to Middle Easterners and South Asians reported heightened interest in politics and similar changes since September 11. Only Bosnians, who are relatively new to the United States, report few changes. This is largely because they have yet to develop firm political identities. Among both samples, Muslim-Americans generally exhibit high rates of participation in various political activities, many reporting increasing interest and involvement since September 11. Therefore, regardless of the hardships they may currently feel, Muslim-Americans are not hiding in the shadows but are fully participating in the political sphere.