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The purpose of the article is to analyze the causes of political conflicts in world his-tory and ways to solve them. The novelty of the study is determined by the fact that political conflict is understood as an attempt to overcome the stagnation of the development of the state or society as a whole. This study is based on the use of a set of approaches, norms, directions of various industries, and theoretical and methodological developments of different authors, in addition, the authors independently determined their own specific approaches, conceptual foundations and author understanding of a particular study. The authors show that overcoming a political conflict is possible both by coordinating the positions of various political forces and by external coercion in an armed conflict. The article shows that when using methods of external conflict resolution, political agreements in the country are completely leveled, and at the same time, the creation of a new political field is required. The practical significance of the study is determined by the fact that the use of local conflict resolution methods will fully implement state development strategies that will contribute to the formation of a sustainable society.

THE AUTHOR'S PURPOSE IS TO INVESTIGATE SOVEREIGNTY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN BASIC OUTLINE. LIMITATIONS OF SPACE DICTATE THAT THE ARTICLE CAN ONLY BY AN ABRIDGEMENT OF A LARGE HISTORICAL SUBJECT. THE MAIN QUESTIONS THAT ARE ASKED OF SOVEREIGNTY ARE THE FOLLOWING: WHAT IS SOVEREIGNTY? WHAT IS ITS CHARACTER AND MODUS OPERANDI? WHO ARE THE PRINCIPALS AND AGENTS OF SOVEREIGNTY? WHO ARE THE SUBJECTS OF SOVEREIGNTY? WHAT WOULD BE INVOLVED IN GOING BEYOND SOVEREIGNTY IN WORLD POLITICS: WHAT ARE THE VALUES THAT SOVEREIGNTY CAN BE SEEN TO UPHOLD AND DEFEND? THE ARTICLE IS DEVOTED TO SUGGESTING SOME RESPONSES TO THESE QUESTIONS, STARTING WITH THE FIRST AND ENDING WITH THE LAST.

Ever since the revival of Kant's Perpetual Peace thesis, the linkages between democracy and peace has been a central topic in international relations research, with sustained debate over whether it exists and if it does, why it does. In this stimulating volume, two leading IR scholars place the democratic peace debate within a broader context, including the extent of threats in international relations, degree of satisfaction with the status quo, the diffusion of democracy, and the rise of the trading state. Step by step, Thompson and Rasler examine the democratic peace through a series of puzzles concerning arguments at the dyadic, systemic, and individual state levels. Synthesizing a broad range of knowledge and linking islands of theory, Puzzles of the Democratic Peace provides a distinctive look at the state of the field and paths forward.

The study of small states has seen a revival since the end of the Cold War, but despite recent developments in our knowledge and understanding of small state politics, we know comparatively little about the historical context of present conditions and policies. As is the case of the study of politics and international relations in general, the study of small states is dominated by studies of the present and very recent past with little more than symbolic nods towards historical developments upon which present opportunities and challenges are based. In this context, Matthias Maass's Small states in world politics. The story of small state survival 1648-2016 is a welcome and important contribution. In his highly ambitious book, Maass traces the history of small state survival from the inception of the modern states system by the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 up until the present (2016). Defining small states as "units that are individually irrelevant to the states system" (p. 31), Maass draws on Classical and Structural Realism and English School-thinking to compose a broad theoretical framework. This framework allows him to emphasize the continued importance of power politics over the centuries, while detecting how changing norms on war and conquest transform the nature of power politics and therefore the conditions for small state survival. ; N/A

The changing world scene is marked by innumerable developments for which extant paradigms have, at best, strained and insufficient explanations. Here the analysis undertakes a fresh approach to the emergent patterns of global life by tracing a bifurcation in which the state-centric world coexists and interacts with a diffuse multi-centric world consisting of diverse "sovereignty-free" actors who endlessly confront an "autonomy" dilemma that differs significantly from the "security" dilemma of states. An outline of the basic structures and processes of this two-world universe of world politics suggests that its equilibrium may derive from cyclical patterns in which orientations at the micro-level toward authority and legitimacy vary systematically to redress the balance of systems and subsystems at the macro level.

Summary
Drawing on the case of the Olympics, and in particular on the role of London in securing, planning and administering the 2012 Summer Games, this article investigates how cities participate in world politics beyond the traditional avenues of the international system. Tracing how the planning of a sporting mega-event has been woven into London's international role as a global 'green' leader, the article seeks to shed some light on the diplomatic role of cities, as well as on how sport has been used in relation to city diplomacy and urban governance. The Olympics offer a unique window on the multi-scalar reach of these subnational authorities, allowing for substantial public diplomacy initiatives. Major cities such as London, as the article argues, can exert a pervasive diplomatic influence, and planning for sporting events can extend their capacity to link 'city diplomacy' with tangible impacts on everyday lives.

John Hobson claims that throughout its history most international theory has been embedded within various forms of Eurocentrism. Rather than producing value-free and universalist theories of inter-state relations, international theory instead provides provincial analyses that celebrate and defend Western civilization as the subject of, and ideal normative referent in, world politics. Hobson also provides a sympathetic critique of Edward Said's conceptions of Eurocentrism and Orientalism, revealing how Eurocentrism takes different forms, which can be imperialist or anti-imperialist, and showing how these have played out in international theory since 1760. The book thus speaks to scholars of international relations and also to all those interested in understanding Eurocentrism in the disciplines of political science/political theory, political economy/international political economy, geography, cultural and literary studies, sociology and, not least, anthropology

There have been significant political eras which have shaped not only the structure of world politics but the way in which it has been studied. The geopolitical and ideological contours of the Cold War period, for example, had an impact on almost every aspect of world politics and the study of international relations for around 45 years. This book argues that, just as the collapse of the Soviet Union in the period following the fall of the Berlin Wall signalled the end of strategic polarization, it also marked the apparent end of a particular form of polarized debate around politica.

In recent years a new group of 'virtual states'—analogous to
the virtual corporation—has emerged in world politics and economics. In order to concentrate upon high
level services (research, development, product design, financing, marketing and transport), these
countries have transferred much of their manufacturing production elsewhere. Hong Kong, Taiwan,
Singapore, Switzerland, Holland, and others have earned large returns from producing abroad as
home labour costs escalate. To some degree every major industrial nation has moved in a virtual
direction as manufacturing declines to 20 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and services
rise to 65, 70 per cent or more. This evolution conflicts with traditional security assumptions
about the necessity of a powerful and compact economic base. Now countries' economic potential
is frequently divided between home and host nations, and security may depend upon reliable access
to the economies of other states. Virtual states and nations moving in a 'virtual direction'
may improve their position through economic growth in normal times, but may become vulnerable when
security threats arise. In war they have to co-ordinate supply from a range of allied nations to
carry on the struggle against opponents. It might be thought that their pattern of peacetime
interdependence undermines their long-term security.

Transnational Actors in War and Peace explores the identities, organization, strategies, and influence of transnational actors involved in contentious politics, armed conflict, and peacemaking over the last one hundred years. While the study of transnational politics has been a rapidly growing field, to date, the disparate array of actors have not been analyzed alongside each other, making it difficult to develop a common theoretical framework or determine their relative influence on international stability, war, and peace. This work seeks to fill this gap by bringing together a diverse set of scholars focused on a range of transnational actors, such as: pirates, foreign fighters, terrorists, private military security companies, criminal networks, religious groups, diasporas, political exiles, NGOs, environmental activists, global news agencies, and feminist advocacy networks. Each chapter examines a different transnational actor and is structured around five components: how the actor is organized; how it interacts with other actors; how it communicates both internally and externally; how it influences conflict/peace; and how it reflects developments in transnationalism

AbstractIn this article, I contribute to the debate on Ulrich Beck's idea of 'methodological cosmopolitanism' from a political science perspective. How fruitful is Beck's idea for the study of world politics? How can a political science perspective turn 'methodological cosmopolitanism' into a more transdisciplinary subject of debate? Guided by these questions, I speak to two audiences. First, I offer political scientists a distinct strategy for empirical 'cosmopolitan political science' research. At the heart of this strategy is a novel object of research, the 'cosmopolitan outlook', understood as a discourse that breaks with the 'national outlook' to open possibilities for a world beyond 'reflexive modernization'. With that, I shift the perspective from structure to discourse and broaden the normative grounds on which to assess cosmopolitan reality. Rather than just considering the emergence of normative cosmopolitan ideals, I build into cosmopolitan research the normative, empirical question of whether we see an emergence of a world beyond reflexive modernization. Second, I address scholars outside the field of political science who are interested in methodological cosmopolitanism by offering the 'cosmopolitan outlook' as a novel object of study that could also be explored from other disciplinary perspectives and by proposing they put the question of the purpose of methodological cosmopolitanism centre stage. This question can, I argue, constitute grounds for substantial debates on methodological cosmopolitanism not already precluded through disciplinary premises and concerns. Contributing to such a transdisciplinary debate, I distinguish between the long‐term and immediate purpose of methodological cosmopolitanism, the former being about the development of a cosmopolitan language and grammar and the latter about empirical explorations of the reality of the 'cosmopolitan outlook', eventually and in a collective and transdisciplinary endeavour building up to contribute to the former.

This study offers the concept of an International Terror Crisis (ITC) as a new unit of analysis in terror research. An ITC occurs when a terror act triggers inter-state hostility, violence, or war engendering regional or global stability. By using international crisis as a gauge for instability, this article demonstrates the value of ITCs and compares 26 ITCs to all international crises from 1918 to 2006. Findings show an increase in ITC occurrence, terror violence, and inter-state war, but a decrease in less severe inter-state violence. These changes, apparent in ITCs alone, indicate the dangers of terror in world politics. Adapted from the source document.

"The search for universal principles and laws in world politics is a colossal common task for all civilisations. It should not be monopolised by the Western liberal paradigm. Thirty years after the end of the Cold War, global conflicts have been satisfactorily resolved neither by communism nor liberalism. Humanitarian intervention, now under the cover of the responsibility to protect (R2P), has destabilised many societies, leaving justice undone. This inspiring book invites debates on the post-liberal imagination of "emancipated Leviathan": an almighty political authority which exercises awe and force to restore order, as well as enshrines globally-negotiated values of common conscience and reinvented cosmopolitanism. Human well-being will truly become reality when we synergise pre-modern and pre-liberal ways of thinking, worldviews, ethics, and aesthetic styles by means of cross-civilisational, cross-disciplinary fundamental research, and let an emancipated Leviathan exercises principles and laws of virtue derived from the study. The starting point of such intellectual innovation is China. This book explores the application of classical Chinese resources to the innovation of thoughts in contemporary Chinese international relations (IR). It examines whether "Knowledge Archaeology of Chinese International Relations" (KACIR), coined by the author, responds sensibly to today's issues of international ethics and global justice. The book contends that emancipative hermeneutics holds the key to the Chinese soft power puzzle. A bottom-up, non-nationalistic, and non-ethnocentric approach to the Chinese civilisation will reinvent intellectual pluralism and cosmopolitan elements in the Chinese tradition that interact constructively with and ultimately transcend the liberal Western model. Strolling from contemporary IR back to ancient Chinese philosophy then stride into the future searching common principles and laws, this insightful book is a must read for readers who want to reflect on global conflicts in this era of great uncertainty and great transformation, also for those who love to make our world a better place to live in"--