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Economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has averaged roughly 5 percent per year over the past decade, improving living standards and bolstering human development indicators across the continent. Stronger public institutions, a supportive, private sector focused policy environment, responsible macroeconomic management, and a sustained commitment to structural reforms have greatly expanded opportunities for countries in SSA to participate in global markets. In recent years, many countries in the region have benefited from an increasingly favorable external environment, high commodity prices, and an especially strong demand for natural resources by emerging economies, particularly China. Over the longer term, leveraging Chinese investment to support broad-based growth will require policies designed to boost the competitiveness of sectors in which China s economic rebalancing may create a comparative advantage for SSA. To date, few African countries have been able to benefit from large-scale Chinese investment outside the resource sector. However, as China s growth slows and its economy shifts toward a more consumption-driven model, it is likely that global demand for resource imports will slow as well. Countries with the most heavily concentrated export mix, particularly in the mineral and oil sectors are the most vulnerable to China s economic rebalancing and should be ready to adopt measures to mitigate the impact of negative terms-of-trade shocks. By contrast, as wage rates in China continue to rise and firms refocus their attention on domestic demand, countries in SSA will be well positioned to exploit emerging opportunities for investment in export-oriented manufacturing. Ethiopia provides an instructive example, as its inexpensive yet relatively skilled labor force, coupled with the government s proactive efforts to court Chinese investors, have enabled Ethiopia to attract substantial investments in labor-intensive industries. Infrastructure enhancement, workforce development, and good-governance reforms offer a promising strategy for many countries in the region. Although the establishment of industrial zones has yielded mixed results, several salient success stories warrant careful attention. This report discusses how Africa could take advantage of the untapped opportunities offered by China s progressively intensifying investment and trade ties with SSA. It is hoped that this analysis will enrich the ongoing dialogue between policy makers, private firms, and civil society regarding China s increasingly important role in the growth and development of Sub-Saharan Africa.

Maritime piracy is still one of the most interesting manifestations of human activity by reason of the fact that it has, directly or indirectly, a number of points of contact between different problems of social, religious, political, economical and, of course, historical matter. Specifically, South-east Asia is a great example of how history, politics and religion are strongly and crucially imbued with the maritime banditry phenomenology. During the era of great maritime political entities exercising dominion along the Malay and Indonesian coasts, predation assumed character of endemicity going to fit firmly within the society, politics and economy networks. Inside Zhu Pan Zhi, the reports of the Song Dynasty about the barbarian peoples, is it possible to read about the piracy in the Great Southern Ocean (Nanyang) «the foreign ships were often attacked by pirates. The captives were the favourite of pirates, one captive can sell for 2 liang or 3 liang gold, the piracy prevents the merchants from visiting the ports» . Of great interest it is also the description of piracy in waters near Singapore (Temasek) and south of the straits that, in 1349, appeared in these terms: «The Dragon-teeth Strait (longyamen) is between the two hills of Temasek barbarians, which look like dragon's teeth'. Through the centre runs a waterway. The fields are barren and rice harvest is poor. The climate is hot with heavy rain in April and May. The inhabitants are addicted to piracy […] when junks sail to the European Ocean (Indian Ocean), the local barbarians allow them to pass unmolested, but when the junks reach the Auspicious Strait (Jilimen) on their return voyages, some 200-300 pirate prahus (boats) will put out to attack the junks for several days, the crew of junks have to fight with their arms and setting up cloth screen as a protection against arrows. Sometimes, the junks are fortunate enough to escape with a favouring wind; otherwise, the crews are butchered and the merchandise becomes pirates' booty» . As can be seen from the text, also the physical elements (water, poor soil, distress sea routes, monsoon climate) play an important role in explaining the aforementioned endemicity of pirate phenomenon: in one of the most relevant work by Anthony Reid, a supporter of the Braudelian method of historical investigation, it is reported that few major areas of the world have been so deeply marked by nature such as South-east Asia, going to emphasize the importance of geography in the study of human activities. During the first part of my research, a question to which I have tried to answer was to understand the extent to which individuals, who are placed in a given geographical and historical context, act in a manner consistent with that particular geo-cultural system and how, external elements in that system, can help to change the perspective of action; in essence, I have tried to study how and to what extent India, China and Europe (Western Culture) have affected the history of the indigenous population of South-east Asia and the Straits of Malacca and Singapore in particular. The constitution of the great European colonial empires stretched from the Malacca Straits to the South China Sea, marked the beginning of a progressive modification process of maritime piracy both in terms of objectives to be achieved and also procedures to be followed; Nicholas Tarling lucidly points out in this regard "the old empires decayed, but were not replaced, and with their boundaries marauding communities appared, led by the adveturous Sharifs, or deprived aristocracies, or hungry chiefs" . The main ethnic groups who practiced piracy, the Riau-Lingga Malay, Bugis and Dayak of East Malaysia and Brunei, and Ilanun Balangingi from the southern Philippines and the Sulu sea, became corsairs in the pay of the colonial authorities and all those princes or sultans deprived of their possessions. However, alongside the politically motivated piracy, continued to resist a kind of maritime banditry conducted by fishing associations, outcasts or Chinese immigrants and so-called nomads people of the sea (Orang Laut), clanic and personalistic in nature whose cultural substrate was made up of bonds of friendship, kinship and blood. The remarkable fact is that the two types of piracy are not mutually exclusive but, on the contrary, represented the two faces of a coin and it was not unusual for pirates and corsairs to exchange roles when political or economic contingencies were changed. Interesting in this regard it was been the reading and examination of archival documents found at the National Archives in London (The National Archives) showing exchanges of correspondence and minute of some of the leading authorities of the British Straits Settlements between the first and second half of the nineteenth century. A set of letters that, given its enormous historical and political significance I decided to bring entirely, contains the correspondence (1863-67) between the Straits Settlements Governor Orfeur Cavenagh, Abu Bakar ibn Temenggong Daing Ibrahim Temenggong of Johor and Inche Wan Ahmed, exiled prince of Pahang become rebellious and pirate. Proceeding with the analysis of the phenomenon and given the interest of the international community for the sea routes passing into the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the next questions concerned what was the real impact of piracy on maritime trade, what costs in human and social terms it produced, which law enforcement measures riparian states and foreign countries (in colonial and post-colonial age) have come into force; in addition to these I had tried to understand who is the pirate, what are the main reasons for his actions, what is the connection, if does exist, between piracy, terrorism and organized crime. In this direction, starting from the definitions of piracy given by the International Maritime Organization and the International Maritime Bureau, I examined most of the international conventions and regional agreements in which the issue of maritime security and cooperation between states and supranational bodies is addressed, placing special attention to the rules and clauses contained in the treaties able to activate those mechanisms for cooperation and burden sharing (burden-sharing) indispensable to the solution or, more realistically, the containment of the problem. Of great relevance to this line of analysis it has proved useful the socio-anthropological approach by Carolin Liss on the links between maritime banditry, criminal syndicates and terrorist groups (criminal syndicate) and the statistical and methodological approach by Karsten von Hoesslin focused on quantity, quality and type of assaults committed at sea. Concluded the second part of the thesis, I went to compare what is written in both historical and contemporary perspective to understand what kind of conclusion emerged from the results of my research; I asked myself, therefore, a further question: taking as a fixed point the thought of Braudel and Reid, following the method of analysis of Liss and Hoesslin, examine the archival documents and translations of ancient texts on the subject (the Sejarah Melayu and Suma Oriental of Tome Pires), given the availability (more or less declared) from South-east Asian newly established states (post-independence) to cooperation and given the interest of third actors in the straits, is it conceivable and correct to sustain now, in the first half of the new millennium, the possibility of a modification of the ancient customs and traditions and entrenched rivalry between neighboring countries on the basis of a new collective consciousness directed to a harmonious resolution, conveyed by a general law, of the phenomenon of maritime piracy? Or are we facing with a false hub of history, with a point that falsely or inappropriately is considered the turnaround from a tradition that has its roots in the coastal kingdoms of the sixth century and which is the sub-cultural layer of those population who have made the sea their source of wealth and power? To say it once again with Braudel, has the longue durée history undergone a change of route or will it repeat and renew her cycle again and again, sweetened by new technological tools and new forms of politics and economics? And if a change is in place, why now and how does it happen? Will history repeat itself? To give an answer, as thoroughly as possible, to this question I tried to define some of those steps that the countries of ASEAN should follow in order to effectively combat maritime piracy, terrorism widespread locally and organized crime; what could be the milestones in the process of construction of a shared legal system able to provide answers to many of the legal issues including the lack of a common legislation on maritime security. The watchword in the near future will have to be 'mutual legal assistance' in view of the implementation, in national legal corpora, of all those rules necessary to give effect to the directions contained in international conventions. Eventually, I propose a different and further reading of all those theories that track in failure or in the great inefficiency of coordinating policies in the field of maritime safety, the proliferation of piracy. Though I substantially agree with some of those interpretations, two points are critical and deserves attention: the lack of a proper historical and historiographical perspective of analysis and what I have called the axiom of the ultimate solution.

Over the last decade, Australia's tropical north has featured front and centre in big national debates about the nation's future. As in the past, the north has again been cast as the nation's frontier saviour through bold new resource and agricultural developments, both real and imagined. Yet others have dreamt of the north's expansive landscapes being secured as an iconic wilderness. Big human rights-centred debates have raged about the success or otherwise of Commonwealth, State and Territory interventions in Indigenous communities. Quick-draw policy responses on complex issues like the live cattle trade have had devastating impacts on the confidence of northern industries and communities. Finally, the daily media images of refugees heading to the coast keep the north's strategic importance on centre-stage, raising unresolved tensions about relationships with our Asian-Pacific neighbours. With some exceptions, these national debates have played out across southern Australia's media, policy-making and academic institutions and think-tanks; a debate largely crafted by, and for, a southern audience. For those of us in the north, it is forgivable to think that the south looks upon northern Australia as one might look upon their own troubled child; a youngster on the precipice between adolescence and adulthood. There seems to be, on one level, that great hope and expectation of a gifted life ahead; the north stepping forth into untold prosperity and longevity. At the same time, there remains a fear that, left to its own devices, the north will spiral into delinquency; a failed state perhaps. While it could be too easy to cast a discussion about the future of northern Australia in simple north-south terms, the south does have the political power, money and population to deliver big changes in the north. Many in the north, however, would argue that, on a daily basis, they experience flaws in the south's contribution to its governance. There is a common perception that major policy decisions are often made in the interest of a southern electorate without real concern for the rights and interests of those in the north. Other concerns relate to programs that are too short term, fragmented and restrictive to make any genuine changes for the better. Without further extending the "troubled youth" analogy, this might just be a sign that the north is maturing and is champing at the bit to be more in control of its own destiny. The north, however, is indeed different to the south. It has a far thinner human and institutional capacity. Its land tenure foundations are largely public or communal versus private. It is primarily an Indigenous domain. Its climate and annual cyclonic risk is beyond the typical experiences of those in the south. Much of the north is closer to populous Asian and Pacific capitals than to Perth, Brisbane or Canberra. As such, northerners, by and large, are looking for different governance models. There is a desire to cast existing models aside and to at least explore, in partnership with State and Federal Governments, innovative new approaches. Northern Australians want people in the south to better understand this unique, majestic land and its importance to the nation. Over recent years, several columnists and academics have had a go at building a narrative about the north, but few have tried to start a genuine dialogue between northern and southern Australia; a dialogue focused on how the nation as a whole might work towards a better future for northern Australia through governance reform. This discussion piece aims to start a national debate about the purpose and direction for such reform. It is not, however, a return to Theodorian-style calls for political separatism. Northern Australia needs southern Australia and vice versa. This means that, at the very least, the nation needs a bolder and united north Australian narrative that takes us from being the post-colonial backwater of three separate governments to a more northern-driven but nationally integrated governance system. It is about Australian and State/Territory Governments radically and collectively reconfiguring their current fragmented and geographically distant approach, to one that negotiates big policy decisions in the north and that manages government policy and programs in radically different ways. With mature economies in the south, fresh opportunities for major national economic, social and environmental advances rest in the north. Southern powers need to explicitly support the emergence of these opportunities from within the north itself for the benefit of the nation as a whole. This could emerge through a stronger northern Australian policy, fiscal and delivery architecture; perhaps one directly integrated into the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) framework. Such an architecture and associated processes, however, must be powerfully engaged with a cohesive and strong pan-tropical alliance of northern Australia's sectoral interests, inclusive of traditional owners, local government, industry, human service, conservation and other sectors. It must also be independently informed by a cohesive and engaged knowledge-based relationship with the north's key research institutions. If this approach recasts the way decisions are made for the north, then there are several big reform agendas that need to be the foundational focus of attention. First, as the foundation for both economic development and rights protection, the north needs real innovation in the efficient resolution of land use and tenure conflicts across the landscape. This requires a long-term, cohesive and regionally-driven approach to planning of the north's strategic land use and infrastructure needs. This contrasts the current approach, driven both by either high profile southern conservation campaigns or major development projects that emerge in bull markets. On the economic front, we also need a more targeted and consistent approach to negotiating major project development in ways that lift investor-confidence while not trashing our crown-jewel environmental and cultural assets; approaches that also can build the long-term foundations for regional community development. Alongside this, we have an opportunity to create the basis for an eco-system services economy specifically designed for, and focussed on, northern Australia; one that delivers land owners/managers real economic reasons for managing landscapes explicitly for their cultural, conservation and wilderness values while also keeping the economic foundations for remote communities intact. At the community-scale, over the past 30 years, the core government model for Indigenous policy and program delivery shifted from assimilation to self-determination, but the policy failures of both have culminated in (the largely top-down) interventions of the last decade and their focus on service normalisation. While addressing critical needs, the new normalisation-based approaches continue to disempower and deliver stop-start progress. The architecture for government delivery largely remains welfare-oriented, inflexible and annualised. Such approaches simply do not build lasting human capacity and often do not work for a region with a rugged landscape, limited human resources and a cruelling wet-dry seasonality. Similarly in that time, local governments across the north have been gradually lumbered with big new policy and delivery responsibilities without linked improvements in revenue. To shift the whole economy from an historically boom-bust cycle, however, the nation must build the foundations for a tropical knowledge-driven economy that both underpins productivity improvements in our existing industries (mining, agriculture, fishing, tourism) and creates real export-oriented engagement. This outward looking engagement needs to be not just into the Asia-Pacific, but right across the globe's tropical latitudes. This will rely on Australia investing in tropical knowledge development (e.g., tropical health, agriculture, environmental and disaster management, tropical design and energy) within the north. These strengths then need to be brokered into the wider tropical region via long-term partnership building, trade and innovation clusters and the strategic attraction of foreign investment. This palette of reforms could deliver a progressive and productive northern Australia with a strong identity and lifestyle values to-die-for. Despite the challenging climate, the north could become a place where a great diversity of people (with a wide skills base) want to live, escaping our reputation as the southern hemisphere's salt mines. The cost of failure would be great: a permanent boom and bust economy with more bust and less boom, whole regions of multi-generational disadvantage and the nation's environmental and cultural jewels degraded. If progressed through the right governance reforms, however, securing these opportunities in the north may hold the keys to the whole nation's future. This paper outlines first why good governance for northern Australia is important to the nation. It details how things actually function in a pan-tropical sense, in northern Western Australia (WA), the Northern Territory (NT) and northern Queensland, and at regional and local scales. It then looks at how the north has been governed through the lens of major conflict themes from our recent history. It also looks at the outcomes that might emerge from a business-as-usual scenario; what happens if the flaws in the governance of the north continue unabated into the future? Finally, it explores (or perhaps dreams) of some of the alternative possibilities for northern governance.

This document presents the Systematic Country Diagnosis (SCD) for Mali. The SCD was prepared following a consultative process within and outside the World Bank. It identifies constraints and opportunities for achieving the twin goals of ending poverty and improving shared prosperity by 2030 while acknowledging (i) the need for selectivity in pro-poor interventions, and (ii) the many competing 'binding' reasons for poverty in Mali. The objectives of the twin goals are similar for Mali as the incidence of dollar-a-day poverty exceeds 40 percent of the population. Selectivity means the identification of principal opportunities for poverty reduction in the next 15 years, as well as the identification of binding constraints to reaping such opportunities. In the search for selectivity, there is the risk of not identifying the correct set of opportunities and constraints. However, the risk of not being selective would probably have more serious implications as it could lead the government and its development partners to disperse their resources and attention too thinly over too many competing priorities. Selectivity also implies making trade-offs between immediate and longer term objectives. In this document priority is given to the identification of poverty reduction opportunities which could deliver results before 2030, while acknowledging that efforts should not undermine the prospects for poverty reduction and shared prosperity beyond 2030. In this regard, particular attention is paid to environmental and fiscal sustainability.

A decade ago, trade and investment liberalization dominated the global economic policy agenda. The World Trade Organization (WTO) had recently been created, the United States, Mexico and Canada were implementing North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and much of Southeast Asia and South America were near the peak of an economic boom that was driven in part by greater openness to inflows of foreign capital. In bilateral and multilateral discussions of economic integration, global migration was often missing from the docket entirely. The growth in labor flows from low-income to high-income countries has not been greeted with universal enthusiasm, either by policy makers or academics. In theory, international migration increases economic efficiency by shifting labor from low-productivity to high-productivity environments. As workers move from Central America to the United States, North Africa to Europe, or Southeast Asia to Australia, the global labor supply shifts from labor abundant to labor-scarce economies, compressing international differences in factor prices and raising global gross domestic product (GDP). Migrants enjoy large income gains family members at home share in these gains through remittances, and non-migrating workers in the sending country enjoy higher wages thanks to a drop in local labor supply (Aydemir and Borjas, 2007).

"We take the advance of science as given. But how does science really work? Is it truly as healthy as we tend to think? How does the system itself shape what scientists do? [This book] takes a clear-eyed and provocative look at the current state of global science, shedding light on a cutthroat and tightly tensioned enterprise that even scientists themselves often don't fully understand. The Secret Life of Science is a dispatch from the front lines of modern science. It paints a startling picture of a complex scientific ecosystem that has become the most competitive free-market environment on the planet. It reveals how big this ecosystem really is, what motivates its participants, and who reaps the rewards. Are there too few scientists in the world or too many? Are some fields expanding at the expense of others? What science is shared or published, and who determines what the public gets to hear about? What is the future of science? Answering these and other questions, this controversial book explains why globalization is not necessarily good for science, nor is the continued growth in the number of scientists. It portrays a scientific community engaged in a race for limited resources that determines whether careers are lost or won, whose research visions become the mainstream, and whose vested interests end up in control. [This book] explains why this hypercompetitive environment is stifling the diversity of research and the resiliency of science itself, and why new ideas are needed to ensure that the scientific enterprise remains healthy and vibrant."--Jacket

Costa Rica stands out for being one of the most politically stable, progressive, and prosperous nations in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). Political stability and inclusive social policies have contributed to solid growth rates and the modernization of the country. The combination of political stability, the social compact and steady growth, has resulted in one of the lowest poverty rates in LAC. Costa Rica is also a global leader for its environmental policies and accomplishments, which have helped the country to build its Green Trademark. The pioneering payments for environmental services program has been successful in promoting forest and biodiversity conservation and Costa Rica is the only tropical country in the world that has reversed deforestation. Two pressing development challenges stand out: the deteriorating fiscal situation and stubborn inequality. These challenges cut across the fabric of Costa Rica's development model and affect the basic pillars of development: inclusion, growth, and sustainability. The new government seeks to address these problems and is committed to an inclusive society that guarantees the welfare of its people, supported by transparent and accountable public institutions. The World Bank Group's (WBG's) new country partnership framework (CPF) seeks to support Costa Rica's objectives of reducing constraints to productive inclusion and bolstering fiscal, social, and environmental sustainability.

In 2012, the Mexican Presidency of the G20 introduced inclusive green growth as a cross-cutting priority on the G20 development agenda. The second meeting of the G20 Development Working Group (DWG), hosted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, took place in Seoul the 19th and 20th of March 2012. As agreed during the first DWG meeting, this second meeting focused on the priorities for their presidency in the first half of 2012: infrastructure, food security and inclusive green growth (IGG). At its Seoul meeting, the DWG also agreed that IGG co-facilitators and relevant international organizations (IOs) should work together in 2012 to develop a nonprescriptive good practices guide/toolkit on enabling national policy frameworks for inclusive green growth to support countries who voluntarily wish to design and implement affordable and inclusive green growth policies, with the aim of achieving sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The toolkit is organized as follows. First, the necessity of applying the different tools in the context of a broad inclusive green growth strategy is stressed, and a harmonized framework combining approaches and tools identified by all four IOs is set forth. Second, the document offers an overview of key tools that can be mobilized to implement an inclusive green growth strategy. Quick technical descriptions of these tools are offered along with suggested sources for further details. Finally, capacity building and knowledge sharing initiatives are presented, with the Green Growth Knowledge Platform (GGKP) highlighted as a powerful collaborative tool to advance policies for inclusive green economies.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report examines the institutional set-up for and use of regulatory policy instruments in Zambia. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania). The report is based on a review of public documents prepared by the government, donors, and the private sector, and on a limited number of interviews with key institutions and individuals.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report analyses the institutional set-up and use of regulatory policy instruments in Tanzania. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Zambia), and represents an attempt to apply assessment tools and the framework developed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in its work on regulatory capacity and performance to developing countries.

The world is at war, with active or simmering conflicts in Ukraine, Israel/Palestine, Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Nagorno-Karabakh, destabilizing coups in Niger, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Chad, and Mali, and other nations on the verge of civil or interstate conflicts. The last thing we need in this volatile security environment is an accelerated superpower nuclear arms race.
But don't tell that to the members of the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States, which has spent the past year looking at the current challenges facing the United States and coming up with a solution that would make the militarized competition of the Cold War era look quaint.
The commission's report brings to mind Stanley Kubrick's 1964 classic, "Dr. Strangelove: How I Stopped Worrying and Learned to Love the Bomb." The film underscored the absurdity of the nuclear doctrines of the time, and the insanity of the mindset that had captured political and military leaders of that moment, in an at times humorous take on a subject with a deadly serious potential impact. The new congressional commission report implies that the current strategic environment is more dangerous than at the height of the Cold War, and it adopts an equally dangerous mindset in addressing that alleged situation. Whatever one thinks of the commission's assessment, its recommendations would increase the risks of war among the superpowers, not reduce them.
The commission's analysis and recommendations are grounded in an alarmist view of the current geopolitical landscape that departs significantly from reality. Early in the report, the commission makes the following assessment of the challenges facing the United States:
"The new global environment is fundamentally different than anything experienced in the past, even in the darkest days of the Cold War. Today the United States is on the cusp of having not one, but two nuclear peer adversaries, each with ambitions to change the international status quo, by force, if necessary: a situation which the United States did not anticipate and for which it is not prepared."
First and foremost, it is not clear that either Russia or China seeks or could achieve global domination based on the use of force. Whatever Vladimir Putin's aspirations may be, the war in Ukraine has exposed deep flaws in Russia's military capabilities that make it clear that it is in no position to threaten any of the 31 members of the NATO alliance, much less operate on a global basis. It is essential to continue to provide Ukraine with the assistance it needs to defend itself, but assertions that Russia is poised to reshape the entire international system "by force" in light of that conflict are overblown.
As for China, its main challenges to the United States are political and economic, not military. Its increasing military power is primarily focused on its own region, including on the possibility of taking Taiwan by force at some unspecified future date. But the best way to prevent a U.S.-China conflict over Taiwan is to re-establish a common understanding on its status, along the lines of the "One China" policy that has kept the peace in the Taiwan strait for five decades. Doing so would mean that the United States would not support political independence for Taiwan and China would forswear seeking unification with the island by force. Better crisis communications and a "common good" approach to resolving areas of difference – as proposed in a recent issue brief by my Quincy Institute colleague Jake Werner – should supplement the return to a common view on Taiwan. And cooperation on addressing potential existential threats like climate change and preventing future pandemics should take precedence over aggressive posturing and bellicose rhetoric. Sabre rattling and military buildups will make a war over Taiwan more likely, with disastrous consequences for all concerned.
Last but not least, the active U.S. nuclear stockpile of 4,500 long-range nuclear weapons, with over 1,600 deployed, is more than enough to dissuade Russia or China from attacking the United States, for fear of having their societies devastated in return. But a large deployed arsenal does pose a risk of a nuclear confrontation by accident or miscalculation, and an arms racing environment of the kind recommended by the congressional commission would only make matters worse.
Unfortunately, once the commission adopted its overly pessimistic view of Russian and Chinese capabilities and intentions, its recommendations for a more combative U.S. posture followed closely behind. The Pentagon is already in the middle of a $2 trillion, three decades-long initiative to build new nuclear-armed missiles, bombers, and submarines, with new warheads to go with them. Astoundingly, the commission argues that these investments are not enough, and that the U.S. should consider building and deploying more nuclear weapons, even as it endorses dangerous and destabilizing steps like returning to the days of multi-warhead land-based missiles while placing nuclear-armed missiles in East Asia. These steps would only introduce more uncertainty into the calculations of China and Russia, making a nuclear confrontation more likely.
In addition to increasing nuclear risks at what is certain to be an exorbitant price – an issue the report mentions but refuses to address in detail – the document argues for the United States to expand its nuclear arsenal first, and worry about forging significant arms control agreements later. This approach is precisely backwards, and could spark a three-way arms race that will take arms control off the agenda for years to come.
Sometimes congressional commissions come and go without leaving any substantial imprint on government policy. Let's hope the recommendations of the strategic posture commission fall into that category. But the more likely outcome will be that nuclear hawks – and even moderates who should know better – will brandish the report in their efforts to promote a nuclear buildup that is both enormously risky and immensely expensive. Pushback from advocates of nuclear reductions needs to be heard loud and clear by members of Congress, the administration, and the broader public. We survived the Cold War nuclear arms race in part by sheer luck – we shouldn't take that risk again.

Migratory marine species cross political borders and enter the high seas, where the lack of an effective global management framework for biodiversity leaves them vulnerable to threats. Here, we combine 10,108 tracks from 5775 individual birds at 87 sites with data on breeding population sizes to estimate the relative year-round importance of national jurisdictions and high seas areas for 39 species of albatrosses and large petrels. Populations from every country made extensive use of the high seas, indicating the stake each country has in the management of biodiversity in international waters. We quantified the links among national populations of these threatened seabirds and the regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs) which regulate fishing in the high seas. This work makes explicit the relative responsibilities that each country and RFMO has for the management of shared biodiversity, providing invaluable information for the conservation and management of migratory species in the marine realm. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 766417. Research made possible with the support, permissions, and funding granted by the following organizations, institutions, and grant agreements: Marine Conservation Program of DPIPWE Tasmania; American Bird Conservancy; Bureau of Ocean Energy Management; communities of Isla Mocha and Islas Juan Fernández; Corporación Nacional Forestal and Servicio Agrícola y Ganadería (Chile); Environment Canada; the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation; the National Geographic Society; ProDelphinus; and the Wallis Foundation; NSF grants DEB 9304579, DEB 9629539, DEB9806606, DEB0235818, and DEB 0842199 to D.J.A.; the National Geographic Society; the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service; U.S. Geological Survey Ecosystems Mission Area, Wake Forest University; Max-Planck Society and State of Baden-Wuerttemberg Innovation funding; Colorado State University International Programs; Swiss Friends of Galapagos; the International Center for Tropical Ecology at University of Missouri-St. Louis; the Instituto Antartico Chileno (INACH) and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD); LIFE "Marine IBAs IN Spain" (LIFE04NAT/ES/000049, 2004-2009) and LIFE+ INDEMARES (2009-2014); Sea World Research and Rescue Foundation Inc.; Holsworth Wildlife Research Endowment; and Winifred Violet Scott Trust; FCT-Portugal through projects (UIDB/04292/2020 and UIDP/04292/2020 and UIDP/50017/2020 and UIDB/50017/2020, granted to MARE and CESAM, respectively); the Falklands Islands Government; Natural Environmental Research Council (NERC) core funding to British Antarctic Survey Ecosystems Programme and Official Development Assistance Atlantic Islands project (NE/ R000 107/1); the New Zealand Department of Conservation; Ministry for Primary Industries; Ngāti Rehua Ngāti Wai ki Aotea; Falklands Island Conservation; University of Barcelona (APIF/2015, to M.C.-F.); the French Polar Institute (program IPEV n°109 to H.W.); Réserve Naturelle Nationale des Terres Australes Françaises; and the Zones Atelier Antarctique (LTSER France, CNRS-INEE); European funds through the European Commission Training and Mobility of Researchers Programme (ERBFMBICT983030); Spanish funds through the Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología (REN2002-01164/GLO), Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (CGL2006-01315/BOS), Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (CGL2009-11278/BOS), and Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (CGL2013-42585-P); Catalan funds through the Generalitat de Catalunya (2001SGR00091); and additional funding from SEO/BirdLife (programa Migra & proyecto LIFE+ Indemares), Fundación Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Argentaria (BIOCON04/099) and Fundación Biodiversidad (18PCA4328, 2012-2013); NSERC Discovery Grant and Government of Canada's Program for International Polar Year to W.A.M.; and an ACAP AC Grant in 2013-14, predoctoral contract BES-2017-079874 of the Spanish Ministerio de Industria, Economía y Competitividad (to L.N.-H.); Spanish Foundation for Biodiversity and Spanish Ministry of Science grant ref. CGL2013-42203-R; the Pew Environment Group via the Pew Fellowship Award in Marine Conservation (to M.L.C.); National Research Foundation; South Africa and Oceans and Coasts; Department of Environment, Agriculture and Fisheries; Malta Seabird Project (LIFE10NAT/MT/090) co-funded by the LIFE program of the European Commission and the Maltese Ministry for the Environment, Sustainable Development and Climate Change, in partnership with the Royal Society for the Protection of Bird and the Portuguese Society for the Study of Birds; predoctoral contract BES-2014-068025 of the Spanish Ministerio de Industria, Economía y Competitividad (to V.M.-P.); Scientific Expert PIM initiative (Petites Iles de Méditerranée); the PIM initiative (Petites Iles de Méditerranée); the Tunisian Coastal Protection and Planning Agency (APAL); Ministry of the Environment, Japan; Funding by Fundación Ecocentro, Argentina; Wildlife Conservation Society, USA; and Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación, Argentina; Centro Nacional Patagónico (CONICET), postdoctoral contracts by Beatriu de Pinós (2010-BP_A-00173), Juan de la Cierva (JCI-2009-05426), PLEAMAR (2017/2349), and Ramón y Cajal (RYC-2017-22055) programme (to R.R.); Seventh Framework Programme (Research Executive Agency of the European Commission, 618841, FP7-PEOPLE-2013-CIG); Fondation Total pour la Biodiversité (project: Trophic ecology and impacts of bycatch on the avifauna communities of Zembra archipelago); Agence de Protection et d'Aménagement du Littoral (APAL-Tunisia); Killam Postdoctoral fellowship from Dalhousie University; South African National Antarctic Programme; ACAP; Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument; NOAA; Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Kakenhi grant 19651100 and 15H02857; National Parks and Conservation Service (Mauritius) (to M.L.C.); IPEV Prog 109; and NASA. The use of trade, product, or firm names in this publication is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.S. government. The scientific results and conclusions, as well as any views or opinions expressed herein, are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the NOAA or the Department of Commerce. This communication reflects only the authors' view, and the Research Executive Agency of the European Union is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. Z.Z. acknowledges funding from a predoctoral grant (APIF/2012) from the University of Barcelona. J.Ad. acknowledges funding from the U.S. Geological Survey Ecosystems Mission Area, U.S. Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Pacific OCS Region.

El cumplimiento del Acuerdo de París implica el inicio de una transición energética y su aceleración. En el acuerdo, los países firmantes se comprometen a reducir las emisiones, y con ello evitar que la temperatura global media supere los 2°C respecto a la época preindustrial. Este propósito implica la transición hacia sociedades bajas en carbono, donde el sector de la edificación puede realizar importantes contribuciones. En este sentido, se advierte que uno de los principales aportes es la adopción de edificios con consumo energético casi nulo, eficientes y resilientes ante los efectos adversos del cambio climático. El propósito de la investigación es analizar la política energética en México aplicada al sector residencial, así como las líneas estratégicas y mecanismos planteados que den evidencia de la efectividad de una trayectoria hacia la transición energética en este sector. A partir de la investigación se plantea el trazado de una hoja de ruta hacia la transición energética en el sector residencial en México. Para conseguir el resultado se realizó un análisis de antecedentes del fenómeno actual de la transición energética global en el contexto de la sostenibilidad y el papel del sector de la edificación dentro de este fenómeno. Así mismo, se identifican las políticas estratégicas de la Unión Europea dirigidas a transitar hacia a un parque edificado bajo en consumo energético. Se propuso a España como caso de estudio referente para analizar sus códigos energéticos y mecanismos de apoyo aplicados a la edificación residencial. La finalidad es contrastar con el marco regulatorio y los códigos de edificación existentes en México. En el documento se analiza el patrón energético de México, el impacto ambiental y socioeconómico de la vivienda, así como explorar la aplicación de criterios energéticos en las prácticas actuales de diseño residencial. ; El compliment del Acord de París implica el començament de la transició energètica i la seva acceleració. A l'acord, els països signants es comprometen a reduir les emissions, i amb això eviten que la temperatura global mitjana superi els 2°C respecte l'època preindustrial. Aquest propòsit implica la transició cap a societats baixes en carboni, on el sector de l'edificació pot realitzar importants contribucions. En aquest sentit, s'adverteix que una de les principals aportacions és l'adaptació a edificis amb consum energètic casi nul, eficients i resilients davant dels efectes adversos del canvi climàtic. El propòsit de la investigació és analitzar la política energètica de Mèxic aplicada al sector residencial, així com les línies estratègiques i mecanismes plantejats que donin evidència de l'efectivitat d'una trajectòria cap a la transició energètica en aquest sector. A partir de la investigació es planteja el traçat d'una fulla de ruta cap a la transició energètica al sector residencial a Mèxic, prioritzant els criteris a ressaltar en les polítiques públiques cap a un parc edificat residencial energèticament eficient. Per aconseguir el resultat s'ha realitzat un anàlisi d'antecedents del fenomen actual de la transició energètica global en el context de la sostenibilitat i el paper del sector de l'edificació dins d'aquest fenomen. Així mateix, s'identifiquen les polítiques estratègiques de la Unió Europea dirigides a transitar cap a un parc edificat baix en consum energètic. Es va proposar a Espanya com a cas d'estudi referent per analitzar els seus codis energètics i mecanismes de suport aplicats a l'edificació residencial, com a part del reconeixement de bones pràctiques que fomenten l'estalvi energètic a l'edificació. La finalitat és contrastar amb el marc regulador i els codis de l'edificació existents a Mèxic. En el document s'analitza el patró energètic de Mèxic, així com l'impacte ambiental i socioeconòmic del habitatge. A més a més de la literatura, la investigació es recolza en instruments com enquestes i entrevistes realitzades amb professionals del sector de l'edificació a Mèxic, amb la finalitat d'explorar l'aplicació de criteris energètics a les pràctiques actuals de disseny residencial ; The Paris Agreement implies the beginning of the energy transition and its acceleration. In the agreement, the state parties commit to reduce emissions in order to keep the increase in global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial era. This objective involves the transition towards low-carbon societies, where the building sector can make important contributions. In this sense, it is noted that one of the main contributions is to adopt nearly zero energy consumption buildings, being efficient and resilient to the adverse effects of climate change. The purpose of the research is to analyze the energy policy in Mexico applied to the residential sector, as well as the strategic lines and mechanisms proposed that evidence the effectiveness of a path towards the energy transition in this sector. Based on the research, a route map towards the energy transition in the residential sector in Mexico is proposed, prioritizing the criteria to be emphasized in public policies towards an energy efficient residential sector. To achieve the result, a background analysis of the current phenomenon of the global energy transition was made in the context of sustainability and the role of the building sector within this phenomenon. Likewise, the strategic policies of the European Union are identified, aimed at moving towards low energy consumption buildings. Spain was proposed as a case study to analyze its energy codes and support mechanisms applied to residential buildings, as part of the recognition of good practices that promote energy savings in buildings. The purpose is to contrast with the regulatory framework and existing building codes in Mexico. The document analyzes the energy mix of Mexico, as well as the environmental and socioeconomic impact of housing. In addition to the literature, the research is supported by instruments such as surveys and interviews conducted with professionals in the building sector in Mexico, in order to explore the application of energy criteria in current residential design practices

The aim of this dissertation is to understand the contributions of indigenous autonomous institutions to environmental sustainability in indigenous territories in Colombia. Past research has neglected to account for the role of indigenous territorial autonomy in spatial environmental planning and the overall goal of environmental sustainability. This gap is approached through the institutional design principles theory, informed by indigenous planning literature and the social-ecological systems framework. This research uses a case study, the resguardo El Duya, and a qualitative approach, where data collection was made through interviews, observation and document analysis. The results for this resguardo are presented in the context of Orinoquia region, which is analysed using the concept of frontier. This research asks about the way in which indigenous institutions mediate the relation of humans and the territory, finding that they have been going through a process of institutional change with several milestones characterised by external disturbances produced by non-indigenous actors. Currently, two institutional arrangements coexist in El Duya, customary and novel institutions, for which the analysis shows that the majority of design principles are present and some of them exhibit implementation problems. Thus, indigenous institutions have kept the integrity of ecosystems; despite changes in the social-ecological system and environmental impacts caused by oil extraction-related activities. This research further asks about spatial environmental planning, finding that it has been implemented by indigenous and non-indigenous actors, where the latter includes external governmental authorities and oil companies. This has resulted in an asymmetrical planning setting, in which the Salia people are deprived from significant planning powers in their territory. Furthermore, non-indigenous environmental authorities have contributed poorly in maintaining the integrity of the ecosystems of El Duya, under a frame in which the notion of environmental sustainability is not used by the people of this resguardo and is understood variably by governmental actors. Finally, this research asks about territorial autonomy concerning nature, which has been found to be partially exercised, since authority, decision-making and their enforcement are hindered by the intervention of environmental authorities. This corresponds to a jurisdictional encroachment over indigenous authorities, enabled by the Colombian State arrangement. Consequently, indigenous institutions do contribute to environmental sustainability in El Duya; however, this should be understood in terms of novel aspects enabled by the distinctiveness of Salia institutions and current territorial autonomy limitations.:Contents 1 Introduction 1.1 Rationale of the research 1.2 Outline of the dissertation 2 Indigenous territories: essentials for their study 2.1 The colonial inheritance 2.1.1 The early years and the disruption of territoriality 2.1.2 Republics and the enthronement of private property 2.2 Current state of indigenous territories in Colombia 2.2.1 Indigenous territorial rights in Colombia 2.2.2 The spatial relevance of indigenous territories 3 Literature review 3.1 Indigenous territories 3.1.1 The rights approach 3.1.2 Boundary-making and indigenous territories 3.2 Environmental sustainability and indigenous territorial autonomy 3.2.1 Subnational arrangements, self-government and autonomy 3.2.2 Indigenous territorial autonomy 3.2.3 The concept of environmental sustainability 3.2.4 Types of sustainability 3.2.5 Indigenous management of natural resources 3.2.6 Environmental planning in indigenous territories 3.3 Research questions 4 Theoretical framework 4.1 Institutional design principles 4.2 The social-ecological systems framework 4.3 Indigenous planning principles 4.4 Dissertation's approach 5 Methodology 5.1 Research design 5.1.1 Case study research 5.1.2 Unit of analysis and type of case study 5.1.3 Research design limitations 5.2 Methods 5.2.1 Document analysis 5.2.2 Interviews 5.2.3 Qualitative observations 6 Study area: variables in the social-ecological system framework 6.1 Social, economic and political settings; related ecosystems 6.1.1 Economic development; demographic trends; political stability; climate patterns; pollution patterns; flows into and out of focal SES 6.1.2 External governance systems 6.2 Resource systems 6.2.1 Sector; clarity of systems' boundaries; size of resource system; location. 6.2.2 Human constructed facilities 6.2.3 Equilibrium properties (stable state). 6.2.4 Predictability of system dynamics 6.3 Actors 6.3.1 History or past experiences 6.3.2 Number of relevant actors; socioeconomic attributes; social capital 6.3.3 Location; knowledge of SES (mental models) 6.3.4 Technologies available 6.4 Governance systems 6.4.1 Indigenous organisation; network structure 6.4.2 Property rights systems 6.5 Action situations 6.5.1 Harvesting; importance of resource 6.5.2 Information sharing 6.5.3 Conflicts 6.5.4 Investment activities 6.5.5 Lobbying activities 6.5.6 Networking activities 7 The relation between humans and territory 7.1 The period before the titling of the resguardo 7.1.1 Salia customary rules 7.1.2 Design principles in the customary arrangement 7.2 The period after the titling of the resguardo 7.2.1 Organisational structures 7.2.2 Authorities in El Duya 7.2.3 Rules for natural resources appropriation 7.3 Drivers of institutional transformation 7.3.1 Design principles in El Duya 7.3.2 Robustness of the SES 8 Environmental planning in indigenous territories 8.1 Spatial environmental planning in Colombia 8.2 Planning in El Duya 8.3 Oil exploration and extraction concerning El Duya 8.3.1 Projects of interest for El Duya 8.3.2 Authority over activities related to hydrocarbons 8.4 Environmental sustainability: multiple understandings 8.4.1 State view: a blurry concept 8.4.2 Indicators for environmental sustainability 8.4.3 The ecological function of property 8.4.4 Indigenous view: 'pervivencia' 9 Autonomy over ecosystems in El Duya 9.1 Distribution of powers with regard to ecosystems in El Duya 9.2 Authority exercise over ecosystems in El Duya 9.3 Decision-making and agency over ecosystems in El Duya 9.4 Indigenous territorial autonomy in El Duya 10 Discussion of results 10.1 Human-nature relations in El Duya and institutional change 10.1.1 Law of origin, Mother Earth and indigenous ontologies 10.1.2 Salia institutions and change 10.1.3 Interpreting institutional design principles 10.2 Environmental planning: a question of institutional jurisdiction 10.2.1 Indigenous planning, order and territory 10.2.2 Salia way of planning 10.2.3 Looking after the territory 10.2.4 Indigenous jurisdiction and extractive industries 10.2.5 The concept of environmental sustainability in indigenous territories 10.3 Territorial autonomy: the need for further conceptualisation 10.3.1 Authority and decision-making as a component of autonomy 10.3.2 Indigenous territorial autonomy in Colombia 10.3.3 Planning and autonomy 11 Conclusions 11.1 Human relationship with the territory 11.2 Indigenous environmental planning 11.3 Indigenous territorial autonomy and nature 11.4 Contributions to environmental sustainability 11.5 Further research 12 References 13 Appendices 13.1 Appendix A 13.2 Appendix B 13.3 Appendix C 13.4 Appendix D 13.5 Appendix E 13.6 Appendix F 13.7 Appendix G 13.8 Appendix H

ABSTRACT The purpose of investigation is analyzing the existent barriers to the jurisdictional effective tutelage like guarantee of the proper process and the juridical certainty in the Peru right side up fundamental, departing from the analysis of The Law N 29486, published the December 23 the 2009, that he incorporated the article 565 To the Civil Code Of Procedure, inasmuch as the aforementioned standard violates the essential contents of such right for the nourishing obligor, in its access mode to justice, and like correlate of it, the imperative need to calibrate equally the account juridical procedural in these established itselfCases, choosing a legal symmetric, undiscriminating treatment any one and, evenly in front of the law, proposing besides, the urgent need of your annulment; Getting in this way out of results the application of this figure. It caused investigation to observe that a series of judicial processes on requests of reduction, variation, proration or exoneration of alimony, where the alimentary obligor is plaintiff, be refused, in order to fail to keep the legal requirement established in the standard under analysis. Investigation took effect on the informational base compiled of Justicia's superior court of Freedom, as well as of the application of opinion polls to Jueces and Abogados of the juridical community of this city, naturally we have also turned to bibliographic references like: Books, magazines and goods specialized in relation to investigation ut supra, pages Web in internet, jurisprudences and similar others, with the aim of consolidating and corroborating the proposal of the problem and the theoretic foundation of the present I work investigatorio, for whose effect you have used the inductive synthetic method – deductive and analytical -. The results led to come to an end to us that obstacles of different classes that they affect significantly the right to the jurisdictional tutelage in their moral values of effectiveness and certainty from an expeditious perspective, in the access mode to the justice, in special of the nourishing obligors in the various variants to that the adjective standard is referred under analysis, fact that he generates a social and psychic effect of discredit and distrust in the community in relation to the state-owned authorities effectively exist. And in front of this endemic reality recommends to the actors implicated with the service of Justice to innovate rules, procedures and gobernabilidad's politicses as to the public organization of this service that the State offers, in order to obtain a legal system and best-suited, efficacious and operating police officer; And this way plucking up important results that you transcend in transparency, predictibilidad and uniformity of the judicial decisions, generating synergies for the sake of promoting a reliable climate, stability and juridical certainty that materializes in the banners of human satisfaction and social peace in justice, having impact on society not only in this but also all over the world like a positive factor for investment, growth and development of the Nation. ; RESUMEN El propósito de la investigación es analizar las barreras existentes al derecho fundamental a la tutela jurisdiccional efectiva como garantía del debido proceso y la seguridad jurídica en el Perú, partiendo del análisis de La Ley Nº 29486, publicada el 23 de diciembre del 2009, que incorporó "el artículo 565-A al Código Procesal Civil, en la medida en que dicha norma vulnera el contenido esencial de tal derecho para el obligado alimentante, en su modalidad de acceso a la justicia", y como correlato de ello, se estableció la imperativa necesidad de calibrar equitativamente la relación jurídico procesal en estos casos, optando por un tratamiento legal simétrico, sin discriminación alguna y, con igualdad frente a la ley, proponiendo además, la urgente necesidad de su derogatoria; obteniendo de este modo resultados de la aplicación de esta figura. Motivó la investigación el observar que una serie de procesos judiciales sobre demandas de reducción, variación, prorrateo o exoneración de pensión alimenticia, donde el obligado alimentario es demandante, sean rechazadas, por no cumplir con el requisito legal establecido en la norma bajo análisis. La investigación se llevó a cabo sobre la base de la información recopilada de la Corte Superior de Justicia de la Libertad, así como de la aplicación de encuestas a Jueces y Abogados de la comunidad jurídica de ésta ciudad, también naturalmente hemos recurrido a referencias bibliográficas como: libros, revistas y artículos especializados en relación a la investigación ut supra, páginas web en internet, jurisprudencias y otras similares, con el fin de consolidar y corroborar el planteamiento del problema y la fundamentación teórica del presente trabajo investigatorio, para cuyo efecto se ha utilizado el método inductivo – deductivo y analítico -sintético. Los resultados nos llevaron a concluir que efectivamente existen barreras de distintas clases que afectan significativamente el derecho a la tutela jurisdiccional en sus valores de efectividad y seguridad desde una perspectiva dinámica, en la modalidad de acceso a la justicia, en especial de los obligados alimentantes en las diversas variantes a que se refiere la norma adjetiva bajo análisis, hecho que genera un efecto social y psíquico de descrédito y desconfianza en la comunidad respecto a las autoridades estatales. Y frente a esta endémica realidad se recomienda a los actores involucrados con el servicio de justicia innovar las reglas, procedimientos y políticas de gobernabilidad en cuanto a la organización pública de éste servicio que brinda el Estado, con el propósito de obtener un sistema legal y judicial más adecuado, eficaz y operativo; y de esta manera lograr obtener resultados importantes que trascienda en la transparencia, predictibilidad y uniformidad de las decisiones judiciales, generando sinergias con el objetivo de promover un clima de confianza, estabilidad y seguridad jurídica que se materialice en los estandartes de satisfacción humana y paz social en justicia, impactando no solo en ésta sociedad sino también en el mundo entero como un factor positivo para la inversión, crecimiento y desarrollo de la Nación. ; Tesis