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In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the difference between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from supporting the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs. This is one of the contributions of the present paper. While welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare in the United States preceded the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale, and it was established as a self-managed citizen welfare in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the reap-propriating effect or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three stage process of reforms in 1946, 1967, and 1996.

In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the difference between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from supporting the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs. This is one of the contributions of the present paper. While welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare in the United States preceded the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale, and it was established as a self-managed citizen welfare in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the reap-propriating effect or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three stage process of reforms in 1946, 1967, and 1996.

This article argues West Point responded to the changing strategic environment from the end of the Cold War through the post-9/11 period by innovating its curriculum. Over the past several decades, however, the academy's educational model has remained remarkably stable, rooted in an enduring commitment to a rigorous liberal education as the best preparation for officers confronting the inherent uncertainties of future wars.

En este artículo se argumenta que en la historiografía colombiana existe falta de consenso en cuanto a la duración y al número de víctimas de la Violencia de mediados del siglo XX. Ambas controversias son resueltas analizando las características demográficas de la población colombiana. A partir de censos y registros vitales de la época, se estimaron algunos componentes básicos: tablas de vida, tasas de natalidad y tasas específicas de muertes violentas. Considerando el tamaño y la distribución de la población colombiana, se estimó un máximo de 57.737 víctimas mortales en el periodo 1949-58. Teniendo en cuentas que no todas las muertes violentas tendrían una causa política, esta cifra se reduce a 39.142 bajo supuestos más conservadores. Por lo tanto, las cifras estimadas en este artículo controvierten las más de 200 mil víctimas que usualmente se citan en la literatura, pero que carecen de soporte cuantitativo. Aunque fueron menos muertes que las usualmente aceptadas, los avances que permitieron reducir la mortalidad durante el siglo XX se vieron parcialmente atenuados por el exceso de mortalidad durante los años de la Violencia. ; This paper argues that there is a lack of consensus in the Colombian historiography regarding the duration and the number of victims of the political violence of the mid-twentieth century. Demographic characteristics of the Colombian population were analyzed in order to examine both controversies. Based on population censuses and vital records of the time, some basic components were estimated: life tables, birth rates, and specific rates of violent deaths. Considering the size and distribution of the Colombian population, a maximum of 57,737 deaths were estimated for the period 1949-58. Inasmuch as not all violent deaths would have a political cause, the death toll is estimated to be 39,142 people under more conservative assumptions. Therefore, the figures estimated in this paper rebut the more than 200 thousand victims that are usually cited in the literature without quantitative support. Although there were fewer deaths than those usually accepted, the advances that allowed reducing mortality during the 20th century were partially attenuated by the excess mortality during the years of la Violencia. ; Análisis demográfico de la Violencia en Colombia Julio E. Romero Prieto, Banco de la República Adolfo Meisel Roca, Universidad del Norte Resumen no técnico Enfoque En este artículo se argumenta que en la historiografía colombiana no hay consenso en relación con la duración y el número de víctimas de la violencia de mediados del siglo XX. En las dos controversias resulta útil el análisis de las características de la población colombiana en aquella época. A partir de censos y registros vitales, se cuantificó el número potencial de víctimas mortales. Teniendo en cuenta el problema de cobertura de los registros, se tomó ventaja de métodos demográficos que han sido diseñados para superar este tipo de limitaciones. Asimismo, se analizó un periodo relativamente extenso 1945-1969, con el objetivo de informar convenientemente el inicio y la duración de la Violencia a partir de los cambios en la mortalidad. Contribución Por décadas, el número de víctimas mortales de la Violencia ha sido mencionado en varios textos académicos y de divulgación. De esta cifra se ha dicho que, 300 mil muertes, en el periodo 1945-1966 es una cantidad aceptada en Colombia (Palacios, 1995). Además, que en el periodo 1948-1956 perecieron cerca de 400 mil colombianos (Easterly, 2014); y que diferentes revisiones siempre se aproximan a 200 mil muertes (Karl, 2017). A la fecha, realmente pocos trabajos han cuestionado el origen de estas cifras o han propuesto nuevos cálculos. Este artículo es el primer esfuerzo por cuantificar las víctimas mortales de la Violencia a partir de los registros de la época y desde una perspectiva demográfica. Frase destacada: Aunque fueron menos muertes que las usualmente aceptadas, los avances que permitieron reducir la mortalidad durante el siglo XX se vieron parcialmente atenuados por el exceso de mortalidad durante los años de la Violencia. Resultados A partir de los cambios en la tasa de muertes violentas, los resultados del análisis indican que la Violencia se inició en 1949 y coincidió con el momento de mayor tensión entre liberales y conservadores. Aunque la tasa empezó a descender en l959, nunca llegó a ser tan baja como lo fue en el periodo 1945-1947. Además del año 1949, las tasas más altas fueron en 1952 y 1958, durante los cambios de gobierno. En el primer caso, durante un periodo de interinidad en la presidencia que antecedió al golpe de estado de 1953. En el segundo caso, durante el primer año del Frente Nacional. Si se tienen en cuenta los diez años del período 1949-1958, en este artículo se estiman 57.737 víctimas mortales de la Violencia. Bajo supuestos más conservadores las víctimas se estiman en 39.142, pues no todas las muertes violentas tendrían una causa política. Considerando que la tasa de muertes violentas se mantuvo alta por algunos años después de firmada la paz, para el periodo extendido 1949-1966 se estima un máximo de 113.032 víctimas mortales, que se reducirían a 80.498 bajo los supuestos más conservadores. Las cifras estimadas en este artículo controvierten las más de 200 mil víctimas que usualmente se citan en la literatura o las 300 mil víctimas que muchos colombianos aceptan como demostración de que somos uno de los pueblos más violentos del mundo. Aunque fueron menos muertes que las usualmente aceptadas, los avances que permitieron reducir la mortalidad durante el siglo XX se vieron parcialmente atenuados por el exceso de mortalidad durante los años de la Violencia.

Summary The Mexican field faces four challenges: migration and returnees, protectionist tendencies and erratic agri-food markets, poverty and inequality, and rural governance. Given the above, a food policy based on the right to food and complementary concepts of food security and food sovereignty must emphasise the productive dimension of small rural producers and the rural population in general in poverty. ; Resumen El campo mexicano enfrenta cuatro retos: migración y repatriados, tendencias proteccionistas y mercados agroalimentarios erráticos, pobreza y desigualdad, y, gobernabilidad rural. Dado lo anterior una política alimentaria que parta del derecho a la alimentación y de los conceptos complementarios de seguridad alimentaria y soberanía alimentaria tiene que enfatizar la dimensión productiva de los pequeños productores rurales y en general de la población rural en pobreza.

International audience ; Socio-anthropologue à l'IRD-AMU-LPED, en accueil à l'Université Internationale de Rabat, avec la participation de Mehdi Alioua, Farid El Asri et Zoubir Chattou. Alors que la question des migrations défie l'actualité, jalonnée par des évènements tragiques et de piètres réponses apportées par les politiques du Nord mais aussi du Sud ; que l'on évoque de plus en plus le déni d'humanité de nos gouvernants, nous pensons qu'il est plus qu'utile au-delà des effets médiatiques de traiter scientifiquement la question plus vaste des mobilités dans leur épaisseur sociologique, géographique, historique et politique. Aujourd'hui les mobilités s'inscrivent davantage dans des dynamiques transnationales complexes que dans une dichotomie classique et linéaire entre pays de départ et pays d'arrivée. Avec la mobilité des personnes, des idées, des croyances, des savoirs, des techniques ou encore des objets nous assistons davantage à des mouvements circulaires, qui pour ce qui est de notre continent, s'avèrent en grande partie intra-africain. L'Afrique est un continent en plein mouvement et cette réalité participe des changements profonds qui s'opèrent sur ces espaces. Les transformations économiques, culturelles, religieuses et politiques qui accompagnent les migrations nous amènent à identifier des coopérations et des relations renouvelées. L'émergence de manières inédites de circuler et de faire circuler nous invite également à repenser fondamentalement ce dynamisme africain. Les approches scientifiques de cette question ont donc pour rôle de saisir et comprendre ces réalités en mouvement en Afrique, proposer des méthodologies probantes et des approches pertinentes et mettre en débat des notions utiles afin de lire ce changement paradigmatique majeur. Les mobilités humaines ont toujours questionné les dispositifs de souveraineté des États par rapport à leur territoire, leur population et la gestion de leurs frontières. Cette géographie des frontières est en plein questionnement et s'il ne s'agit nullement ...

Abstract: The state airport concession contract has specificities that show a special scenery about the corruption risks. Making a deep and specific analysis of the execution of the concession contract of El Dorado airport will guide us, in the first place, into a clear view of the impacts of power deviation and how it affects the public airfreight service. Secondly, it shows the ineffectiveness of the actions dedicated to preserving the prevalence of the public interest principle, caused due to practical difficulties that had prevented them from becoming the definitive solution of the issue. As it can be seen, the risk factors of corruption´s management in the contractual process is imperative because it can ensure compliance with the colombian state social goals, and in this specific case, it allows Colombia to cope with the increasing demand of the aerial operation that the country is facing these days, in a clear and efficient way. ; Fil: Mayorquín, Daniela. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; "Este trabajo obtuvo el segundo premio en XVI Concurso de Ensayos 'Dr. Ignacio Winizky' sobre Anticorrupción y transparencia.". -- Sección: Ensayos y XVI Concurso de Ensayos 'Dr. Ignacio Winizky': Anticorrupción y Transparencia. -- Resumen: El contrato estatal de concesión aeroportuaria tiene particularidades que exhiben un panorama especial de riesgos de corrupción. Es así como el análisis específico de la ejecución del contrato de concesión del Aeropuerto El Dorado de Bogotá -Colombia podrá dar una perspectiva, en primer lugar, de los alcances de la desviación del poder y la afectación de la prestación del servicio público de transporte aéreo y, en segundo lugar, de la ineficacia de las acciones dirigidas a la preservación del principio de prevalencia del interés general, pues las dificultades prácticas han impedido que se conviertan en la solución definitiva del fenómeno. De esta manera quedará en evidencia que la gestión de los factores de riesgo de corrupción en la contratación es esencial, porque asegura que se cumplan las finalidades sociales del Estado Colombiano y, en el caso particular, facilita que Colombia asuma de manera transparente y eficiente, la creciente demanda que enfrenta actualmente la operación aérea en el país.

Since 1975, Western Sahara has been the subject of a conflict of sovereignty between the Kingdom of Morocco and the ethnic Sahrawis of the Polisario Front. After 16 years of armed conflict and decades of UN-led negotiations, the Cultural Heritage Register has recently been used by Morocco as a new tactical resource to replace open confrontation. However, considering that heritage is a classic part of national editions, Morocco seems to make available to Sahrawis the instruments of nationalism which it nevertheless intends to combat. Analysis of this paradox will allow us to understand, on the one hand, why the aesthetised portrayal of the culture of a population known for its revolutionary and independent aspirations is taken over by the opposing party and, on the other hand, why the Polisario Front does not invest this central tool of nationalism. ; International audience ; Since 1975, Western Sahara has been the subject of a conflict of sovereignty between the Kingdom of Morocco and the ethnic Sahrawis of the Polisario Front. After 16 years of armed conflict and decades of UN-led negotiations, the Cultural Heritage Register has recently been used by Morocco as a new tactical resource to replace open confrontation. However, considering that heritage is a classic part of national editions, Morocco seems to make available to Sahrawis the instruments of nationalism which it nevertheless intends to combat. Analysis of this paradox will allow us to understand, on the one hand, why the aesthetised portrayal of the culture of a population known for its revolutionary and independent aspirations is taken over by the opposing party and, on the other hand, why the Polisario Front does not invest this central tool of nationalism. ; Depuis 1975, le Sahara occidental est l'objet d'un conflit de souveraineté entre le Royaume du Maroc et les Sahraouis indépendantistes du Front Polisario. Après seize ans de conflit armé et des dizaines d'années de tractations sous l'égide de l'ONU, le registre du patrimoine culturel est employé ...

The Latin American project began to develop in the independence processes born in the Spanish colonies of America during the 19th century. It is geared towards shaping an autonomous regional identity and culture and continues to form states and their institutions, organised on the basis of modern narratives around national sovereignty and economic development. Both the concept of Latin America and the concept of Latin American identity involve historical processes which in turn have shaped narratives and hegemonic representations. In this work, we intend to analyse some of the productions of the Latin American artistic field in recent decades in order to reflect on alternative forms of identity interpellation (gender, ethnic, linguistic, etc.) as aesthetic-critical strategies for renewing practices and speeches within the regional and global order. ; El proyecto de una América latina comienza a desarrollarse en los procesos independentistas nacidos en el seno de las colonias españolas de América durante el siglo XIX. Éste se orienta hacia la conformación de una cultura y una identidad regional autónoma y continúa en la constitución de los estados y sus instituciones, organizados a partir de los discursos modernizadores en torno a las soberanías nacionales y el desarrollo económico. Tanto la noción de América Latina como la de identidad latinoamericana implican procesos históricos que han conformado, a su vez, relatos y representaciones hegemónicas. En este trabajo nos proponemos analizar algunas de las producciones del campo artístico Latinoamericano de las últimas décadas a fin de reflexionar acerca de formas alternativas de interpelación identitaria (de género, étnica, lingüística, etc.) como estrategias estético-críticas de renovación de la prácticas y los discursos dentro del orden regional y global.

The adoption of the Paris Agreement ended several years of negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to reach a consensus on a new protocol that would break with the binary approach to the Kyoto Protocol, demanding commitments from all developed and developing countries. To meet this challenge, does the agreement - both in form and content - limit the exercise of the economic sovereignty of the Parties? The present text takes a look at the Paris Agreement in terms of economic sovereignty, a natural extension of national sovereignty that must first be explored, before examining the space accorded to it by the Paris Agreement, especially for developing countries, whose development is a priority highlighted in the preamble of the Agreement. ; L'adoption de l'Accord de Paris a mis fin à plusieurs années de négociations sous l'égide de la Convention-cadre des Nations Unies sur les changements climatiques pour arriver à un consensus autour d'un nouveau protocole qui viendrait rompre avec l'approche binaire du Protocole de Kyoto, en exigeant des engagements de tous les États du monde, qu'ils soient développés ou en développement. L'approche géopolitique de l'Accord de Paris rompt avec celle du Protocole de Kyoto, dans la mesure où les pays en développement doivent désormais soumettre aussi des contributions déterminées au niveau national (CDN). En examinant la forme et le contenu de l'Accord de Paris, peut-on affirmer que les Parties se sont engagées à limiter l'exercice de leur souveraineté économique? Le présent texte jette un regard sur l'Accord de Paris, sous l'angle de la souveraineté économique, prolongement naturel de la souveraineté nationale qu'il convient d'abord explorer, avant d'examiner l'Accord de Paris sous l'angle de cette souveraineté économique, avec, en toile de fond, la reconnaissance, dès le préambule de cet accord, que le développement est la priorité des pays en développement.

784 798 75 ; S ; [EN] The contribution of small farms to local food supply, food security and food sovereignty is widely acknowledged at a global level. In the particular case of Europe, they often are seen as an alternative to large and specialised farms. Assessing the real role of small farms has been limited by a lack of information, as small farms are frequently omitted from agricultural censuses and national statistics. It is also well acknowledged that small farms differ widely, and are distributed according to different spatial patterns across Europe, fulfilling different roles according to the agriculture and territorial characteristics of each region. This paper presents the result of a novel classification of small farms at NUTS-3 level in Europe, according to the relevance of small farms in the agricultural and territorial context of each region, and based on a typology of small farms considering different dimensions of farm size. The maps presented result from an extensive data collection and variables selected according to European wide expert judgement, analysed with advanced cluster procedures. The results provide a fine grained picture of the role of small farms at the regional level in Europe today, and are expected to support further data analysis and targeted policy intervention. This work was supported by the SALSA project (Small farms, small food businesses and sustainable food and nutrition security) (Project ID: 677,363) funded under H2020-EU.3.2. Societal Challenges - Food security, sustainable agriculture and forestry, marine, maritime and inland water research and the bioeconomy; and by FEDER Funds through the Operational Programme for Competitiveness Factors - COMPETE and National Funds through FCT - Foundation for Science and Technology. Helen Sooväli-Sepping was funded by the Estonian Ministry of Education target-financed project IUT3-2 Culturescapes in transformation: towards an integrated theory of meaning making. Guiomar, N.; Godinho, S.; Pinto-Correia, T.; Almeida, M.; Bartolini, ...

International audience What Proudhon's work calls collective reason questions the notion of the general interest in order to distinguish itself from Rousseau's terminology. The former allows the articulation between individuals and groups through both an anthropological and a deliberative procedure approaches. This conception of socialization will produce the unity that could result from the check and balance in normative terms. Thus, collective reason englobes the totality of social interactions. In the political sphere, the concept allows the understanding of general or collective interest not as the monist unity embodied by the sovereignty of the state, but by a pluralistic unity marked by the autonomy of the collective beings subordinating the state to their service. ; On ne retrouve nulle part dans l'œuvre de Proudhon la notion d'intérêt général, ni en termes positifs ni en termes négatifs. Ce n'est pas, je pense, que Proudhon refusait le terme en tant que tel, mais il prêtait à mon avis trop à confusion avec la notion de volonté générale de Rousseau, envers qui il était très critique. Je pense que nous retrouvons néanmoins chez Proudhon plusieurs façons de concevoir l'intérêt général, qu'il assimile, me semble-t-il, au problème de l'unité : nous verrons qu'il estime qu'il existe de fausses unités et une réelle unité. Il est important de noter que Proudhon, dans son premier mémoire, se réclame de l'anarchisme. Il récuse donc le qualificatif de monarchiste, de démocrate, etc., mais revendique celui de républicain dans la mesure où il désigne la chose publique.

International audience Military dictatorships and armed conflicts delineate the history of Latin America over the last four decades. Dead bodies were produced en masse before being confiscated , concealed or destroyed by those who carried out the crimes. Today, some of these corpses are being exhumed and identified. This special issue aims to specify and understand the challenges this process of exhumation represents for Latin American states, namely, the social and political life of these exhumed corpses in democratic post-conflict societies, the possible performance of sovereignty that these dead bodies can activate and, in a broader context, the impact that the presence of corpses may have on the community of the living.Exhumations in Latin America gathers five different contributions, each enlightening particular aspects of the exhumation process in Guatemala, Argentina, Peru, Uruguay and Colombia, respectively. In the case of Guatemala, Clara Duterme explores this process as an element of 'transitional justice' in which tensions between different social actors arise. If community associations, governmental actors and victims all share the pursuit of justice as a common goal, their understanding of what compensation and reparation mean is not uniform. Departing from the discourse of local actors, Duterme focuses on concrete forms of compensation , showing how 'local justice' is sometimes more effective than legal justice. Exploring a distinct form of tensions occurring in Argentina, Laura Panizo analyses the impact of the exhumed corpses of the disappeared on the living bodies of the families and of the scientific investigators. The article analyses different conflicts that emerge when people cohabit with the 'reappeared' corpses. Moreover, digging into her personal experience, Panizo reflects on the extent to which her own body was, and is, affected by cohabitation with the exhumed corpses of the victims.

International audience At the beginning of the 19th century, the dynamism of the old southwestern frontier put the Five Civilized Tribes (Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, Creek and Cherokee) in the position of active participants in the making of the Early Republic due to their outstanding integration in the commercial and cultural exchanges with whites in the region. This phenomenon results from the fact that the Natives voluntarily adapted to American standards in order to ensure their integration within the American nation state and to preserve their sovereignty on their tribal lands. As it was in line with what settlers considered as « civilization », this transition from a traditional Indian society to a hybrid entity seemed to grant the Five Civilized Tribes a certain degree of legitimacy in the region. However, their removal west of the Mississippi enacted in 1830 proved that such was not the case. Yet, the creation of the Indian Territory, where the Five Tribes were forced to settle, seemed to give those « Americanized » Natives the opportunity to assume a position of strength in the West since it placed them in a central geopolitical position in the nineteenth century American landscape. This paper studies the role of Native women in this transformation of Indian identity before and after Removal. It will analyze how they modified the codes of Indian womanhood and femininity, using acculturation as a means to resist. ; Au début du XIXe siècle, le dynamisme tout particulier de la frontière du Vieux Sud-Ouest (Géorgie, Caroline du Sud et Tennessee) confère aux cinq nations dites « civilisées » (Choctaw, Chickasaw, Séminole, Creek et Cherokee) le statut d'agents actifs dans la construction de la jeune République, du fait de leur intégration exceptionnelle dans le tissu commercial et culturel de la région. Cela est dû notamment à une volonté autochtone d'entamer un processus d'adaptation aux standards civilisationnels américains, afin de garantir leur intégration dans la république et de maintenir leur ...