Suchergebnisse

2018年3月22日,川普簽署對中國「301條款」備忘錄,拉開美-中貿易戰之序幕,並對中國展開一系列之提升輸往中國關稅之措施。美-中貿易戰並非是單純的貿易摩擦爭議問題,是具有「結構性」的意涵,這種「結構性」的問題除了美-中貿易逆差之外,尚包括:長期盜竊美國高科技技術與智慧財產權、強迫投資國家技術轉讓、政府補貼國營企業,與政府操縱人民幣匯率。中國大陸這種計畫式經濟,或是國家主導式經濟發展模式,讓川普以「不公平貿易」的說法抓住了美-中貿易問題的著力點,也讓川普上台後採取「美國優先」和「公平貿易」口號,作為解決貿易赤字方針,並將中國視為重點打擊對象。 ; On March 22, 2018, Trump signed a "Section 301" memorandum on China, kicking off the US-China trade war. The move also led to a series of measures to raise tariffs on exports to China. The US-China trade war is not just a dispute over trade frictions, but a "structural" one. In addition to the US-China trade deficit, this "structural" problem includes chronic theft of US high-tech and intellectual property rights, forcing the transfer of foreign technology to Chinese companies, China government's subsidization to state-owned enterprises and China's manipulation of the RMB. China's planned, or state-led, model of economic development has allowed Trump to seize the US-China trade issue with the term "unfair trade." It also allowed Trump to adopt "America first" and "fair trade" slogans as his approach to addressing the trade deficit, and to treat China as a key target.

The aim of this study is to examine the great and continuous interest that the first Korean Neo-Confucians, who were scholar-officials, took in the "Learning for the Sovereigns" and the Neo-Confucianism focused on the paradigm of the Great Learning, as well as in one of the ideas of the text: "straightening one's heart" (chòngsim). A method that brings together philosophical, historical and biographical approaches has been chosen, in order to underline the human dimension of Confucianism studied from the angle of its representatives, the Neo-Confucians. It starts by establishing a general synthesis. The characteristics of the Chinese Neo-Confucianism that had been adopted in Korea are reviewed, as well as the reasons for the appropriation of this thought in Korea, in a context marked by political reformism and the philosophical influence of Buddhist speculations on the heart. A diachronic investigation of the scholar-officials' interest in the Great Learning and the idea of chòngism revealed that this notion played a significant role in the definition of a Korean Confucian identity and also in the conception of a collegial political power. Following this, a case study is carried out on Yulgok Yi I, the very figure of the Neo-Confucian scholar-official, to better illustrate and deepen the general survey. The necessity to take into account the contemporary context, biography and singular personality of the author is stressed for a better understanding of the political issue at stake in his exegesis on the Neo-Confucianism focused on the Great Learning and the chòngsim. The study is an attempt to show that the notion of "straightening one's heart" is a good illustration of the political and practical orientation that was an essential feature of Korean Neo-Confucians; they wanted to highlight the interaction between a prince and his ministers, as well as a true authenticity for these men that were in charge of the responsibility to become the intellectual, social and political elite of the country. ; Cette étude s'est attachée à mettre en lumière l'intérêt marqué et continu des premiers néo-confucéens coréens, des lettrés-fonctionnaires, pour l'« Apprendre pour le souverain » et le néo-confucianisme centrés sur le paradigme de la Grande Etude, ainsi que pour la notion issue de ce texte : « rendre droit son cœur » (chòngsim). La démarche choisie a été de concilier des approches philosophique, historique et biographique, afin de rendre compte de la dimension humaine du néo-confucianisme étudié par le biais de ses représentants, les néo-confucéens. Ce travail a consisté tout d'abord à établir une synthèse générale. Les traits du néo-confucianisme chinois adopté en Corée ont alors été rappelés, ainsi que les raisons de l'appropriation de cette pensée dans un contexte coréen marqué, au plan politique, par un désir réformiste et, au plan philosophique, par les spéculations bouddhiques portant sur le cœur. Une étude diachronique de l'intérêt pour la Grande Etude et la notion de chòngsim chez les lettrés-fonctionnaires a révélé que cette notion jouait un rôle clé dans la définition d'une identité coréenne de confucéen, ainsi que dans la conception d'un pouvoir politique collégial. Puis, une étude de cas a été menée sur Yulgok Yi I, le lettré-fonctionnaire néo-confucéen par excellence, afin d'illustrer et d'approfondir cette synthèse générale. La nécessité de prendre en considération le contexte contemporain, la biographie et la personnalité singulière de l'auteur, afin de comprendre l'enjeu politique de son exégèse du néo-confucianisme centré sur la Grande Etude et le chòngsim a ainsi été mise en évidence. Ce travail a tenté de montrer que la notion de « rendre droit son cœur » illustrait parfaitement l'orientation profondément politique et pratique des premiers néo-confucéens coréens, qui ont souhaité mettre en valeur l'interaction entre un prince et ses ministres, ainsi qu'une réelle authenticité chez ces hommes chargés de la lourde responsabilité d'être une élite intellectuelle, sociale et politique.

Sustainable transportation measures have been widely promoted in China since the late 1990s; several different organizations (Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), World Bank, Asian Development Bank) have provided training and exposure to Chinese planners and leaders on these practices. Yet few cities have incorporated them fully into their transportation systems. This dissertation investigates the reasons for the uneven implementation of sustainable transportation measures in China.Many sustainable transportation polices require inter-agency collaboration, working across vertical boundaries, for these planning interventions to take hold. For example, a popular transportation intervention has been bus rapid transit, imported from the South American cities of Curitiba, Brazil and Bogota, Colombia. These express bus systems can handle subway-level transit demand but are far less expensive than subways and can be delivered much faster. However, BRT implementation also requires coordinated action across multiple agencies - urban planners, bus operators, street engineers, traffic operations managers, and traffic enforcement officers.Using a qualitative research approach based on field observations, interviews, and analysis of government records and reports, I investigate how two Chinese cities -Jinan and Kunming--incorporated sustainable transportation policies into their transportation systems. The impacts have been substantially different. Public transit accounts for 25% of daily trips in Kunming (38% central city area), and only 16% in Jinan, despite Kunming having twice the passenger vehicle population as Jinan's. This research shows that these differences are related to how these cities learned about sustainable transportation practices and implemented them.The research uncovered significant differences in the intellectual and practical framing of the issues between the two cities. Kunming planners frame public transit as the backbone of their transportation system and urban development. This unique and unusual perspective came out of a decades-long sister-city partnership with Zurich, Switzerland that took into account both theory of good urban form and practical examples of how to produce a sustainable transportation system by combining transportation and land use planning. The Kunming planners have consistently pursued sustainable transportation measures in their planning and as a result of the partnership transportation planning has greater legitimacy. In contrast, while Jinan transit officials embraced sustainable transportation measures such as BRT and transit-oriented development (TOD), these measures were never fully integrated within their urban planning system. They were conceived of as projects. For BRT, the focus was placed on physical planning of the corridors and stations but little attention was paid to organizational requirements for implementation. One result of these different approaches has been that Kunming planners have a range of sustainable strategies, the ability to adjust these strategies to changing conditions and contexts, incorporate new knowledge, and support their strategic direction based on empirical evidence and experience, whereas Jinan has struggled to maintain and extend their BRT system and has only been able to make incremental changes.This research draws upon theories of policy transfer and challenges claims that municipal leadership is the key to successful implementation of innovations. From my research, leadership support is only one ingredient; capacity building among staff, inter-agency collaboration, a combination of theoretical and practical examples, and empirical evidence of success are equally important to substantive and continuing learning and innovation.

List of Abbrevations -- List of Illustrations -- Notes on Contributors -- Foreword: Apéritif -- Christopher Heath -- 1 An Introduction to Wine Regulation in a Globalized Market -- Prospects and Limits of Wine Governance -- Julien Chaisse, Fernando Dias Simões, and Danny Friedmann -- PART 1 -- The Wine Market: Past, Present and Future in a Global Economy -- 2 The Rise and Fall of the World's Largest Wine Exporter - and Its Institutional Legacy -- Giulia Meloni and Joe Swinnen -- 3 Tradition, Territory, and Terroir in French Wine -- Role, Function, and Purpose of the Institut national de l'origine et de la qualité in the French Wine Law Model -- Fabrice Giordano -- 4 Exploring Italy's Wine Law Reforms -- Experiences, Challenges, and Prospects -- Antonio Rossi and Duilio Cortassa -- 5 "Innovative Tradition" -- Austrian Wine Regulation between Past and Future -- Iris Eisenberger and Rostam Neuwirth -- 6 Between Wines and Spirits -- Classification Challenges of Polish 'Fruit Wine'- based Products in EU Perspective -- Joanna Banasiuk, Aleksander Stepkowski, and Leszek Wiwala -- 7 Wine law in Australia -- Challenges of Local Identity in a Global Marketplace -- Lisa Toohey -- 8 Libiam Ne' lieti Calici -- EU and Chinese Policies in Support of Wine Production -- Flavia Marisi -- 9 Wine and Liquor Laws in Canada: Trends and Regulatory Challenges -- Daniel Hohnstein -- 10 The Protection of Foreign Investment in the Wine Sector -- Laurence Ponty, Baptiste Rigaudeau, and Jean-Robin Costargent -- PART 2 -- The Role of Intellectual Property Law in the Wine Market -- 11 Grafting the Old and New World -- Towards a Universal Trademark Register that Cancels Generic igo Terms -- Danny Friedmann -- 12 The Protection of Traditional Terms for Wines in the Europa Union and beyond -- Anke Moerland and Ramyaa Bhadauria -- 13 The Barolo Appellation of Origin in the Global Market -- Anisha Mistry and Luca Valente -- 14 "Pure Michigan" and "Napa Valley 100%" -- Is Protection of American Origin Wines as Geographic Indications on Fertile Ground? -- Rebeccah Gan -- 15 Australia Corked Its Champagne and So Should We -- Enforcing Stricter Protection for Semi-Generic Wines in the United States -- Lindsey A. Zahn -- 16 Integrating the Protection of Foreign Geographical Indications in Federal States -- Transsystemic Study of gi Protection in Canada, the USA, and Germany -- Nicolas Charest -- 17 The Protection of Vines, Grapes and Wine under Plant Variety Rights Law, with a Particular Focus on the EU -- Philippe De Jong -- 18 Trade Dress Regulation and Protection Rules Applying to Wine in Turkey -- Burak Keskin -- 19 Patent Search and Analysis in the Wine Industry -- A Guided Tour from Vineyards to your Table -- Luca Falciola -- PART 3 -- Wine beyond the Market: Health Policy, Ethical and Social Issues -- 20 On the Jurisprudence of Wine's Journeys from National Terroirs to a Global Market -- Places of Normativity, Mythology and Justice in London and Aotearoa/New Zealand -- Wayne Morrison -- 21 Protecting Wine Packaging as a Trademark -- Why the Substantial Value Exclusion Makes the Task Unreasonably Burdensome -- Jacopo Ciani -- 22 Prošek or Prosecco -- Intellectual Property or Intangible Cultural Heritage? -- Steven Gallagher -- 23 The Use of All Wines -- A Legal Analysis for Conservative Judaism -- Elliot Dorff -- 24 Risk Management in the Wine Supply Chain -- Diego Saluzzo -- 25 The Grass is Greener on the Other Side -- Biodynamic Wines and Trademarks, the Quest for Answers -- Ana Penteado -- 26 In Vino Veritas -- Blockchain as a Viable Solution for Combating Counterfeit Wines in China -- Jerry I-Hsuan Hsiao -- Index.

Conmovieron a la prensa internacional las restricciones adoptadas por el gobierno estadounidense, primero para impedir compras gubernamentales (Ley de Autorización de Defensa Nacional 2019) y, más recientemente, para evitar la actualización de sistemas operativos de equipos de telecomunicaciones suministrados por empresas chinas (Orden Ejecutiva del Presidente, del 16 de mayo de 2019). Pero rápidamente se advirtió que las últimas medidas podían resultar no sólo ineficaces sino, peor aún, producirían efectos adversos. La amenaza que representa el desarrollo de redes y sistemas de alta velocidad para la manipulación de datos y, por extensión, para la seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos (EUA), ya no podría neutralizarse con medidas comerciales ni mediante las reglas de propiedad intelectual. En este sentido, la modalidad de código abierto en las patentes de sistemas operativos para dispositivos electrónicos, pone en evidencia que los estatutos de propiedad intelectual están flexibilizándose y adaptándose a muy aceleradas sustituciones tecnológicas, las cuales, en el sector de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC) apuntan a la captura y manipulación de datos personales con una voracidad inédita. En este contexto y con motivo del flujo electrónico de datos personales desde la Unión Europea (UE) hacia EUA y ante la dificultad para armonizar sus normas, en los últimos años se habilitó un "Escudo de Privacidad" con el objeto de garantizar los derechos de los usuarios y compatibilizar la actividad de empresas tecnológicas con los principios de interés público en ambos lados del Atlántico. Este régimen podría ser un valioso antecedente en el diseño de un acuerdo internacional de carácter multilateral destinado a reglar la conectividad global. ; The restrictions adopted by the US government shocked the international press, first to prevent government purchases (National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019 (NDAA) Sec.889), and more recently to prevent the updating of telecommunication equipment operating systems produced by Chinese companies (Executive Order issued by President Trump on May 16, 2019). But it was quickly noticed that the latest measures could be not only ineffective but, worse still, would lead to adverse effects. The threat posed by the development of high-speed networks and systems for the manipulation of data and, by extension, for the national security of the United States (USA), could no longer be neutralized by trade measures or by intellectual property rules. In this sense, the open source modality in the patents of operating systems for electronic devices, shows that the intellectual property statutes are becoming more flexible and adapting to very fast technological substitutions which, in the information & technology sector, point to capture and manipulate personal data with un-precedent voracity. In this context and due to the electronic flow of personal data from the European Union (EU) to the USA and faced with the difficulty for a regulatory convergence, a "Privacy Shield" was set up in order to guarantee the rights of the users and make the activity of companies compatible with the principles of public interest on both sides of the Atlantic. This could be a valuable precedent for the design of an international agreement of a multilateral nature aimed at regulating global connectivity. ; Instituto de Integración Latinoamericana

The restrictions adopted by the US government shocked the international press, first to prevent government purchases (National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019 (NDAA) Sec.889), and more recently to prevent the updating of telecommunication equipment operating systems produced by Chinese companies (Executive Order issued by President Trump on May 16, 2019). But it was quickly noticed that the latest measures could be not only ineffective but, worse still, would lead to adverse effects. The threat posed by the development of high-speed networks and systems for the manipulation of data and, by extension, for the national security of the United States (USA), could no longer be neutralized by trade measures or by intellectual property rules. In this sense, the open source modality in the patents of operating systems for electronic devices, shows that the intellectual property statutes are becoming more flexible and adapting to very fast technological substitutions which, in the information & technology sector, point to capture and manipulate personal data with un-precedent voracity. In this context and due to the electronic flow of personal data from the European Union (EU) to the USA and faced with the difficulty for a regulatory convergence, a "Privacy Shield" was set up in order to guarantee the rights of the users and make the activity of companies compatible with the principles of public interest on both sides of the Atlantic. This could be a valuable precedent for the design of an international agreement of a multilateral nature aimed at regulating global connectivity. ; Conmovieron a la prensa internacional las restricciones adoptadas por el gobierno estadounidense, primero para impedir compras gubernamentales (Ley de Autorización de Defensa Nacional 2019) y, más recientemente, para evitar la actualización de sistemas operativos de equipos de telecomunicaciones suministrados por empresas chinas (Orden Ejecutiva del Presidente, del 16 de mayo de 2019). Pero rápidamente se advirtió que las últimas medidas podían resultar no sólo ineficaces sino, peor aún, producirían efectos adversos. La amenaza que representa el desarrollo de redes y sistemas de alta velocidad para la manipulación de datos y, por extensión, para la seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos (EUA), ya no podría neutralizarse con medidas comerciales ni mediante las reglas de propiedad intelectual. En este sentido, la modalidad de código abierto en las patentes de sistemas operativos para dispositivos electrónicos, pone en evidencia que los estatutos de propiedad intelectual están flexibilizándose y adaptándose a muy aceleradas sustituciones tecnológicas, las cuales, en el sector de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC) apuntan a la captura y manipulación de datos personales con una voracidad inédita. En este contexto y con motivo del flujo electrónico de datos personales desde la Unión Europea (UE) hacia EUA y ante la dificultad para armonizar sus normas, en los últimos años se habilitó un "Escudo de Privacidad" con el objeto de garantizar los derechos de los usuarios y compatibilizar la actividad de empresas tecnológicas con los principios de interés público en ambos lados del Atlántico. Este régimen podría ser un valioso antecedente en el diseño de un acuerdo internacional de carácter multilateral destinado a reglar la conectividad global.

Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949) was a journalist and politician of the first half of the twentieth century, the leading theoretician of the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang 國民黨. Since his death in 1949, he has been a very controversial figure in China. His thought will have long been either left out or sharply criticized in mainland China, during the Maoist era, through the term "Dai Jitao-ism" (戴季陶 主義Dai Jitao zhuyi) to refer to his misinterpretation of Sun Yat-sen's thought and the "Three Principles of the People". This Master thesis focuses primarily on Dai Jitao's experience, on analyzing his experiences as a Chinese student who returned from Japan and became a journalist and a revolutionary political theorist, in order to provide a possible interpretation of modernity from the perspective of China from the early 1910s to the late 1920s. This work takes the form of a biographical and intellectual study of Dai Jitao's character, in which we reconstruct the gradual evolution of his thought between 1910, when he began his career as a journalist, and 1928, the year marked by the publication of his famous work of Riben Lun 日本論(Essay on Japan). This thesis presents a selection of passages, translated and analyzed, from articles and essays published by Dai Jitao between 1910 and 1928, mainly extracted from the compilation work of Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan and Sang Bing of 1990), then from the Foundations of Sun-yatsenism published in 1925 by Dai himself, devoted to the theorization of Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary project, erected as an heir to Confucius, and from the 2014 edition of the Riben Lun about the theorization of Japanese morals, thought and politics. This thesis is organized into three chronological chapters. The first chapter, titled "Contextual Introduction : the Formation of Dai Jitao's Thought before the Xinhai Revolution (1905-1914)", is dedicated to introducing the figure and contextualizing the formation of his thought in his youth. The second chapter, entitled "Dai Jitao's thought and his adherence to the revolutionary project of the Kuomintang during the civil war (1913-1925)", is meant to re-establish a chronology of Dai Jitao's different ideological positions starting from his meeting with Sun Yat-sen in 1913. In the final chapter, "Dai Jitao's Evolution of Thought in the Face of Fascist Nationalism and Japanese Expansionism (1913-1928)", we explore the factors that led to his episode of "disillusionment" when Japan went on the offensive, as well as how Dai Jitao recovered from the death of Sun Yat-sen, the end of his dream of pan-Asianism, in order to respond to the threats of the Western colonial powers and the Japanese imperialists. By attempting to clarify Dai Jitao's ideological development from the beginning of his career as a journalist chronicler in 1910, to his culmination as the Kuomintang's leading theoretician and politician, when he published his most notable work Riben Lun in 1928, we identify his political positions and actions. We also try to identify the strong moments of his life that caused him several political reversals. Dai Jitao, admiring the spirit of resistance of the Japanese political and intellectual sphere of Meiji, seeks to recreate a similar essence to stimulate the Chinese people and provoke in them a feeling of unity and belonging to the same Chinese nation. This is the guocui 國粹, the national essence that Dai Jitao takes from the Japanese essence (known as kokusui), to carry out the mission of the Kuomintang, which he had recognized in the modernist Confucian thought of Sun Yat-sen and whose analysis we begin in this thesis. ; Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949), journaliste et homme politique de la première moitié du XXe siècle, est le principal théoricien du Parti nationaliste, le Guomindang 國民黨. Dès sa mort en 1949, il est un personnage très controversé en Chine. Sa pensée aura longtemps été soit laissée de côté, soit vivement critiquée en Chine continentale, pendant l'ère maoïste, à travers le terme de « Dai Jitao-isme » (戴季 陶主義 Dai Jitao zhuyi) pour désigner son interprétation erronée de la pensée de Sun Yat-sen et des «Trois principes du peuple ». Ce mémoire se focalise surtout sur l'expérience de Dai Jitao, sur l'analyse de son vécu en tant qu'étudiant chinois revenu du Japon, devenu journaliste et théoricien politique révolutionnaire, afin de fournir une interprétation possible de la modernité du point de vue de la Chine, du début des années 1910 à la fin des années 1920. Ce travail se présente sous la forme d'une étude biographique et intellectuelle du personnage de Dai Jitao, dans laquelle nous restituons l'évolution progressive de sa pensée entre 1910, lorsqu'il commence sa carrière de journaliste, et 1928, année marquée par la publication de son célèbre ouvrage du Riben Lun 日本論 (Essai sur le Japon). Ce mémoire présente une sélection de passages, traduits et analysés, d'articles et d'essais publiés par Dai Jitao entre 1910 et1928, principalement extraites du travail de compilation du Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan et Sang Bing de 1990), puis des Fondements du Sun-yatsenisme publié en 1925 par Dai lui-même, consacré à la théorisation du projet révolutionnaire de Sun Yat-sen, érigé comme héritier de Confucius, et de l'édition de 2014 du Riben Lun à propos de la théorisation des mœurs, de la pensée et de la politique du Japon. Nous avons réparti ce mémoire en trois volets chronologiques. Le premier chapitre, intitulé « introduction contextuelle : la formation de la pensée de Dai Jitao avant la révolution Xinhai (1905-1914) », est dédié à la présentation du personnage et à une mise en contexte de la formation de sa pensée dans sa jeunesse. Dans le deuxième chapitre, intitulé, « la pensée de Dai Jitao et son adhésion au projet révolutionnaire du Guomindang pendant la guerre civile (1913-1925) », nous rétablissons une chronologie des différentes positions idéologiques de Dai Jitao à partir de sa rencontre de Sun Yat-sen en 1913. Dans le dernier chapitre, « évolution de la pensée de Dai Jitao face au nationalisme fascisant et l'expansionnisme du Japon (1913-1928) », nous explorons les facteurs ayant provoqué son épisode de « désillusions », lorsque le Japon passe à l'offensive, ainsi que la façon dont Dai Jitao se remet de la mort de Sun Yat-sen, de la fin de son rêve de pan-asiatisme, pour réagir face aux menaces des puissances coloniales occidentales et des impérialistes japonais. En tentant de clarifier le développement idéologique de Dai Jitao du début de sa carrière de journaliste chroniqueur en 1910, à son point culminant en tant que principal théoricien et politicien du Guomindang, lorsqu'il publie son ouvrage le plus notable du Riben Lun en 1928, nous cernons ses positions politiques et ses actes. Nous tentons aussi de cerner les moments forts de sa vie ayant provoqué en lui plusieurs revirements politiques. Dai Jitao, admiratif de l'esprit de résistance de la sphère politique et intellectuelle japonaise de Meiji, cherche à recréer une essence similaire pour stimuler le peuple chinois et provoquer en lui un sentiment d'unité et d'appartenance à une même nation chinoise. Il s'agit du guocui 國粹, l'essence nationale que Dai Jitao reprend à l'essence japonaise (dite kokusui), pour mener à bien la mission du Guomindang, qu'il avait reconnu dans la pensée confucéenne moderniste de Sun Yat-sen et dont nous amorçons l'analyse dans ce mémoire.

Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949) was a journalist and politician of the first half of the twentieth century, the leading theoretician of the Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang 國民黨. Since his death in 1949, he has been a very controversial figure in China. His thought will have long been either left out or sharply criticized in mainland China, during the Maoist era, through the term "Dai Jitao-ism" (戴季陶 主義Dai Jitao zhuyi) to refer to his misinterpretation of Sun Yat-sen's thought and the "Three Principles of the People". This Master thesis focuses primarily on Dai Jitao's experience, on analyzing his experiences as a Chinese student who returned from Japan and became a journalist and a revolutionary political theorist, in order to provide a possible interpretation of modernity from the perspective of China from the early 1910s to the late 1920s. This work takes the form of a biographical and intellectual study of Dai Jitao's character, in which we reconstruct the gradual evolution of his thought between 1910, when he began his career as a journalist, and 1928, the year marked by the publication of his famous work of Riben Lun 日本論(Essay on Japan). This thesis presents a selection of passages, translated and analyzed, from articles and essays published by Dai Jitao between 1910 and 1928, mainly extracted from the compilation work of Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan and Sang Bing of 1990), then from the Foundations of Sun-yatsenism published in 1925 by Dai himself, devoted to the theorization of Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary project, erected as an heir to Confucius, and from the 2014 edition of the Riben Lun about the theorization of Japanese morals, thought and politics. This thesis is organized into three chronological chapters. The first chapter, titled "Contextual Introduction : the Formation of Dai Jitao's Thought before the Xinhai Revolution (1905-1914)", is dedicated to introducing the figure and contextualizing the formation of his thought in his youth. The second chapter, entitled "Dai Jitao's thought and his adherence to the revolutionary project of the Kuomintang during the civil war (1913-1925)", is meant to re-establish a chronology of Dai Jitao's different ideological positions starting from his meeting with Sun Yat-sen in 1913. In the final chapter, "Dai Jitao's Evolution of Thought in the Face of Fascist Nationalism and Japanese Expansionism (1913-1928)", we explore the factors that led to his episode of "disillusionment" when Japan went on the offensive, as well as how Dai Jitao recovered from the death of Sun Yat-sen, the end of his dream of pan-Asianism, in order to respond to the threats of the Western colonial powers and the Japanese imperialists. By attempting to clarify Dai Jitao's ideological development from the beginning of his career as a journalist chronicler in 1910, to his culmination as the Kuomintang's leading theoretician and politician, when he published his most notable work Riben Lun in 1928, we identify his political positions and actions. We also try to identify the strong moments of his life that caused him several political reversals. Dai Jitao, admiring the spirit of resistance of the Japanese political and intellectual sphere of Meiji, seeks to recreate a similar essence to stimulate the Chinese people and provoke in them a feeling of unity and belonging to the same Chinese nation. This is the guocui 國粹, the national essence that Dai Jitao takes from the Japanese essence (known as kokusui), to carry out the mission of the Kuomintang, which he had recognized in the modernist Confucian thought of Sun Yat-sen and whose analysis we begin in this thesis. ; Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949), journaliste et homme politique de la première moitié du XXe siècle, est le principal théoricien du Parti nationaliste, le Guomindang 國民黨. Dès sa mort en 1949, il est un personnage très controversé en Chine. Sa pensée aura longtemps été soit laissée de côté, soit vivement critiquée en Chine continentale, pendant l'ère maoïste, à travers le terme de « Dai Jitao-isme » (戴季 陶主義 Dai Jitao zhuyi) pour désigner son interprétation erronée de la pensée de Sun Yat-sen et des «Trois principes du peuple ». Ce mémoire se focalise surtout sur l'expérience de Dai Jitao, sur l'analyse de son vécu en tant qu'étudiant chinois revenu du Japon, devenu journaliste et théoricien politique révolutionnaire, afin de fournir une interprétation possible de la modernité du point de vue de la Chine, du début des années 1910 à la fin des années 1920. Ce travail se présente sous la forme d'une étude biographique et intellectuelle du personnage de Dai Jitao, dans laquelle nous restituons l'évolution progressive de sa pensée entre 1910, lorsqu'il commence sa carrière de journaliste, et 1928, année marquée par la publication de son célèbre ouvrage du Riben Lun 日本論 (Essai sur le Japon). Ce mémoire présente une sélection de passages, traduits et analysés, d'articles et d'essais publiés par Dai Jitao entre 1910 et1928, principalement extraites du travail de compilation du Dai Jitao Ji (Tang Wenquan et Sang Bing de 1990), puis des Fondements du Sun-yatsenisme publié en 1925 par Dai lui-même, consacré à la théorisation du projet révolutionnaire de Sun Yat-sen, érigé comme héritier de Confucius, et de l'édition de 2014 du Riben Lun à propos de la théorisation des mœurs, de la pensée et de la politique du Japon. Nous avons réparti ce mémoire en trois volets chronologiques. Le premier chapitre, intitulé « introduction contextuelle : la formation de la pensée de Dai Jitao avant la révolution Xinhai (1905-1914) », est dédié à la présentation du personnage et à une mise en contexte de la formation de sa pensée dans sa jeunesse. Dans le deuxième chapitre, intitulé, « la pensée de Dai Jitao et son adhésion au projet révolutionnaire du Guomindang pendant la guerre civile (1913-1925) », nous rétablissons une chronologie des différentes positions idéologiques de Dai Jitao à partir de sa rencontre de Sun Yat-sen en 1913. Dans le dernier chapitre, « évolution de la pensée de Dai Jitao face au nationalisme fascisant et l'expansionnisme du Japon (1913-1928) », nous explorons les facteurs ayant provoqué son épisode de « désillusions », lorsque le Japon passe à l'offensive, ainsi que la façon dont Dai Jitao se remet de la mort de Sun Yat-sen, de la fin de son rêve de pan-asiatisme, pour réagir face aux menaces des puissances coloniales occidentales et des impérialistes japonais. En tentant de clarifier le développement idéologique de Dai Jitao du début de sa carrière de journaliste chroniqueur en 1910, à son point culminant en tant que principal théoricien et politicien du Guomindang, lorsqu'il publie son ouvrage le plus notable du Riben Lun en 1928, nous cernons ses positions politiques et ses actes. Nous tentons aussi de cerner les moments forts de sa vie ayant provoqué en lui plusieurs revirements politiques. Dai Jitao, admiratif de l'esprit de résistance de la sphère politique et intellectuelle japonaise de Meiji, cherche à recréer une essence similaire pour stimuler le peuple chinois et provoquer en lui un sentiment d'unité et d'appartenance à une même nation chinoise. Il s'agit du guocui 國粹, l'essence nationale que Dai Jitao reprend à l'essence japonaise (dite kokusui), pour mener à bien la mission du Guomindang, qu'il avait reconnu dans la pensée confucéenne moderniste de Sun Yat-sen et dont nous amorçons l'analyse dans ce mémoire.

"The Chinese economy has been playing an increasingly significant role on the global stage. This book is the sixth annual project of Asia Competitiveness Institute studying competitiveness at the sub-national level of Greater China. ACI's flagship competitiveness study not only adopts a comprehensive framework to measure competitiveness by incorporating 102 indicators under four environments and 11 sub-environments, but is also undertaken at the sub-national level to account for the considerable disparities within a large economy like Greater China. The comparative strengths and weaknesses based on the scores and rankings as well as the what-if simulation analysis can be used to formulate development strategies that are specific and of practical value for each sub-national economy and region. The Shapley methodology adopted by ACI introduces a novel approach for the assignment of weights to the various indicators that constitute competitiveness. This concept has introduced an element of objectivity in terms of the assignment of weights. The findings using the Shapley value also tend to validate the robustness of results obtained from the competitiveness studies over the past years. Moreover, the empirical research featured in this book attempts to understand the drivers of exports of Mainland China provinces, with a specific focus on real effective exchange rate movements and volatility. Nowadays with the international flows of goods and capital becoming ubiquitous and comprising an important aspect of national competitiveness, the role of exchange rate is drawing much more policy attention. In view of this, the research findings presented in this book make an important academic and policy contribution by empirically examining the relationship between exports and exchange rate. Finally, the timing of this publication makes it indispensable to include some dedicated discussions of the trade disputes between the US and China. Several topics would be discussed in this book, including China's protection on Intellectual Property Rights, its violation of World Trade Organisation rules, challenges to its economic growth, the development of its three regional megalopolises, and how to mitigate the impact and ramification of its trade war against the US. This book attempts to identify the growing concerns in the US–China trade tension and provide suggestions for China's development in the future."--

A cien años de la Reforma Universitaria en Argentina, proponemos poner en diálogo su especificidad y alcances, recuperando y trazando en perspectiva otros horizontes políticos y experiencias históricas que, más allá de Occidente, tuvieron como protagonistas y agentes del cambio social a jóvenes estudiantes universitarios, en contextos de fuerte movilización social e insurgencia política en dos períodos clave del siglo XX. Nuestro artículo revaloriza, en este sentido, el caso de la participación política de la juventud universitaria en China, considerando su intervención en momentos fundamentales de la historia socio-política de este país: el Movimiento del 4 de Mayo de 1919 y la coyuntura crítica de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria en la década de 1960. La lectura en diacronía de ambas experiencias nos permitirá proyectar en el largo plazo el carácter de las interpelaciones a nivel discursivo y la implicancia social que tuvo la participación de los jóvenes universitarios chinos en movimientos reformistas o revolucionarios, así como su expresión en los debates político-intelectuales de cada período.Palabras clave: China, juventudes universitarias, participación política, reforma, revolución. AbstractA century after the University Reforms in Argentina, we propose to consider the specificity and projections of the movement that brought them about by bringing them into dialogue with different historical experiences of young university students as agents of social change in a significantly different political horizon beyond the Western hemisphere, in contexts of mass mobilization and political upheaval in two key moments of the 20th century. The present article aims to revisit the case of the political participation of university students in China by considering their interventions in two fundamental moments in the sociopolitical development of that country: the May 4th Movement in 1919 and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Through a diachronic reading of these experiences we propose to analyze the long-term effects of the interpellations at the discursive level and the social implications associated with the participation of young Chinese university students in the reformist and revolutionary movements of the past century, as well as their interventions in the political and intellectual debates in each period.Keywords: China, university youth, political participation, reform, revolution.

A cien años de la Reforma Universitaria en Argentina, proponemos poner en diálogo su especificidad y alcances, recuperando y trazando en perspectiva otros horizontes políticos y experiencias históricas que, más allá de Occidente, tuvieron como protagonistas y agentes del cambio social a jóvenes estudiantes universitarios, en contextos de fuerte movilización social e insurgencia política en dos períodos clave del siglo XX. Nuestro artículo revaloriza, en este sentido, el caso de la participación política de la juventud universitaria en China, considerando su intervención en momentos fundamentales de la historia socio-política de este país: el Movimiento del 4 de Mayo de 1919 y la coyuntura crítica de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria en la década de 1960. La lectura en diacronía de ambas experiencias nos permitirá proyectar en el largo plazo el carácter de las interpelaciones a nivel discursivo y la implicancia social que tuvo la participación de los jóvenes universitarios chinos en movimientos reformistas o revolucionarios, así como su expresión en los debates político-intelectuales de cada período.Palabras clave: China, juventudes universitarias, participación política, reforma, revolución. AbstractA century after the University Reforms in Argentina, we propose to consider the specificity and projections of the movement that brought them about by bringing them into dialogue with different historical experiences of young university students as agents of social change in a significantly different political horizon beyond the Western hemisphere, in contexts of mass mobilization and political upheaval in two key moments of the 20th century. The present article aims to revisit the case of the political participation of university students in China by considering their interventions in two fundamental moments in the sociopolitical development of that country: the May 4th Movement in 1919 and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Through a diachronic reading of these experiences we propose to analyze the long-term effects of the interpellations at the discursive level and the social implications associated with the participation of young Chinese university students in the reformist and revolutionary movements of the past century, as well as their interventions in the political and intellectual debates in each period.Keywords: China, university youth, political participation, reform, revolution.

A Convoluted Trajectory : Patriotism and Traditional Festivals in Reform Era China On December 7th, 2007, the Chinese government decided to place traditional festivals on the national calendar. This event, which can be considered a textbook example of "inventing tradition", reinforced the position of those who believe that the Communist Party uses the past in the service of an aggressive foreign policy and to reinforce national unity, which has been jeopardized by the disappearance of socialist ideology. Yet "genealogical" analysis of the decision process reveals that a phenomenon of convergence of interests and representations was at work, bringing together various milieu : Hong Kong deputies, intellectuals, economists, folklorists and businessmen. It also shows the obstacles – among others, managing the flows brought about by an increased number of holidays in such a heavily populated country – that the government encountered before ratifying the proposal. Yet China is now also a society of leisure. Proof of this can be found in the popular enthusiasm with which the government's initiative was greeted, especially among the urban middle class, who can now profit from new vacation periods. ; Les fêtes traditionnelles contribuent à renforcer la cohésion de la nation chinoise (.), les transformer en jours fériés affirmera avec encore plus de force les traditions nationales et contribuera à la propagation de l'esprit de la nation ». Ces fortes paroles se trouvent dans la motion, rédigée par le député Zhang Guoliang en mars 2004, et signée par une centaine de députés de Hong Kong de la Conférence consultative politique du peuple chinois (CCPPC), demandant l'inscription des fêtes traditionnelles dans le calendrier officiel. Après un processus relativement rapide, la proposition sera finalement entérinée par le Conseil des affaires d'État (CAE) le 7 décembre 2007. Cette courte séquence d'événements pourrait être un cas d'école « d'invention de la tradition » justifiant la position de ceux qui considèrent que le Parti communiste utilise le passé afin de « formuler une idéologie pour sa nouvelle base sociale – la bourgeoisie urbaine et cosmopolite émergente – afin d'assurer sa cohésion et de capter sa loyauté à l'heure de la mondialisation capitaliste ». L'État chinois, privé des ressources idéologiques du socialisme, serait contraint de réinventer des coutumes, des pratiques et des rites afin de renforcer la cohésion de la nation chinoise, lancée dans une course éperdue à la puissance mondiale. [Premier paragraphe]

Цель. Рассматривается проблема становления российско-китайского сотрудничества в начале 20-х годов XX в., роль Коминтерна в этом вопросе и попытка оказания интернациональной помощи национально-освободительному движению в Китае. Анализируется политика советского руководства в период до Вашингтонской конференции и после нее. Новизна исследования – в использовании в работе широкого круга новых архивных материалов и недавно опубликованных документов.Методологическая основа. В основе исследования лежат принципы историзма, критического подхода к используемым источникам и всестороннего анализа проблемы.Результаты. Доказывается, что на первом этапе позиция большевиков характеризовалась стремлением военным путем поддержать революционное движение в Монголии, Корее и Китае, расширить зону «мировой революции». Задачей было установление народных республик, объединение Китая, проведение буржуазных преобразований силами коммунистических партий в блоке с национальной демократией и интеллигенцией и заключение союза с Советской Россией.Вашингтонская конференция зафиксировала новое соотношение сил на Дальнем Востоке. Это заставило советское правительство постепенно изменить приоритеты. Произошел поэтапный отказ от открытой поддержки антияпонского движения в Корее, осуществилась переориентация на демократическую организацию Гоминдан в Китае и фактическое подчинение ей китайской компартии. Провозглашалась политика единого антиимпериалистического фронта.Большое внимание уделяется проблеме дуализма внешнеполитической деятельности большевистского руководства. Это выразилось в противостоянии Коминтерна и Народного комиссариата иностранных дел по международным вопросам. Противоречие между интернациональными планами Коминтерна и национальными интересами России по установлению дипломатических отношений с великими державами разрешилось в пользу последних. Национальная революция в Китае должна была победить самостоятельно, без прямой военной поддержки извне.Область применения результатов. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы в ходе преподавания в вузе истории России и всеобщей истории. ; Purpose. The article deals with the problem of formation of Russian-Chinese cooperation in the early twenties of XX century, the Comintern role in this issue and attempt to provide international assistance to the national liberation movement in China. On the basis of a wide range of sources and archival materials, policy of the Soviet leadership is analyzed in the period up to the Washington Conference and beyond.Methodological basis. The study is based on the principles of historicism, a critical approach to the sources used and comprehensive analysis of the problem.Results. At the first stage the Bolshevik position was to keep support of the military revolutionary movement in Mongolia, Korea and China, to expand the area of "world revolution". The objective was to establish the People's Republics, association of China, provision of bourgeois transformation held by forces of the of communist parties in alliance with the national democrats and intellectuals and an alliance with Soviet Russia.Washington Conference recorded a new balance of forces in the Far East. This forced the Soviet government gradually change priorities. Open support for the anti-Japanese movement in Korea was gradually denied and Soviet Russia reoriented to the democratic movement of the Kuomintang in China and submission of the Chinese Communist Party to it. The policy of the united anti-imperialist front was proclaimed.Substantial attention is paid to the problem of dualism of the foreign policy of the Bolshevik leadership. This was reflected in confrontation of the Comintern and the People's Commissariat (People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs) on international issues. Controversy between international plans of the Comintern and the national interests of Russia on the establishment of diplomatic relations with great powers was resolved in favor of the latter. The national revolution in China had to overcome on their own, without direct foreign military support.Practical implications. Results of the study can be used in teaching of the Russian history and the world history in high school.

Books reviewed:Malcolm Gaskill, Crime and mentalities in early modern EnglandNancy Cox, The complete tradesman: a study of retailing, 1550–1820Rosalind Mitchison, The old poor law in Scotland: the experience of poverty, 1574–1845Sarah Bendall, Christopher Brooke, and Patrick Collinson, A history of Emmanuel College, CambridgeMichael Roberts and Simone Clarke, eds., Women and gender in early modern WalesLena Cowen Orlin, ed., Material London, ca. 1600Martin Daunton and Rick Halpern, eds., Empire and others: British encounters with indigenous peoples, 1600–1850Andrea Finkelstein, Harmony and the balance: an intellectual history of seventeenth‐century English economic thoughtJeremy Gregory, Restoration, reformation and reform, 1660–1828: archbishops of Canterbury and their dioceseRon Harris, Industrializing English law: entrepreneurship and business organization, 1720–1844Charles More, Understanding the industrial revolutionAndy Bielenberg, ed., The Irish diasporaSimon Gunn, The public culture of the Victorian middle class: ritual and authority in the English industrial city, 1840–1914J. Matthew Gallman, Receiving Erin's children: Philadelphia, Liverpool and the Irish Famine migration, 1845–1855Keir Waddington, Charity and the London hospitals, 1850–1898Katrina Honeyman, Well suited: a history of the Leeds clothing industry, 1850–1990Gillian Cookson and George Ingle, eds., John Hodgson's 'Textile manufacture and other industries in Keighley'David W. Howell and Kenneth O. Morgan, eds., Crime, protest and police in modern British society: essays in memory of David J. V. JonesMichael French and Jim Phillips, Cheated not poisoned? Food regulation in the United Kingdom, 1875–1938Brian Callanan, Ireland's Shannon story: leaders, visions and networks—a case study of local and regional developmentGraham Ingham, Managing change: a guide to British economic policyPhilip de Souza, Piracy in the Graeco‐Roman worldEdwin S. Hunt and James M. Murray, A history of business in medieval Europe, 1200–1550Liliane Hilaire‐Pérez, L'invention technique au siècle des LumièresWilliam Doyle, La vénalitéMarco H. D. van Leeuwen, trans. A. J. Pomerans, The logic of charity: Amsterdam, 1800–1850Herman Van der Wee, ed., The Generale Bank, 1822–1997Thomas Max Safley, Matheus Miller's memoir: a merchant's life in the seventeenth centuryGabriel Tortella, trans. Valerie Herr, The development of modern Spain: an economic history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuriesPanikos Panayi, Outsiders: a history of European minoritiesLennart Samuelson, Plans for Stalin's war machine: Tukhachevskii and military‐economic planning, 1925–1941Christopher Fyfe, ed., Anna Maria Falconbridge, 'Narrative of two voyages to the River Sierra Leone during the years 1791–1792–1793', and the journal of Isaac Dubois, with Alexander Falconbridge, 'An account of the slave trade on the coast of Africa'Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy, An empire divided: the American Revolution and the British CaribbeanSteven N. Kaplan, ed., Mergers and productivityShawn W. Miller, Fruitless trees: Portuguese conservation and Brazil's colonial timberMaria Misra, Business, race and politics in British India, c. 1850–1960Sherman Cochran, Encountering Chinese networks: western, Japanese, and Chinese corporations in China, 1880–1937Xin Zhang, Social transformation in modern China: the state and local elites in Henan 1900–1937Ian Inkster and Fumihiko Satofuka, eds., Culture and technology in modern JapanDavid Turley, SlaveryM. L. Bush, Servitude in modern timesMary A. Yeager, ed., Women in businessJonathan Zeitlin and Gary Herrigel, eds., Americanization and its limits: reworking US technology and management in post‐war Europe and JapanSebastian Edwards, ed., Capital flows and the emerging economies: theory, evidence and controversiesPhillip D. Curtin, The world and the West: the European challenge and the overseas response in the age of empireChristine Rider and Michéal Thompson, eds., The industrial revolution in comparative perspectiveMichalis Psalidopoulos, ed., The canon in the history of economics: critical essays

Section 1 - ANT as an intellectual practice -- Why and how should we distinguish between modes of doing ANT? / Daniel López Gómez -- How to make concepts with ANT? / Adrian Mackenzie -- Is ANT a critique of capital? / Fabian Muniesa -- How to use ANT in inventive ways so that its critique will not run out of steam? / Michael Guggenheim -- Is ANT's radical empiricism ethnographic? / Brit Ross Winthereik -- Can ANT compare with anthropology? / Atsuro Morita -- How to write after performativity? / José Ossandón -- Section 2 - Engaging dialogues with key intellectual companions -- What can ANT still learn from semiotics? / Alvise Mattozzi -- What can ANT learn from the anthropology of writing? / Jerome Pontille -- What else besides publics could ANT learn from pragmatism? / Noortje Marres -- What is the relevance of Stengers to ANT? / Martin Savransky -- Would we have been better off if ANT had indeed flagged its Deleuzian roots by being called actant-rhizome ontology? / Casper Bruun Jensen -- Why does ANT need Haraway for thinking about (gendered) bodies? / Ericka Johnson -- How does thinking with dementing bodies and A.N. Whitehead reassemble central propositions of ANT? / Michael Schillmeier -- Section 3 - Illicit trading zones of ANT - critical provocations -- What so often goes wrong when people become interested in the non-human? / Nigel Clark -- How to stage a convergence between ANT and Southern Sociologies? / Marcelo C. Rosa -- Is ANT capable of tracing spaces of affect? / Derek McCormack -- What possibilities would a queer actor-network theory generate? / Kane Race -- How can ANT learn from contemporary art? / Francis Halsall -- How to care for our accounts? / Sonja Jerak Zuiderent -- What might ANT learn about difference from Chinese medicine? / Wen-Yuan Lin -- Section 4 - Translating ANT beyond science and technology -- But what about race? / Amade M'charek & Irene Oorschot -- What might we learn from ANT for studying health care issues in the majority world, and what might ANT learn in turn? / Uli Beisel -- What is the value of ANT research into economic valuation devices? / Liliana Doganova -- How does ANT help us rethink the city? / Alexa Färber -- Can ANT cope with subjectivity? / Arthuro Arruda Leal Ferreira -- Why do maintenance and repair matter? / David Denis -- Section 5 - The sites and scales of ANT -- Are parliaments still today privileged sites for studying politics and liberal democracy and at what price? / Endre Danyi -- Is ANT equally good in dealing with local, national, and global natures? / Kristin Asdal -- What happens to ANT, and its emphasis on the socio-material grounding of the social, in digital sociology? / Carolin Gerlitz & Ester Weltervrede -- How do ANT and architectural notions of sites speak to each other? / Albena Yaneva and Brett Mommersteeg -- Does the South Korean city of Kyongju make a specific difference to how ANT can think the category of place? / Robert Oppenheim -- What is ontologically challenging about Paraguayan soybeans when they enter the courtroom? / Kregg Heatherington -- Section 6 - The uses of ANT for public-professional engagement -- Can ANT be a form of activism? / Tomás S. Criado and Israel Rodríguez-Giralt -- Has ANT been helpful for public anthropology after the 3.11 disaster in Japan? / Shuhei Kimura & Kohei Inose -- How can we to move beyond the dialogism of 'the parliament of things' and the 'hybrid forum' when rethinking participatory experiments with ANT? / Claire Waterton and Emma Cardwell -- How well does ANT equip designers for socio-material speculations? / Alex Wilkie -- How to run a hospital with ANT? / Yuri Carvajal Bañados -- Index