Suchergebnisse

The dominant historiographical view of eugenics in Britain is that it was a middle-class protest movement that found in early genetic science a justification for its objections to paying taxes to aid the poor. Often, this position is contrasted with a 'harder', blood-and-soil, continental type of eugenics, one that ended in genocide. In this article Stone does not dispute the class-based nature of British eugenics, but shows that, among all kinds of eugenicists, this class issue was inseparable from a racially motivated world view. 'Race', in this reading, was more than simply a synonym for 'nation', for already by the Edwardian period there was a widely accepted racial hierarchy. If this was not always referred to, it was because it was taken for granted. Hence the view of British eugenics that sees it as mildly threatening but basically embarrassing needs to be adjusted so that its full, sinister implications can be seen.

This article shows the religious and spiritual characteristics of the Imamate in the North Caucasus region in the first half of the 19th century. Religious and spiritual trends in North Caucasus were of a militant nature, centered around the anti-Russian protests.

Frontmatter -- PREFACE -- TABLE OF CONTENTS -- LIST OF TABLES -- INTRODUCTION -- I. France: The Episcopate and the Nation -- II. France: The Recruitment of the Bishops -- III. England: The Church Establishment and the Recruitment of Bishops -- IV. The Irish Fief: The Recruitment of its Bishops -- V. FRANCE: THE EPISCOPATE AS AN ESTATE: GENERAL ASSEMBLIES AND TAXATION -- VI. England: The Episcopal Corporation: Convocation and Taxation -- CONCLUSION -- APPENDIX I. The Four Articles of 1682 -- APPENDIX II. Episcopal Revenues in France -- APPENDIX III. Ledran's Mémoire -- APPENDIX IV. Note on Bishop Gibson -- APPENDIX V. EPISCOPAL TAX RATES IN FRANCE: CHANGES AFTER REFORMS OF 1755-60 -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX -- Backmatter

A political ecological research orientation elucidates the effects of Miskito wage workin the Honduran lobster export industry. Miskito wage labor conserves local rain forest by displacing agricultural deforestation pressure into wages. These wages, however, areearned in an industry that depletes Caribbean lobster populations and which increases risk of injury and death to divers.Key words: political ecology; deforestation; swidden agriculture; fisheries;conservation

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore and critique the conceptual and terminological shift – particularly from "vulnerability" to "adult at risk" – in adult safeguarding under the Care Act 2014 and the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper compares the notion of the vulnerable adult in safeguarding, with the notion of an adult at risk under the Care Act 2014 and the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 and questions to what extent such a shift addresses existing criticisms of "vulnerability".


Findings
The paper criticises the notion of the "vulnerable adult" for perpetuating the stigma associated with an impairment or disability, and for the types of legal and policy responses deemed appropriate under such an understanding of vulnerability. While efforts to replace the term "vulnerable adult" with "adult at risk" are, to some extent, to be welcomed, "adult at risk" under the legislation relies on the same characteristics for which the "vulnerable adult" has been criticised. Nevertheless, the safeguarding provisions under the two Acts have made some strides forward in comparison to their legal and policy predecessors and the notion of the "vulnerable adult".


Originality/value
This paper's originality and value lie in its scrutiny of the notion of "vulnerability" in adult safeguarding, in comparison to the newer terminology of an "adult at risk", whilst also suggesting that in important respects – in relation to the interventions deemed appropriate where an adult is perceived to be at risk – the two pieces of legislation are a marked improvement on their predecessors. It also offers some thoughts as to how criticisms of the new legislation may be overcome.

Russia's 2021 Duma elections after the sanctions from Europe and the coronavirus pandemic were held in context of protest sentiments. The Lower House of Parliament shifted from four to five factions for the first time since 1999, and in the context of recurrent outbreaks of a pandemic, the Russian public spent a year under the influence of the controversial legal arguments about the status of foreign media and the use of QR codes. It took place in the context of the 30th anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Intro -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Role of the Media in Conflicts -- 1.2 Palestine and Israel in the Media -- 1.3 About This Book -- 1.4 Structure of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Uncovering Myths About the Palestinian-Israeli 'Conflict' -- 2.1 Introduction to the Palestinian-Israeli 'Conflict' and Its Myths -- 2.2 A State of Myths: The Myths That Built the State of Israel -- 2.2.1 The State of Israel Was the Result of the Holocaust -- 2.2.2 The Colonisation of Palestine Was Justified Because It Was the Jews' Ancestral Homeland -- 2.2.3 Zionism Is Representative of the Jewish People Collectively -- 2.2.4 Zionism Is a Jewish Liberation Movement -- 2.2.5 The 'Conflict' Is Rooted in Religious Differences -- 2.2.6 Criticism of Zionism Is the Same as Anti-Semitism -- 2.2.7 'A Land Without People for a People Without a Land' -- 2.2.8 The Palestinians Left of Their Own Accord -- 2.2.9 Palestinians Left Palestine Because They Were Told to by Arab Leaders -- 2.2.10 Britain Had the Right to Make the Balfour Declaration -- 2.2.11 The British Role in the 'Conflict' Has Been an Honest and Equitable One -- 2.2.12 Palestine Was Barren Land Before Jewish Immigration -- 2.3 Israeli Myths: From 1967 to the Present Day -- 2.3.1 Israel Has Tried to Make Peace with the Palestinians -- 2.3.2 Israel Is a Democracy -- 2.3.3 Criticism of Israel Is Anti-Semitic -- 2.3.4 The 'Conflict' Is Complex and Unsolvable -- 2.4 The Impact of These Myths on the 'Conflict' -- References -- Chapter 3: Language Use in the Reporting of the 'Conflict' -- 3.1 Language and Conflict -- 3.1.1 Language, Names and Renaming -- 3.2 The Language Used to Report the 'Conflict' -- 3.2.1 Headlines -- 3.2.2 Voice: Active and Passive -- 3.2.3 Nominalisation -- 3.3 Language Prevarication in the Reporting of the 'Conflict' -- 3.3.1 Modality and Language Prevarication.

Slavery and Freedom in Savannah is a richly illustrated, accessibly written book modeled on the very successful Slavery in New York , a volume Leslie M. Harris coedited with Ira Berlin. Here Harris and Daina Ramey Berry have collected a variety of perspectives on slavery, emancipation, and black life in Savannah from the city's founding to the early twentieth century. Written by leading historians of Savannah, Georgia, and the South, the volume includes a mix of longer thematic essays and shorter sidebars focusing on individual people, events, and places. The story of slavery in Savannah may s

Uno de los procesos más interesantes que se puede documentar por medio de la participación de los Gobiernos japoneses en las exposiciones universales de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX es el papel que tenía en las relaciones internacionales el peso de la tradición cultural de cada nación manifestada a través de obras artísticas. Japón entendió muy pronto este aspecto de la política internacional y progresivamente configuró un discurso propio sobre la historia del arte japonés estableciendo una delimitación con las interpretaciones que desde Occidente se hacía de la misma. En este artículo se intentará observar las diferentes circunstancias de participación por parte de Japón en estas efemérides prestando especial atención a aquellos documentos o acciones que las autoridades japonesas publicaron o realizaron para dar a conocer su patrimonio. La mejora de las condiciones materiales de Japón repercutió especialmente en su representación en estas, pero desde un principio existió la apuesta por participar siempre en estos eventos. Se evidencia así la prioridad para el Gobierno japonés de ser visto en compañía del resto de las naciones y, a ser posible, de las potencias más desarrolladas. La razón última de esta perenne necesidad de retratarse continuamente frente al mundo radica en la insistencia del resto de potencias desarrolladas occidentales de emplazar el papel de Japón dentro del mundo en una categoría inferior, menos desarrollada y que consideraba, por ende, su arte en la misma posición de inferioridad. Dentro de esta evolución, la participación en la Exposición Colombina de Chicago del año 1893 marca un hito al ser la primera ocasión en que se expone a un público extranjero un discurso consistente e hilado de una historia del arte japonés materializado en un pabellón arquitectónico considerado uno de los puntos álgidos de su producción artística. Se daba el primer paso para un definitivo viraje en la posesión del conocimiento y articulación sobre el arte japonés que se consolidaría en la Exposición Universal de París de 1900. ; The role of the cultural tradition of a nation manifested through its art works in international relations such as seen at the Universal Exhibitions during the second half of the 19th century has been documented, but it is particularly fascinating if we pay attention to Japan's participation in such exhibitions. Japan understood this aspect of international politics explicitly and progressively configured its very own discourse on Japanese Art History, a subject which until that time had been primarily interpreted through Western perspectives. This article will try to analyze the different circumstances of Japan's participation in these events, paying special attention to documents published or actions taken by Japanese authorities in order to disseminate knowledge of its heritage. While the improvement of material conditions in Japan had a direct influence in Japan's representation in the exhibitions, already from the beginning there was a bet by the Japanese Government to be there. This indicates Japanese authorities' priority to showcase Japan together with the rest of the participating nations in the hopes that Japan would be seen as one of the most developed nations. Another reason for such need to present itself to the world was the insistence by the rest of the developed countries on placing Japan within an inferior category, as less developed, and consequently, placing its art in the same inferior position. Within this evolution of Japan's regaining its right to its own Art History, its participation in the Columbine Exhibition of Chicago in 1893 was epoch-making, since it was the first occasion in which the international public was presented with a consistent and solid discourse on Japanese Art History materialized in an architectonic pavilion considered to be one of the apexes of Japan's artistic production. It was the first step into swinging the balance in the possession and articulation of knowledge on Japanese Art that would be completely secured by the time of the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1900

Between 1981 and 1983, the mobilization against Euromissiles introduced an extraordinary novelty in Italian social and political history. The Italian anti-nuclear movement took off later than in other European countries and its main feature was a politicization unknown elsewhere. The movement developed on the basis of a double and contrary youth mobilization: the first coming from the Communists and the second from the New Left. The movement was not only manifold, but also radically divided about its goals (balanced disarmament vs. unilateralism, atomic weapons vs. nuclear energy, nuclear issue vs. military budget) and methods of protests (pleas vs. conscientious objections, mass demonstrations vs. civil disobedience, referendums vs. tax objections). Continuous disagreements conditioned and weakened the anti-nuclear movement, even when the axis of the protest was transferred to Comiso, to which and from which the PCI and the Radical Party promoted different and contrary marches. Even when, in 1983, a unanimous framework was approved, a common mobilization remained difficult, both in Comiso and in Rome. The movement was only a vast, heterogeneous and divergent coalition, but it expressed a common political base and culture. Neither Communist nor pacifist, but influenced by the New Left protest against traditional political parties, the new culture was rooted in environmentalism, pessimism, nuclear catastrophism, anti-Americanism, new socialism, disarmed unilateralism, and an opposition to everything that resembled traditional politics. The movement worried the Italian government, but it never represented a real political danger and never even succeeded in bringing the nuclear issue to the foreground. Nonetheless, it deeply changed the Italian political culture: it brought new styles and sensibilities, unknown to the traditional left. For the first time, criticisms of ideologies and parties, direct action, civil disobedience and individualism split Christian Democratics from their Catholic grassroots and Communists from the youth.

'In den letzten Jahren gewinnt eine methodisch-technische Ausrichtung der Datenerhebung zunehmend an Bedeutung, die als Ambulatorisches Assessment bezeichnet wird (Fahrenberg et al. 2007). Nicht zuletzt wearable computing Entwicklungen der elektronischen Datenerhebungstechnologien eröffnen auch für die mit Populationsbefragungen arbeitende empirische Sozialforschung eine neue Perspektive in der Anwendung des Ambulatorisches Assessment, das bisher schwerpunktmäßig in der klinisch-psychologischen Forschung betrieben wird (Wilhelm/ Perrez 2008). Nach einer kurzen Kennzeichnung des Ambulatorischen Assessment, wird im folgenden die Leistungsfähigkeit dieses Ansatzes für die Messung subjektiver Befindlichkeiten und physischer und physiologischer Parameter dargestellt. Am Ende wird an einem empirischen Fallbeispiel Machbarkeit und Potential des Ambulatorischen Assessment in der empirische Sozialforschung veranschaulicht.' (Autorenreferat)

Der Mikrozensus (MZ) ist eine repräsentative 1-Prozent-Bevölkerungsstichprobe, die für das Jahr 1998 Informationen zu bevölkerungs- und arbeitsmarktstatistischen Strukturdaten von ca. 730.000 Personen in 330.000 Haushalten umfasst. Die Datenerhebung durch die Statistischen Bundesämter erfolgt im Regelfall mündlich, ein kleiner Teil mittels schriftlicher Auskunft der Befragten. Das stichprobenmethodische Grundkonzept des MZ ist die einstufige Klumpenstichprobe. Neben dem gleichbleibenden Grundprogramm zu sozioökonomischen Grundinformationen enthält der MZ 1998 zusätzliche Angaben zu Gebäudemerkmalen und der Wohnsituation. Die Ausführungen basieren auf einer faktisch-anonymisierten 70-Prozent-Substichprobe des MZ 1998. Für die faktisch-anonymisierte Substichprobe (Scientific Use File) gilt, dass sie in systematischer Zufallsauswahl aus dem Originalmaterial des Statistischen Bundesamtes gezogen wird. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Kurzbeschreibung des MZ 1998 werden hier die einzelnen Schritte der Datenaufbereitung dargestellt. Die Aufbereitung des Scientific Use Files gliedert sich in zwei Arbeitsabläufe: (1) Einlesen der Rohdaten, Erstellen eines SPSS-Systemfiles mit Recodierungen, Definition von Missings, Formattransformationen und Variable-/Value Labels sowie (2) Plausibilitäts- und Validitätsprüfung. (ICG2)

Die Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns von Habermas wird als Rahmentheorie gewählt, da sie handlungs- und systemtheoretische Ansätze mit kognitiven und psychodynamischen Entwicklungstheorien verbindet. Aus dieser Rahmentheorie werden Orientierungsgesichtspunkte für die Interpretation biographischer Interviews entwickelt und am ersten Schritt der Interpretation, der Validierung der Interviewäußerungen, konkretisiert. Das biographische Interview erweist sich als "gemeinsames Produkt" des kommunikativen Handelns der Interviewpartner. Es entspricht jedoch in vielerlei Hinsicht nicht den Momenten der Alltagskommunikation. Verständlichkeit, Wahrheit, soziale Angemessenheit und Aufrichtigkeit werden als Geltungsansprüche an das Interview, das ein Arbeitsbündnis ist, formuliert. Die Validierung wird selbst als ein Akt des Interpretierens gesehen. (KG)