Suchergebnisse

Physicians, attorneys, and professors express a significantly different degree of fearfulness, although they prioritize their fears similarly. Physicians appear particularly to fear sickness and ageing, issues directly relevant to their chosen profession. The other two groups, however, do not demonstrate any specific outstanding fears. Results are discussed for a mixed sex, and an all male sample.

At head of title: Compañía Administradora del Guano. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Since around 2005, states and localities have been using criminal trespass laws to target undocumented immigrants for unlawful presence. Specifically, in April 2010, Arizona passed SB 1070: Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act. SB 1070 creates crimes involving trespassing by "illegal aliens" and harboring or concealing unlawful aliens. This paper argues that state trespass laws that criminalize unlawful presence of immigrants are unconstitutional regulations of immigration and are a preempted exercise of state power. In evaluating the constitutionality of state trespass laws that criminalize immigration status, this paper proceeds in three parts. The first part of the paper details how as a sovereign nation, U.S. laws have excluded undesirable categories of people from admission and have attempted to criminalize specific immigration violations. The second part explains and critiques the sections of SB 1070 that create separate state criminal offenses for violating federal immigration laws - namely unlawful presence or criminal trespass. The third part analyzes the constitutionality of the criminal provisions of SB 1070 that make it a state crime to be unlawfully present in the state in relation to specific provisions of the INA and federal immigration policy. The paper concludes that state trespass laws that criminalize unlawful presence of immigrants and attempt to delegate immigration enforcement to state officials are unconstitutional regulations of immigration and are therefore a preempted exercise of state power.

The aim of this article is to determine the role of administrative science with regard to the governance concept. It is argued that governance in the way it is employed in current discussions is not restricted to an analytical function, but comprises certain normative connotations. This leads to risks and potential distortions in the analysis of administrative structures. The paradoxes of New Public Management serve as an example of governance offering an interpretation whose coherence is at least questionable. Against this background, administrative science is depicted as the discipline which offers the methodological tools for preventing possible new interpretations from becoming misconception.

This study portrays the administrative detainees in one section of Ansar 3, a detention camp in the heart of the Negev desert. Ansar 3 was opened in March 1988 by the Israeli authorities to accomodate the large number of West Bankers and Gazans issued six-month administrative detention orders. The study was conducted during the end of October 1988, at which time the author was spending a six-month administrative detention at Ansar 3. It describes the educational background of the detainees, their geographical and age distribution, their socio-economic background, and gives some information about the arrest and appeals. (DÜI-Hns)

The article deals with the place of the Caucasian War in the administrative-territorial policy of the Russian Empire in Dagestan. The paper is an attempt to highlight the role and importance of military-national governance is the most appropriate model of development of the administrative and political system of the North-Eastern Caucasus, and the involvement of these territories in the administrative and legal framework of the Russian Empire.

The basic problem of developing countries or backward countries always lies in poverty. To improve the standard of living in the developing countries, we need to eliminate poverty. Since the western colonization period in Malaysia, the poverty problem has been rooted in the society. The disintegration of traditional villages, the uneven distribution of income, monopoly system, neglected rural development, etc. are among the main problems of poverty. What are the causes of poverty? Without lacking cheap labours and land resources, the productivity in the agriculture sector is relatively low. Better seeds for crops plantation, tools, fertilizers and education for farm techniques are very much in need to improve the productivity. However, all these need working capital. Besides, farmers are being exploited in every possible way. Heavy rents, high-interest rates on debts, monopoly and monopsony system, all the terms of trade tend to be unfavorable to the farmers. No matter public facilities or educational system, the government tends to focus on urban development, rather than the rural area. The training and textbooks in the universities tend to focus more on the developed countries rather than tropical climate and plantations. There are many factors of low productivity in production and rural development. The rural labour is underemployed and works on a seasonal basis. Since western colonization, a majority of the labours have been racially specialized in different fields. This hindered them from moving from industries to industries. They are only exposed to very basic education and in an indigenous language. Besides labour, the farmers also being threatened by the effect of subdivision, fragmentation, extensive tenancy and preference for land as a form of investment. The agglomerator owners are only interested in high rent and tea money rather than the efficiency of the land. Hence the agrarian reforms are needed to solve the problem. And the main factor is the capital. This is the basic tool for exploitation. Farmers hesitated to get the loan or mobile money in order not to get trapped in the high-interest rate from the local money lender. Government's support and assistance are very much in need to overcome this problem. We must realize that agriculture is the major occupation of the country. Other industries are practically non-existent. Government plays an important role in the backward country development. The economic development cannot be separated from agrarian reform and from revolutionary changes. The government must prioritize the phasing of the industries development and budget allocation of each industry in her national development plan.

Amnesty laws are a widespread practice in the transition from war to peace. They often aim at the transformation of violent conflict by making promises about exemptions from liability for war crimes. Critics argue that amnesties are in violation of international law and reproduce impunity in post-war societies, whereas supporters of amnesty laws focus on their peace-promoting features. Previous research has extensively looked into the second aspect, and found that amnesty laws can open the door to negotiations and a short-term termination of civil war. The question of impunity, however, has not been answered extensively. Applying a Historical Institutionalist framework, we assess the impact of the adoption of amnesty laws on societal impunity, defined as any person or group being exempt from punishment or free from the injurious consequences of an action. Case-study evidence from El Salvador shows that amnesty laws are reproducing existing power relations and thus inhibit profound reforms. With the help of amnesty laws, an institutional environment will be created that acts in the favor of involved parties for years, if not decades. We subsequently test these qualitative findings with a newly created dataset on post-war justice sector governance and reform across forty different post-war countries worldwide from 1990 to 2016, and with societal, police, and military impunity as dependent variables. Statistical evidence shows that amnesty laws significantly correlate with higher levels of impunity in a country. A peace agreement, or democracy at the end of war, reduces the risk of impunity even with amnesty laws present.

If we are to succeed in crafting appropriate solutions to prevent abuses of administrative discretion, we must pay serious attention to three major perspectives that shape the exercise of administrative authority: the perspective of lawmakers, who create at least four different kinds of discretion; the perspective of clients, who may suffer from one or more of five major forms of administrative abuse; and the perspective of practitioners, who are influenced in varying ways by the moral propensities of the work setting. The article concludes with a brief discussion and illustration of how these multiple perspectives need to be taken into account when devising solutions to prevent various abuses of administrative discretion.