Suchergebnisse

In a sign of continuity with his predecessors, the first Latin American Pope pays attention to diplomacy and representative democracy. Thus, although he is sometimes not perceived in this way, Francis has not neglected traditional level of interaction that the Church has managed to maintain in its long history, generally alternating moments of conflict and cooperation, and not without taking it into account when defining their own models of authority: the link with states. If attention to the community of states, it is not in itself something new for the Vatican, it certainly is the approach and the agenda emphasis that every pontiff has made of international relations. Thus, the article seeks to answer a series of questions: What newness does Pope Bergoglio contribute to "diplomacy"? Is the Pontiff's proposal for international governance comparable to a world state? Moreover, how does Francisco's position on the international system articulate with the "reform of the papacy"? More concretely, how does the Pope conceive the mission of the central government of the Church and of papal diplomacy? Finally, what role does Latin America play in the planetary scheme of the Bishop of Rome? The article points out that Francisco proposes a new international political institution, and he understands that in the current critical world situation, diplomacy has a particular relevance. It is also stressed that for the Pope the central government of the Church and diplomacy must be at the service of building bridges for the promotion of justice and peace. In addition, the article says that the peoples and cultures of Latin America and the Caribbean have a potential that the Pontiff values positively.

The promotion and protection of human rights are at the core of legal systems worldwide. Human Rights serve as the basic standard of democracy and rule of law. Recently, human rights generations have been expanding, and it is understable because of the theory of development and social changes. Right to a corruption-free society is at the core of human rights generations. This is because the enjoyment of numerous freedoms and human rights is strongly linked to a corruption-free society. Very important principles such as Equality principle and non-discrimination principle cannot be exercised in a corrupt society. The process of ensuring right to a corruption-free society and punishing corruption when it occurs is a scope of international legal instruments. Numerous legal instruments and legally binding instruments are helping to combat, prevent, and fight corruption as a transnational phenomenon which makes international cooperation essential. Albania has ratified most international instruments, even though it is a crucial case of corruption in Europe because of the high levels of corruption according to statistical data. Is the corruption in Albania caused by the implementation of legal framework? The right to a corruption-free society is part of our constitutional human rights. It is in the administrative law as well as a free-service principle. Also, it enjoys penal protection since penal law sanctions it as a criminal offence. In this research paper, it will be dealt with together with the international legal instruments compared to the three objects of the study of Albanian law (constitutional, administrative, and penal law). This analyzes their legal framework coming to the conclusion as to why the Albanian legislation is not effective in ensuring right to a corruption-free society.

Résumé Bien que le néo-libéralisme soit sans doute l'une des doctrines économiques les plus puissantes aujourd'hui, son histoire reste paradoxalement peu connue. Cet article retrace la genèse et l'évolution de la Société du Mont-Pèlerin, organisation créée par Friedrich Hayek et Wilhelm Röpke en 1947, qui est au cœur d'un réseau international visant à garantir la circulation et la diffusion des idées néo-libérales. Destinée à promouvoir ce qui dans un contexte de Guerre froide était une «utopie» (Hayek), cette société savante, composée d'économistes, de patrons et d'hommes politiques, est l'un des lieux qui ont fait du néo-libéralisme un ensemble de «solutions» politiquement acceptables, sans jamais pour autant avoir recouru à une forme directe et visible de propagande. La Société du Mont-Pèlerin est l'héritière d'une association née en France peu avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le Centre international d'études pour la rénovation du libéralisme (CIRL), mis en place pour lutter contre le «planisme» et le collectivisme, mais qui, du fait de la situation internationale, n'a pu avoir qu'une brève existence. Le capital social collectif accumulé durant cette période a permis la formation après la guerre d'une organisation qui, malgré les conflits qui l'ont divisée, a donné au néo-libéralisme un point d'ancrage durable dans l'espace des doctrines économiques. En appliquant strictement un principe de division du travail (sur le plan international et entre think tanks et «maison mère») et en offrant à ses membres débouchés éditoriaux et prestige, la Société du Mont-Pèlerin constitue, depuis le milieu des années 1970, l'un des plus efficaces vecteurs du néo-libéralisme. Elle contribue ainsi, aux côtés d'autres instances non étatiques, à l'unification matérielle et symbolique du champ économique mondial.

In December 2013, a diverse group of 14 experts from Africa, Asia, North and South America, and Europe worked together for five days to produce a user-friendly guide in English and in French on "Mining Contracts: How to Read and Understand Them," to help policy makers, civil society, citizens, and the media understand the often complex and opaque terms of mining contracts. With increasing calls for contract transparency – and the growing recognition of the importance of the terms of contracts for resource-rich countries – this book explains in layman's terms the principal features of a contract, compares different approaches to key issues, and supplies the context and background necessary for non-specialists to understand how contracts are negotiated and what they say. Senior CCSI Researchers Lise Johnson and Perrine Toledano were among the authors. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/sustainable_investment_books/1006/thumbnail.jpg

Norms in international relations are frequently contested and subjects of controversy. According to existing research contestation of norms can either lead to their strengthening or weakening. But under which conditions does contestation lead to either one? The authors argue that the type of contestation matters to explain the strengthening or weakening effects. Contestation around the application of norms in a specific situation does not question the norm as such. On the other hand, contestation of the validity of a norm over time often leads to a weakening of the norm.

The international monetary system currently suffers from three structural flaws that disproportionately affect developing nations: an asymmetric balance of payments adjustment mechanism, the Triffin Paradox, and an inequity bias against developing nations. Thus, as currently constituted, this global monetary framework is biased against the development prospects of developing nations and is antagonistic to their development efforts. However, the author's contention is that developing countries can use a Job Guarantee (JG) to address these shortcomings because it offers five significant international macroeconomic benefits that involve presenting developing nations with an enhanced degree of domestic policy options, altering how global liquidity is provisioned and the need for acquiring it, and inciting a direct challenge to the neoliberal conventional wisdom of global political economy. As a result, developing nations can use a JG as a cornerstone in any development strategy that seeks to sustainably mobilize underemployed labor resources and increase productive capacity and utilization rates while remaining free of the structural constraints imposed by the international monetary system. JEL Classification: B52, O11, F40

As the circular economy has evolved into a new development model, international trade of wastes, scraps, and residues has grown with significant relevance in this new century. Costa Rica represented less than 0.1 percent of the total amount of world waste exports by the end of 2020, however; it can make a transition to a circular economy through this international trade trend. This article explores the determinants that propel Costa Rica to participate in this type of international trade. Through the application of a Poisson pseudo maximum-likelihood gravity model with a 2018 cross-sectional database of 47 countries, it is determined that Gross Domestic Product of importing countries, their population sizes, their services sectors' size in terms of GDP, as well as their environmental performance, are all significant determinants. Trade of wastes should not be a form of exporting problems to other nations, but a means to take the local circular economy to a global scale.

This research analyzes the disarmament rhetorics of 57 states attending the General Debate of the Second Special Session of the United Nations Devoted to Disarmament (SSDII), convened in the summer of 1982. Drawing on world‐system theory, the analysis conceptualizes a three‐tiered global capitalist system composed of economic linkages among core, peripheral, and semiperipheral states. The primary thesis is that the economic realities of world‐system linkages influence stales' positions on disarmament issues and thus political rhetorics in international disarmament. These economic realities can even eclipse East‐West political divisions in international disarmament debates. The study examines two symbolic aspects of international disarmament debate: (1) the content of unifying rituals and (2) negotiations of the meanings of contested concepts. The data suggest that, although core states expropriate disarmament debates to promote the military status quo, noncore states challenge the system by supporting disarmament. States are either in the global ruling elite or they are not, and this has consequences for their disarmament rhetorics.

Justice is a fundamental attribute of modern States. In a democratic society, itguarantees the safeguard of the standard-setting framework as well as the protection ofrights. An independent and effective justice is a symbol of the rule of law. It illustrates theseparation of powers and establishes the primacy of law. But the efficiency of any judicialsystem depends on the nature and the extent of the resources at its disposal. Yet, inmany Francophone countries, the judicial system faces many weaknesses, sometimesrelated to the avatars of democratic stabilisation processes, sometimes to more fragilepost-crisis situations. So the question of the capacity development of the judicialinstitutions arises. For thirty years, the International Organization of La Francophonie(OIF) has entered the legal and judicial cooperation field on this basis. By including thepromotion of democracy at the heart of its political action, the OIF has indeed made strongcommitments and developed programs aimed at accompanying its member States in thecapacity development of their justice systems, thanks to its institutional networks. Thiscommitment can be seen in several statements of the Organization. It demonstrates thewill of the Francophone States to anchor their relationships in a cooperation framework,dedicated to the protection of fundamental rights and the regulation of majorities' powers.Today, justice is consequently established as a priority in Francophone concerns. It isentered in both national and international level and in its transitional dimension ; La justice est un attribut fondamental de l'Etat moderne. Elle assure, dans unesociété démocratique, la sauvegarde de l'édifice normatif ainsi que la protection des droitset libertés. Une justice indépendante et efficace est un symbole de l'Etat de droit. Ellerévèle la réalité de la séparation des pouvoirs et consacre le règne du droit. Maisl'efficacité de tout appareil judiciaire dépend de la nature et de l'ampleur des moyens dontil dispose. Or, dans nombre d'Etats francophones, ...