Suchergebnisse

'Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die Stellung der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (KPCh) in einem sich rasch wandelnden wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Umfeld. Das erste Kapitel widmet sich dem innerpolitischen Strukturwandel und untersucht organisatorische und ideologische Veränderungen auf den verschiedenen Ebenen der Parteihierarchie. Im zweiten Teil wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit Machtmonopol und Kontrollstrukturen der Kommunistischen Partei gegenüber Staatsinstitutionen, Militär, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft grundlegenden Modifizierungen unterworfen sind. In einem dritten Abschnitt werden die Machtgrundlagen der kommunistischen Herrschaft zusammengefaßt, um in einem abschließenden Teil den Entwicklungstendenzen nachzugehen, die sich aus dem tiefgreidenden wirtschaftlichen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Wandel inder VR China ergeben. Zu diesem Zwecke werden Zukunftsszenarien dargelegt, die die Bandbreite alternativer Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten berücksichtigen. Personalpolitische Spekulationen sind nicht Gegenstand dieser Studie. Vielmehr sollen strukturelle Wandlungsprozesse und Entwicklungslinien herausgearbeitet werden, die mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit auch über kurzfristige personelle Veränderungen hinaus wirksam bleiben werden.' (Autorenreferat)

The connection between labour standards and international trade has become a key issue in the relations between industrialized economies and developing countries. Both the US and the EU are advocates of the inclusion of 'labour standards' in trade agreements with developing countries, in multilateral, bilateral and unilateral contexts alike. As the prospects of establishing multilateral rules governing the relations between trade and labour within the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO) have diminished, both trade blocs increasingly focus on bilateral forums to pursue their policy goals.
In this article, the objectives are twofold. First of all, we aim at describing the main points of difference between the EU's and the US's approach toward the inclusion of labour standards in bilateral trade agreements. In a second step, we will formulate a possible explanation for these differences based on a theoretical model that focuses on the aggregative role of political parties in the context of European and US policy-making on trade.

The connection between labour standards and international trade has become a key issue in the relations between industrialized economies and developing countries. Both the US and the EU are advocates of the inclusion of 'labour standards' in trade agreements with developing countries, in multilateral, bilateral and unilateral contexts alike. As the prospects of establishing multilateral rules governing the relations between trade and labour within the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO) have diminished, both trade blocs increasingly focus on bilateral forums to pursue their policy goals. In this article, the objectives are twofold. First of all, we aim at describing the main points of difference between the EU's and the US's approach toward the inclusion of labour standards in bilateral trade agreements. In a second step, we will formulate a possible explanation for these differences based on a theoretical model that focuses on the aggregative role of political parties in the context of European and US policy-making on trade. Adapted from the source document.

Faith in the UK's political system has reached new lows. Politicians and commentators are lining up to offer answers, but what if the problem goes beyond left and right, trust and bureaucracy? What if the system puts too much power in the hands of politicians in London and not enough in the hands of ordinary people? This important book addresses a key issue of our time: where should power and governance lie in our democracy? Simon Parker, a leading expert on public services and government, claims the answer is to give power away. Indeed, across the country, communities and cities are already starting to take matters into their own hands, reinventing citizenship for the 21st century. Including fascinating interviews with former ministers and officials about their experience of managing the central state, as well as illuminating international case studies, Parker offers policy recommendations and practical ideas for giving power away and creating a new kind of politics focused on unleashing society's creative potential. In so doing, he provides a route map for change, showing how decentralisation can make us happier, healthier and more equal

Este artículo es un estudio del uso del Twitter como herramienta de participación pública en un conflicto político sin la necesidad de participar necesariamente en las formas de filiación política más tradicionales. Para este artículo se parte del caso de los tuits surgidos a partir de la promulgación de la Ley Pulpín en Perú (diciembre de 2014), ley que pretendía rebajar los derechos laborales de los jóvenes peruanos, hasta su derogación gracias a la oposición a dicha ley (enero de 2015). Como corpus de análisis disponemos de un total de 105 tuits, generados en el entorno de las marchas que hubo en Perú contra esta ley. En el trabajo analizamos el contenido de los tuits del corpus de análisis a través de cuatro categorías principales, que hemos establecido para este trabajo, y que creemos que pueden ser replicables para futuros estudios lingüísticos basados en el género discursivo-digital twitter y su papel como espacio alternativo en el desarrollo de la lucha ante un problema sociopolítico. El artículo concluye que los elementos del género Twitter son herramientas básicas del espacio dialógico en el cual los usuarios interactúan. ; This paper considers how Twitter can empower citizens and serve as an alternative to traditional forms of engagement in political conflict. It analyses a corpus of 105 protest-related tweets posted between the December 2014 enactment of the Ley Pulpín – a law which aimed to curtail labour rights for Peruvian youth in Peru – and its repeal in January 2015. The article derives four key categories for classifying these tweets. It argues that these criteria can serve for future linguistic studies analysing Twitter as a digital discursive genre and considers the network's role as an alternative forum for socio-political activism. Finally, it concludes that the conventions of Twitter as a textual genre are basic tools for understanding the dialogic space in which users interact. ; El trabajo realizado en este artículo ha recibido financiación del projecto ICUDEL (EDU2014-57677-C2-1-R). Además, se inscribe en los trabajos del grupo Gr@el, subvencionado por el gobierno catalán (AGAUR, 2017SGR 915).

The fact shows that there are still mosque leaders that use black magic to maintain their position. and that there are still mosque leaders that use their authority as the chairman of the Foundation that supervise the mosque that use the people's fund or the fund from the government without making a clear accountability account to the people. Therefore it is urgent to hold a mosque leader election that is free, closed and confidential. The purpose of this research is to analyze the structural determinism variable to determine the indicator of the mosque leader election, to analyze the behaviorism variable to determine the indicator of the mosque leader election, to analyze the psychology variable to determine the indicator of the mosque leader election, to explain the process of the mosque leader election, and to explain the chronology of the people's protest to the former mosque leader Method that is used is survey, while data analysis technique is content analysis. The result of the research shows. The majority of the respondence (71,0 percent) said that they are not bound and determined by the Fondation and Mosque structurals in choosing their mosque leader, and a majority of respondence (73,0 percent) said that they are not influenced by anybody, without inducement or coercion from anybody, and the majority of respondence (75,0 percent) said that when the election of the candidate of the mosque leader is held their choice is based on their interpretation or on their comprehension to the political situation of the mosque.While a majority of respondence (80,0 persen) said that they immediately conduct a mosque leader election because the current mosque leader is not trusted anymore by the people. Meanwhile, a majority of respondence (70,0 percent) protest the stakeholders of the mosque to immediately change the mosque leader, because the behavior of the former mosque leader is no longer based on the Islamic principle .

In the proposed study on the example of the cultural and spiritual situation in Germany in the end of 18th and 19th centuries, cultural and epistemological foundations for conversion to mythological imagination as strategies of social integration and national modernization were clarified, as well as – outlined political risks that follow from this. In the context of the growth of secular everyday life, focused on «exceptional humanism» of self-realization, people saw themselves as the highest value and went on the path of anthropocentric «disenchantment» of the world. At the same time, the prevailing philosophy of Cartesianism, with its opposition between the soul and the body, in the epistemological context of which was disseminated by rational discourse, exhausted its creative resource regarding the instruments of modernization and social integration of the fragmented German society. With the development of the German-speaking urban environment («bürgerliche Gesellschaft»), which slowly entered the struggle for civil rights, the need for modern national identity was formed. Dynastic political norms for centuries held the imagination and mind beyond the ideas of the rule of law on power: «The Germans, their political elite want to combine incompatible – to be a nation-state and empire at the same time» (Plesner). Under those conditions, the German communicative environment tends to contrast the organic German «culture» – the non-German artificial «civilization». Under the influence of the ideas of Romanticism, imagination and thinking turns to myth-creativity. From the point of view of romanticism, the relation between myth and mind has a different meaning than from the point of view of science. Here the true order of things accessible to reason relates not to the present, directed to the future, but to the past, since the truth that has already been realized in it is inaccessible to the present knowledge. From the point of view of romantics, the myth should not mock, but hear «the voice of the distant past» in it. «Myth becomes a bearer of one's own truth, inaccessible for rational explanation» (Gadamer). It was the return of the authority of non-discursive forms of reason, or the conversion to such a state of understanding, the inner meaning of which is its unity with the emotional experience of reality. Hegel's «Program» is becoming an illustrative one, which, in one way or another, was shared by almost all his contemporaries: «We must create a new mythology, but such a mythology should stand in the service of ideas, be the mythology of reason. Until we provide the ideas of aesthetic, that is, mythological character, people will not be interested in them. On the other hand, until mythology becomes intelligent, the philosopher will refrain from it». Artistic romanticism combined with the struggle for civil rights and the civilian modernization of social relations. However, the path of this development, unlike the Enlightenment, was perceived through the sublime importance of language, art and culture. Language is considered as a special mythological reality. Nietzsche expresses the belief that culture can develop only in myth delineated horizon of understanding. It is about the destruction of that horizon of understanding, which is defined by non-modern cultural traditions and decadent rational civilization advancement. For Nietzsche, «the world can be justified solely as an aesthetic artistic phenomenon,» which enriches our lives with Dionysian tragedy, deceit, joy and completeness? The new mind must also be emotionally enthusiastic and not devoid of instinct. F. Nietzsche concludes that «Without myth, each culture loses a healthy natural creative force, only the myths covered horizons embraces the entire movement of culture in unity». This means the «revaluation of all values» of the West and the creation of a new superman. Unlike all his contemporaries, the Marxists radically rejected myth-making, considering it to be the past state of mankind. They firmly advocated the scientific outlook and issued for him a Marxist theory as the only true revolutionary understanding of reality. However, this did not prevent Marxists from constructing an exclusively totalitarian state with a destroyed civil society and a man, just as in ancient mythological reality, deprived of freedom and security. Thus, myth-creation is determined by the function of understanding as comprehension, which is defined by the horizon of culture with all its symbolic, linguistic-poetic, artistic, subjects, economic, technological, sensory, emotional, narrative and other factors. Its main resource is bodily-emotional; its purpose is the sensory-emotional perception of reality through the simulation of affection by means of representative and epistemic-discursive guidance. The construction of a universal civil (civilizational) identity concerns its international ethical self-determination in the context of the semiosis and the philosophy of the embodied mind. Key words: mythology, comprehension (understanding), secularization, romanticism, social integration, culture, Nietzsche, national identity, civilization, Marxism, embodied mind, semiozis. ; У пропонованому дослідженні на прикладі культурно-духовної ситуації в Німеччині з кінця ХУІІІ до кінця ХІХ століть з'ясовуються соціальні й епістемологічні підстави для навернення до міфологічної уяви як стратегії соціальної інтеграції і національної модернізації, а також окреслені політичні ризики, які з цього випливають. За умов наростання секулярного повсякдення, орієнтованого на «виключальний гуманізм» («exclusive humanism») само-здійснення, людина вийшла на шлях антропоцентричного «розчаклування» світу. Водночас, панівна тогочасна філософія картезіанства з її протиставленням душі і тіла, в епістемологічному контексті якої поширювався раціональний дискурс, вичерпувала свій творчий ресурс щодо інструментів модернізації і соціальної інтеграції пофрагментованого суспільства. За тих умов у повсякденній і публічній сферах Німеччини складається тенденція протиставлення німецької «органічної культури» – ненімецькій «штучній цивілізації», а під впливом ідей Романтизму відбувається навернення мислення до міфотворчості. Міт, з погляду романтиків, треба не висміювати, але почути в ньому «голос далекого минулого». «Міт стає носієм своєї власної істини, недоступної для раціонального пояснення» (Гадамер). Йшлося про повернення авторитету недискурсивних форм розуму, або навернення до такого стану розуміння, внутрішнім змістом якого є його єдність з позасвідомими когнітивними чинниками й емоційним переживанням реальності. Показовою стала «Програма Геґеля», ідеї якої, так чи інакше, поділяли майже всі його сучасники: «ми повинні створити нову мітологію, але така мітологія повинна стояти на службі ідей, бути мітологією розуму. Доти, доки ми не надамо ідеям естетичного, тобто мітологічного характеру, народ не виявить до них зацікавлення. З іншого боку, доки мітологія не стане розумною, філософ буде її цуратися». Особливу роль у наверненні до проблем мітотворчості відіграли представники романтизму і філософія Ніцше. Він послідовно висловлює переконання, що культура може розвиватися тільки в окресленому мітом горизонті, а «життя можна виправдати винятково як естетичний мистецький феномен», що насичує його діонісійними трагізмом, оманою, радістю і повнотою. «Новий розум» має відійти від занепадницької нігілістичної традиції і навернутися до реального життя, яке є наснажене волею, емоціями, інстинктами, почуттям краси і потребою в мистецтві. Це засвідчує «переоцінку всіх цінностей» моралі, метафізики і світогляду Заходу і програмує на створення «надлюдини». На відміну від своїх сучасників, марксисти радикально відкидали мітотворчість, вважаючи її давно минулим станом людства. Вони твердо обстоювали потребу в науковому світогляді і видавали за нього свою теорію, як єдино істинне революційне розуміння історичного процесу і реальності. Проте, це не завадило марксистам, орієнтованим на «пролетарську солідарність», умоглядними засобами сконструювати винятково тоталітарну державу зі знищеним громадянським суспільством і людиною, подібно як у давній мітологічній дійсності, позбавленою свободи і безпеки. Обґрунтовано, що для мітотворчості ключовою є функція розуміння як осягнення реальності; її головний ресурс – тілесно-емоційний, її призначення – чуттєво-емоційне сприймання дійсності і моделювання афектації засобами репрезентативних та епістемно-дискурсивних настанов. Конструювання універсальної громадянської (цивілізаційної) ідентичності стосується її міжнародного етичного і правового самовизначення у контексті семіозу і філософії втіленого розуму. Ключові слова: мітологія, розуміння, секуляризація, романтизм, соціальна інтеграція, культура, Ніцше, національна ідентичність, цивілізація, марксизм, втілений розум, семіоз.

Afro-Colombian communities in the South Pacific, such as those that have settled in the Naya river basin -the natural border between the departments of Cauca and Valle del Cauca- have undertaken a series of struggles for recognition of the collective character of their communities and for the demand for their political participation in decision-making spaces at the local, regional and national levels. In these efforts, the role played by black women has been limited by the patriarchal structures of domination that have permeated the thinking and cultural traditions of the Afro-Colombian people since the Colony; promoting the mobilization of Afro women to subjectivize themselves politically, that is, to make themselves visible as subjects in the spaces of political deliberation and decision. However, this process has developed, most of the time, under a dichotomous modality: either they politicize their traditional roles or they distance themselves from them. Seeking to reverse this scheme, the AINÍ Women's Association -an organizational process of black women with a presence in Bajo Naya- intends, with its subjective proposal, to transcend the antagonism between the political and domestic roles of African women in order to find a way that recognizes the importance of both in the defense of Afro-Colombian territory and culture. Thus, the purpose of this research is to understand the proposal of political subjectivation that AINÍ Women have in the light of the political theory of Hannah Arendt, German philosopher who focused her attention on highlighting the moral connotations of appearing in the human world, that is, of being politically subjectivated. The concepts of "political judgement", "political imagination" and "political singularization" will be taken as a reference for this purpose. These concepts make it possible to understand the scope of this theory in the social practices of black women in the Naya river basin. ; Las comunidades afrocolombianas del Pacífico sur, como aquellas que se han asentado en la cuenca del río Naya -frontera natural entre los departamentos del Cauca y del Valle del Cauca- han emprendido una serie de luchas por el reconocimiento del carácter colectivo de sus comunidades y por la exigencia de su participación política en los espacios de toma de decisión a nivel local, regional y nacional. En tales esfuerzos el papel que han jugado las mujeres negras se ha visto limitado por las estructuras patriarcales de dominación que han permeado el pensamiento y las tradiciones culturales del pueblo afrocolombiano desde la Colonia; impulsando la movilización de las mujeres afros para subjetivarse políticamente, es decir, para visibilizarse como sujetos en los espacios de deliberación y decisión política. No obstante, ese proceso se ha desarrollado, la mayoría de las veces, bajo una modalidad dicotómica: o politizan sus roles tradicionales o se distancia de ellos. Buscando revertir este esquema, la Asociación de Mujeres AINÍ -proceso organizativo de mujeres negras con presencia en el Bajo Naya- pretende, con su propuesta de subjetivación, trascender el antagonismo entre los roles políticos y domésticos de las mujeres afros para encontrar una vía que reconozca la importancia de ambos en la defensa del territorio y de la cultura afrocolombiana. Así, el propósito de esta investigación es comprender la propuesta de subjetivación política que tienen las Mujeres AINÍ a la luz de la teoría política de Hannah Arendt, filósofa alemana que centró su atención en poner de relieve las connotaciones morales que tiene el aparecer en el mundo humano, es decir, de subjetivarse políticamente. Para esto, se tomarán como referencia los conceptos de «juicio político», «imaginación política» y «singularización política», los cuales permiten entender los alcances que tiene dicha teoría en las prácticas sociales de las mujeres negras de la cuenca del río Naya. ; Magíster en Estudios Políticos ; Maestría

One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as 'Asian democracies'. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia. ; One of the fields of interest of modern political science involves the process of transformation of political systems, understood as the transition from nondemocratic to democratic systems. One of the countries undergoing such a political transformation is the Russian Federation, which in the nineteen-nineties faced the need to reject the model of the socio-political system of the Soviet Union, and to adjust to the emerging global civilization dominated by the models originating in West European countries. The paper emphasizes that, on account of the difficulties related to the process of political transformation, at the beginning of the new millennium West European models began to be supplanted by the models of Asian countries enjoying impressive economic growth while maintaining paternalist and authoritarian mechanisms of power. The author of the paper stresses that the political system of the modern Russian Federation is a particular mix of European and Asian models. Its functioning does not resemble the political regimes of polyarchy as much as those described as 'Asian democracies'. The author indicates that given the present developmental stage of the Russian Federation, this models appears to be more practical and adequate in the political and cultural reality of modern Russia.

The «Loreto Massacre» and the subsequent process of popular justice to which its author was brought illustrate how the arming of the inhabitants of this district of La Paz combated not only the partisan abuse of power, but also the threat posed to Bolivia's constitutional legal framework by military revolutions. In a process of «political fusion», the «people on the streets» and the people as represented by the government took armed and associative action against an attempted military coup. This process also implied the employment of political action as an instrument against the devaluation of labour and artisan production. ; Los casos de la Matanza del Loreto y del posterior ajusticiamiento popular de su responsable ilustran cómo la conversión del vecindario paceño en el pueblo en armas combatió tanto el abuso partidista del poder, como la ruptura de la legalidad constitucional ejercida por las revoluciones militaristas. El pueblo en la calle y el pueblo representado en una junta de gobierno contribuyeron a la institucionalización del Estado —expresada en la política de fusión— al actuar armada y asociativamente contra el militarismo golpista, tomándose también la acción política en un medio contra la devaluación laboral y de estatus de los artesanos.

Responses to the early (February–July 2020) COVID-19 pandemic varied widely, globally. Reasons for this are multiple but likely relate to the healthcare and financial resources then available, and the degree of trust in, and economic support provided by, national governments. Cultural factors also affected how different populations reacted to the various pandemic restrictions, like masking, social distancing and self-isolation or self-quarantine. The degree of compliance with these measures depended on how much individuals valued their needs and liberties over those of their society. Thus, several themes may be relevant when comparing pandemic responses across different regions. East and Southeast Asian populations tended to be more collectivist and self-sacrificing, responding quickly to early signs of the pandemic and readily complied with most restrictions to control its spread. Australasian, Eastern European, Scandinavian, some Middle Eastern, African and South American countries also responded promptly by imposing restrictions of varying severity, due to concerns for their wider society, including for some, the fragility of their healthcare systems. Western European and North American countries, with well-resourced healthcare systems, initially reacted more slowly, partly in an effort to maintain their economies but also to delay imposing pandemic restrictions that limited the personal freedoms of their citizens.

Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, the article analyzes how political and economic influence can interfere in decisions to contribute in a humanitarian way to a given country. Here we analyze the recent situation in Venezuela, with millions of citizens emigrating in search of better conditions for survival. The economic and political support of the allies, as well as the alarming speech of the opponents, do not effectively resolve the situation of immigrants or refugees. The country's situation is also addressed in the electoral disputes of other nations, in an attempt to link the problems of the Bolivarian Republic with political parties. The study analyzes Venezuela's political current and the republic's institutional past and addresses how political interference defines whether humanitarian aid will be carried out or not ; A través del análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias, el artículo analiza cómo la influencia política y económica puede interferir en las decisiones de contribuir de manera humanitaria a un país. Aquí analizamos la situación reciente en Venezuela, con millones de ciudadanos que emigran en busca de mejores condiciones de supervivencia. El apoyo económico y político de los aliados, así como el discurso alarmante de los opositores, no resuelven efectivamente la situación de los inmigrantes o refugiados. La situación del país también se aborda en disputas electorales de otras naciones, con un intento de vincular los problemas de la República Bolivariana con los partidos políticos. El estudio analiza la corriente política de Venezuela y el pasado institucional de la república y se aborda cómo la interferencia política define si la ayuda humanitaria se llevará a cabo o no.

A través del análisis de fuentes primarias y secundarias, el artículo analiza cómo la influencia política y económica puede interferir en las decisiones de contribuir de manera humanitaria a un país. Aquí analizamos la situación reciente en Venezuela, con millones de ciudadanos que emigran en busca de mejores condiciones de supervivencia. El apoyo económico y político de los aliados, así como el discurso alarmante de los opositores, no resuelven efectivamente la situación de los inmigrantes o refugiados. La situación del país también se aborda en disputas electorales de otras naciones, con un intento de vincular los problemas de la República Bolivariana con los partidos políticos. El estudio analiza la corriente política de Venezuela y el pasado institucional de la república y se aborda cómo la interferencia política define si la ayuda humanitaria se llevará a cabo o no. ; Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, the article analyzes how political and economic influence can interfere in decisions to contribute in a humanitarian way to a given country. Here we analyze the recent situation in Venezuela, with millions of citizens emigrating in search of better conditions for survival. The economic and political support of the allies, as well as the alarming speech of the opponents, do not effectively resolve the situation of immigrants or refugees. The country's situation is also addressed in the electoral disputes of other nations, in an attempt to link the problems of the Bolivarian Republic with political parties. The study analyzes Venezuela's political current and the republic's institutional past and addresses how political interference defines whether humanitarian aid will be carried out or not

В статье рассматриваются особенности употребления прецедентных имен в качестве эталонов и символов антиценностей в текстах российской политической рекламы. ; The paper examines the peculiarities of precedent names as standards and symbols of universal antivalues in Russian political advertising texts.