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The paper analyzes the prospects of building European identity in the changing environment of the EU enlargements. Drawing on data from Eurobarometer surveys, the study specifically looks at citizens' perceptions and images of EU and their availability to participate in European affairs. The article points out different views about the meanings and expectations regarding the EU project. Although both national and international contexts play a significant role in fostering specific representations of EU, there
is no clear-cut divide between the citizens of "old" and "new" Member States (MS). Instead, one can notice a more complex picture in terms of identification with the EU. In general, people from different MS tend to feel on average more attachment to their country (and sometimes to their own village/town/city) than to the EU. Moreover, individuals from "old" MS do not
necessarily have higher levels of attachment to the symbols of EU than those living in "new" MS. In addition, the level of effective knowledge on how EU actually works remains at relatively low rates throughout Europe, regardless of a country's date of accession to the EU. Consequently, the socialization effects of the European integration process seem to remain weak in terms of fostering
the emergence of European identity.

"Le Brexit du 25 juin 2016 a plongé l'Union Européenne dans une crise existentielle et conduit à une obligation urgente d'en repenser les fondements, les institutions et les mécanismes. Mais plutôt que de se limiter à des corrections à la marge ou à des constructions techniques cherchant une fois de plus à éviter l'implication directe et le jugement des peuples, il devient indispensable de concevoir un nouveau projet européen. Un projet correspondant aux attentes des citoyens, respectant scrupuleusement le principe de subsidiarité, simplifiant radicalement les institutions et la gouvernance et démantelant, au moins partiellement, l'administration bruxelloise. Un projet à l'horizon 2020-2025, susceptible de donner envie et de regagner l'enthousiasme des prochaines générations et, en premier, des Français et des Allemands. Ancien consultant chez McKinsey, Allemand vivant en France depuis plus de 40 ans, parfaitement biculturel, dirigeant de plusieurs entreprises présentes partout en Europe, Axel Rückert, "pro-européen réaliste", prend ses expériences et repères très loin du monde des experts et des élites politiques habitués à débattre de l'avenir de l'Europe... d'où son originalité. Comme dans son premier essai L'Allemand qui parie sur la France, il apporte des idées neuves, pragmatiques et surtout mobilisatrices... à un moment où les dirigeants politiques peinent à développer une vision d'une nouvelle Europe."--Page 4 of cover

The development of civil society is crucial for the establishment of market & democracy in Eastern Europe. It is frequently assumed that while under real socialism, civil society was repressed & restricted, it will fully develop in the process of self-organization. However, this expectation is not being met in Poland. Here, the Durkheimian concept of social anomie is used to explain social apathy, & the lack of political involvement & social mobilization in Poland, which are attributed to a lack of self-organization habits, learned helplessness, & reliance on institutions. It is suggested that rapid & global changes in Eastern Europe produce anomie as a by-product, which influences the formation of civil society. 20 References. Modified AA

Europe faces a historic opportunity. We need to reimagine European unity as a collective endeavour, as the only way in which we can turn threats to our way of life into the possibility to create a better life for all. This report focuses on three core areas where EU-wide political ambition and investment are truly necessary: Rapid technological change amid increasing global competition, with digital technologies set to have dramatic impacts across all sectors of the economy. Europe needs to become more competitive through innovation and the fast absorption of new technologies if it is to reap the benefits of this wave of change. Increasing breakdown of the global climate and other ecosystems due to our economic system, with action on mitigation - and to adapt to already inevitable changes - now incredibly urgent. In part, this is because of the time lags built into natural systems. In part, it is because of the unavoidable path-dependency and pace of our own response. Growing threats to social cohesion and social sustainability from multiple trends, including how we manage technological change and automation, the climate transition, and societal ageing. This is happening against a background of stalling convergence across Europe, rising income inequality over several decades, rising burdens on households and persistent inequalities of opportunity that are also a drag on economic performance. Competitiveness, sustainability and inclusion have to be addressed together, holistically. This is why this report addresses all three with a focus on the complex interlinkages between them. The vital role of far-sighted investment is a key theme that emerges from this investigation. The critical role of European-level collaboration is another. Instead of merely adapting to change, we need to be proactive through timely reform and investment that sets us on a pathway towards a society that is productive, sustainable and inclusive, by design

RésuméLa progression des formes de travail atypiques et l'augmentation du nombre d'emplois occupés au cours d'une vie professionnelle sont deux tendances marquantes de l'évolution du marché du travail en Europe. Après un tour d'horizon des perspectives sur la question, dont celle de l'OIT, les auteurs s'appliquent à mesurer cette nouvelle «vulnérabilité au travail» en s'appuyant sur une analyse des correspondances multiples et des données de l'Enquête sociale européenne de 2008. Ils proposent ainsi deux indicateurs inédits, un indice de la vulnérabilité liée à l'employeur et un indice de la vulnérabilité liée au poste, qui constituent pris ensemble un indice global de vulnérabilité au travail.

This book provides a systematic and comparative account of the rise of 'new challenger parties' across Western Europe. It analyses how parties that challenge the conventional party system by addressing issues neglected by existing parties can succeed and fail. Systematically comparing 229 elections since 1950 across 15 European democracies, including the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the Benelux and Scandinavian countries, this book questions why new challenger parties are more successful in some countries than others, and analyses the conditions that determine their emergence and subsequent success or failure. As one of the first systematic and comparative examinations of new challenger parties, this book looks at both new politics parties and extreme-right parties, and the structures to aid their emergence at the time of an election. Identifying two distinctive stages of party development, the author adopts a 'double-hurdle' model involving, first, the chances of emergence, and second, sustained success. This framework, in combination with a wide-range of empirical data, provides for an innovative and insightful analysis of a neglected topic. New Challenger Parties in Western Europe will be of interest to students and scholars of government, comparative politics and political parties.

Introduction / Angelica Bonfanti -- Sustainable development goals in Europe and their intersection with the business & human rights framework / Paolo Davide Farah -- Managing global interdependencies through law and governance : the European approach to business and human rights / Daniel Augenstein -- Enforcing the state duty to protect under the un guiding principles on business and human rights : strasbourg views / Marco Fasciglione -- Are European home states of transnational corporations responsible for their impacts abroad under the ECHR? / Claire Methven O'Brien -- The duty to protect in public procurement : toward a mandatory human rights clause? / Deborah Russo -- The EU's promotion of human rights and sustainable development through ptas as a tool to influence business regulation in third countries / Leonardo Borlini -- National action plans : a pathway to effective implementation of the United Nations guiding principles? / Marta Bordigno -- European approaches to promoting responsible supply chains / Cindy S. Woods -- Due diligence, reporting and transparency in supply chains : the United Kingdom Modern Slavery Act / Olga Martin-Ortega -- Blending together human rights due diligence with "criminal" law : opportunities and pitfalls of the Italian solution / Paola Cavanna -- From human rights due diligence to duty of vigilance : taking the French example to the EU level / Tiphaine Beau de Loménie, Sandra Cossart, Paige Morrow -- Corporate human rights compliance and disinvestment : lessons from the Norwegian sovereign wealth fund / Ludovica Chiussi -- EU approaches on "conflict minerals": are they consistent with the UN/OED supply chain due diligence standards? / Valentina Grado -- ICT companies' responsibility to respect human rights : remarks in the light of the EU General Data Protection Regulation / Angelica Bonfanti -- Access to remedy for the victims of corporate-related human rights abuse : assessing the contribution of the fundamental rights agency / Carmen Márquez Carrasco -- Adjudicate this! : foreign direct liability and civil jurisdiction in Europe / Lucas Roorda -- The civil liability of the parent company for the acts or omissions of its subsidiary : the example of the Shell cases in the UK and in the Netherlands / Claire Bright -- Corporate liability and human rights : access to criminal judicial remedies in Europe / Adriana Espinosa González, Marta Sosa Navarro -- European trends in tort law remedies to address corporate human rights abuses / Florentine Vos -- Concluding remarks / Angelica Bonfanti

Annotation

Electoral participation has been declining in post-Soviet Europe as in almost all of the established democracies. Patterns of electoral abstention in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine reflect those in other countries, but show particularly strong effects for older age. Not only do older electors vote more often, they also have distinctive views on matters of public policy, particularly on the economy but also on the Soviet system, strong leadership and hypothetical membership of the European Union. These differences are diminished but nonetheless generally remain statistically significant even when socio-economic controls are introduced. These differences may be seen as a 'representation bias' that advantages particular sections of the electorate and the views with which they are associated. The particular forms that are taken by this bias in post-communist societies may be transitory, but here as elsewhere lower levels of turnout will continue to impart a significant bias to the extent to which some views rather than others are articulated within the political process.