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El reinado de Cleómenes I ha sido tradicionalmente considerado como el punto de partida de la política expansionista de Esparta más allá de las fronteras del Peloponeso. Para llevar a cabo sus objetivos, el diarca utilizó audazmente el recurso a la religión, sirviéndose especialmente de las profecías emitidas por el oráculo de Delfos. Sus fallidas campañas contra Atenas, el ataque que ejecutó contra Argos o las intrigas políticas que fomentó fueron aspectos convenientemente respaldados por justificaciones de índole mística. Admirado y denostado por diferentes sectores de la historiografía moderna, Cleómenes constituye una turbulenta figura de la historia de Esparta cuya muerte está rodeada de un halo de misterio. A través de las fuentes antiguas, entre las que destaca el halicarnasio Heródoto, este artículo analizará hasta qué punto este polémico personaje se sirvió de la religión y las posibles razones que subyacían bajo la agresiva política espartana de finales del siglo VI e inicios del V a. C., así como las maniobras del rey en el seno de la clase dirigente espartiata para imponerse sobre sus adversarios políticos. ; The reign of Cleomenes I has traditionally been considered as the starting point of Sparta's expansionist policy beyond the borders of the Peloponnese. To accomplish his objectives, the dyarch made a boldly use of religion, exploiting especially the prophecies issued by the Delphic oracle. Events like the failed campaigns against Athens, the attack on Argos, or the political intrigues Cleomenes I promoted were all conveniently supported by mystical justifications. Equally admired and reviled by modern historiography, Cleomenes I is a turbulent figure in the history of Sparta whose death is surrounded by mystery. Using a number of ancient sources, among which Herodotus of Halicarnassus stands out, this paper will analyse to what extent this controversial figure made use of religion, the reasons that motivated the aggressive Spartan policy (noticeable since late VI to early V century BC), as well as the tactics employed by the king in order to prevail over political adversaries within the Spartan ruling class.

El reinado de Cleómenes I ha sido tradicionalmente considerado como el punto de partida de la política expansionista de Esparta más allá de las fronteras del Peloponeso. Para llevar a cabo sus objetivos, el diarca utilizó audazmente el recurso a la religión, sirviéndose especialmente de las profecías emitidas por el oráculo de Delfos. Sus fallidas campañas contra Atenas, el ataque que ejecutó contra Argos o las intrigas políticas que fomentó fueron aspectos convenientemente respaldados por justificaciones de índole mística. Admirado y denostado por diferentes sectores de la historiografía moderna, Cleómenes constituye una turbulenta figura de la historia de Esparta cuya muerte está rodeada de un halo de misterio. A través de las fuentes antiguas, entre las que destaca el halicarnasio Heródoto, este artículo analizará hasta qué punto este polémico personaje se sirvió de la religión y las posibles razones que subyacían bajo la agresiva política espartana de finales del siglo VI e inicios del V a. C., así como las maniobras del rey en el seno de la clase dirigente espartiata para imponerse sobre sus adversarios políticos. ; The reign of Cleomenes I has traditionally been considered as the starting point of Sparta's expansionist policy beyond the borders of the Peloponnese. To accomplish his objectives, the dyarch made a boldly use of religion, exploiting especially the prophecies issued by the Delphic oracle. Events like the failed campaigns against Athens, the attack on Argos, or the political intrigues Cleomenes I promoted were all conveniently supported by mystical justifications. Equally admired and reviled by modern historiography, Cleomenes I is a turbulent figure in the history of Sparta whose death is surrounded by mystery. Using a number of ancient sources, among which Herodotus of Halicarnassus stands out, this paper will analyse to what extent this controversial figure made use of religion, the reasons that motivated the aggressive Spartan policy (noticeable since late VI to early V century BC), as well as the tactics employed by the king in order to prevail over political adversaries within the Spartan ruling class.

Religion and the Medieval and Early Modern Global Marketplace brings together scholars from a variety of disciplines to examine the intersection, conflict, and confluence of religion and the market before 1700. Each chapter analyzes the unique interplay of faith and economy in a different locale: Syria, Ethiopia, France, Iceland, India, Peru, and beyond. In ten case studies, specialists of archaeology, art history, social and economic history, religious studies, and critical theory address issues of secularization, tolerance, colonialism, and race with a fresh focus. They chart the tensions between religious and economic thought in specific locales or texts, the complex ways that religion and economy interacted with one another, and the way in which matters of faith, economy, and race converge in religious images of the pre- and early modern periods. Considering the intersection of faith and economy, the volume questions the legacy of early modern economic and spiritual exceptionalism, and the ways in which prosperity still entangles itself with righteousness. The interdisciplinary nature means that this volume is the perfect resource for advanced undergraduates, postgraduates, and scholars working across multiple areas including history, literature, politics, art history, global studies, philosophy, and gender studies in the medieval and early modern periods ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1386/thumbnail.jpg

Beginning with the role religion played in the lives of believers in West Africa, eastern North America, and western Europe in about 1500, author Carla Gardina Pestana shows how the Protestant Reformation helped to fuel colonial expansion as bitter rivalries prompted a fierce competition for souls. -- from publisher description

Am 20. Dezember 2012 feierte Richard Friedli seinen 75. Geburtstag. Mit dieser Festschrift sollen seine akademische Karriere sowie seine Person gebührend geehrt werden. Die Beiträge befassen sich aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven mit den zentralen Themen sowohl seiner wissenschaftlichen Karriere als auch seiner Lehrtätigkeit: dem religiösen Faktor in der Friedensforschung, der Rolle der Religionen in den gegenwärtigen Gesellschaften sowie der Begegnung und dem Austausch der Kulturen. Die Beiträge durchzieht das von Richard Friedli immer wieder artikulierte Spannungsfeld von 'global' und 'lokal' sowie die Frage nach der sozialen Anwendung religionswissenschaftlichen Wissens.

"The wars of religion embroiled France in decades of faction, violence, and peacemaking in the late sixteenth century. When historians interpret these events they inevitably depend on sources of information gathered by contemporaries, none more valuable than the diaries and collection of Pierre de L'Estoile (1546-1611), who lived through the civil wars in Paris and shaped how they have been remembered ever since. Taking him out of the footnotes, and demonstrating his significance in the culture of the late Renaissance, this is the first life of L'Estoile in any language. It examines how he negotiated and commemorated the conflicts that divided France as he assembled an extraordinary collection of the relics of the troubles, a collection that he called 'the storehouse of my curiosities'. The story of his life and times is the history of the civil wars in the making. Focusing on a crucial individual for understanding Reformation Europe, this study challenges historians' assumptions about the widespread impact of confessional conflict in the sixteenth century."--Back cover

Cover -- Contents -- Introduction. The Immigration Controversy: Religion and Law in Collision -- PART ONE: God in the Desert: Migrant Deaths and the Rise of Border Ministries -- 1. A Window into the Crisis: Three Nuns and a Soup Kitchen -- 2. Sanctuary Old and New: The Biblical Tradition of Radical Hospitality -- 3. A Theology of Water: Humane Borders and the Reverend Robin Hoover -- 4. Transcending Borders: No More Deaths and a Higher Moral Law -- 5. Postscript: Riding with the Samaritans -- PART TWO: Law in the Desert: Security, Sovereignty, and the Natural Rights of the State -- 6. Fencing Arizona: Meditations on a Wall -- 7. Invasions, Floods, and Barbarians: What's to Be Afraid of? -- 8. Senate Bill 1070: Wagers of Love and Fear at the Border -- 9. Postscript: What Would Jesus Do? -- Conclusion. And the Deaths Go On . . . -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X.

This study focuses on the interrelation of freedom, finitude, and
reconciliation in Hegel?s understanding of religion. These three moments are
found at central stages of Hegel?s treatment of the religious, from Hegel?s
early fragments to his mature work. Finitude taking shape in the religious
phenomena of a tragic fate, sin, or more generally, failing, is central to
Hegel?s philosophical understanding of one-sidedness. As finite, man needs
to reconcile with the other, and only as reconciled does he achieve freedom.
Hegel credits Christianity with the discovery of the primary essences of
spirituality: freedom and forgiveness. Freedom is intensified with the death
of God: man realizes that there is no God-given, only man-made, legislation.
This deepening of freedom does not overcome man?s finitude but instead
intensifies it along with a heightened sense for responsibility, and an
increased potential for guilt. In this context, forgiveness is the highest
spiritual capacity of modern man, whose fate is to bear the freedom of
oneself and the other.

Jean Barbeyrac was dismayed by the intrusion of theological controversy into the study of modern natural law theory. Yet the longest of the many annotations that he included in his own edition of Grotius was concerned with a theological matter. In this footnote, Barbeyrac attacked Grotius's understanding of Christian ethics as supererogatory; that is, as containing a distinction between the dictates of duty and the counsels of a higher holiness or perfection. The heart of his objection to this view was that it had pernicious psychological effects, that it fostered bigotry and immorality. He reiterated this psychological concern in his later work on the Christian Fathers. This objection to the real-world damages caused by the theory of supererogation was closely linked to his fear of skepticism and his quarrel with Bayle. Barbeyrac's rejection of supererogation also places him within an important strand of early modern thinking about the moral psychology of religion and about the ways in which religious belief could become an obstacle to moral behavior.

It seems clear that any deliberate effort by government to impose religious orthodoxy will be held unconstitutional per se. A religiously motivated restriction on disfavored religious practices will be held to violate the Free Exercise Clause. Similarly, a religiously motivated attempt to promote or subsidize favored religious practices will be held to violate the Establishment Clause. These complimentary restrictions are now so ingrained in our political culture that the legislatures rarely transgress them. The problem that has bedeviled the Supreme Court for many years is that government regulatory schemes and benefit programs designed to serve purely nonreligious objectives inevitably impact on religion inadvertently. In applying the Free Exercise Clause to cases of inadvertent interference, the Court adopted one fundamental doctrinal construct, promptly overruled that construct, adopted a nearly opposite principle, and then years later resurrected the original approach. In applying the Establishment Clause, the Court consistently articulated the same principle or "test" over many years, but produced a series of apparently inconsistent results. Most recently, the Court has consciously avoided articulating any standard or "test" in finding that a governmental action violates the Establishment Clause. The task confronting the Court is to develop a coherent jurisprudence to deal with the frequent inadvertent collisions between governmental actions and the absolute prohibitions of the two religion clauses. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court appears unaware that this is precisely the same systemic jurisprudential question that is presented when similar regulations inadvertently affect the interests protected by the Free Speech Clause. It is the central thesis of this Article that the conceptual methodology developed by the Court for dealing with inadvertence in the free speech context is the only sensible approach to the inadvertence problem in the context of any of the absolutely worded prohibitions of the First ...

Any reflection on the relationship between religion and politics in the Catholic thought cannot do without reminding the Augustinian distinction between the civitas Dei and civitas terrena. The goal and foundation of any just political community should be the orientation to wards the common good. In the contemporary catholic thought, Johann Baptist Metz proposes a political theology revolving around the concepts of the value of the human person, the necessary refusal, on the part of the Church, of any mundane ideology and the necessary use of the socially critical potential of theological thought. Hans Küng criticizes any politicization of theology. He insists on the development of an internal pluralism within the Church and advocates a self-limitation of the magisterial intervention in the world in the name of a necessary "eschato logical reserve". Joseph Ratzinger/Pope Benedict the XVIth , invested with the magisterial authority, relies heavily on official documents of the Catholic social doctrine. He emphasizes the necessity of founding the state on the central value of justice and its acting according to the principle of subsidiarity. In this context, the Christian faith and the Church in particular may have a pedagogical role, as it may guide reason to follow the right priorities. All three thinkers agree on the public significance of the Christian vision of society and on the fact that it may help society both by its critical and by its constructive dimension.