El presente documento representa un esfuerzo por encontrar alternativas para mejorar la gestión de la diversidad biológica del Perú desde de una perspectiva global, procurando integrar conservación y desarrollo, bajo el enfoque del desarrollo sostenible. El trabajo consta de cuatro partes que se desarrollan en 14 capítulos. La Primera parte aborda aspectos relativos a los objetivos, la metodología de investigación y el marco teórico que sirven de base para la comprensión de la gestión de la biodiversidad y para el desarrollo de propuestas. Conocimientos básicos sobre la diversidad biológica Tomando en consideración que en el país el tema de diversidad biológica todavía es muy poco conocido, esta segunda parte tiene como propósito sintetizar los conocimientos básicos sobre la biodiversidad del Perú. Se abordan aspectos relevantes de los componentes básicos: diversidad de especies, diversidad de ecosistemas, diversidad genética, diversidad cultural, agrodiversidad y Áreas Naturales Protegidas. Destaca la condición privilegiada del país de ocupar el 4° lugar entre los 12 países de mayor megadiversidad en el mundo, que le confieren especial posición geopolítica internacional. Otro aspecto que se aborda es sobre la importancia de la biodiversidad del Perú en los aspectos económico, social y ambiental, destaca su importancia en la seguridad alimentaría y el gran peso en la economía del país, que representa más del 50% del PBI. Sin embargo, a pesar de su importancia la biodiversidad viene destruyéndose y deteriorando en forma acelerada, en el capítulo 6 se identifican los principales factores directos e indirectos que amenazan la conservación de la biodiversidad peruana, entre ellos: La contaminación, sobre extracción de recursos, pérdida de habitat, celeridad del cambio climático, la pobreza, fallas de mercado, falta de conciencia ambiental y la deficiente gestión pública; siendo esta última el tema central del presente trabajo, por ser uno de los factores de mayor influencia. Situación general de la gestión En esta tercera parte se busca responder a la pregunta ¿Cómo se está gestionado la biodiversidad del Perú?. Al respecto a fin de tener una visión general de la situación de la gestión, se realizó el análisis seleccionando los siguientes factores operacionales de gestión: Marco legal, planeación, organización, tecnología, infraestructura, cultura y relación con el ambiente externo. Entre los hallazgos más relevantes destacan: el grave atraso tecnológico, escasa comprensión de la importancia de la biodiversidad en el desarrollo del país, falta de un órgano directriz de la gestión integral de la biodiversidad actualmente sectorizada, falta de una visión sistémica del proceso administrativo y planes de largo plazo, dificultad en la formulación e implementación de planes estratégicos, entre otros. El Convenio sobre Diversidad Biológica (CDB) suscrito por Perú el año 1992 en la reunión de Rió de Janeiro, conjuntamente con 156 naciones, constituye el principal instrumento jurídico para la conservación y uso sostenible de la biodiversidad; desde su puesta en vigor a fines de 1993, Perú ha desarrollado importantes esfuerzos para su implementación, sin embargo el avance todavía es lento, y está más focalizado en la conservación de la biodiversidad. La Comisión Nacional de Diversidad Biológica (CONADIB) es el órgano de coordinación intersectorial, pero su accionar sólo se limita al cumplimiento del CDB. Propuestas para una mejor Gestión de la Diversidad Biológica Sobre la base de los resultados obtenidos en los capítulos anteriores, en esta cuarta parte se presentan las propuestas para una mejor gestión de la biodiversidad, en dos categorías: a) Propuestas generales por factores operacionales, en concordancia con la estructura del análisis de la gestión y b) Propuestas específicas, que desarrolla algunos aspectos prioritarios de las propuestas generales, tales como: Necesidad de un enfoque global y sistémico del proceso administrativo de la biodiversidad, en el que se toma como base el Enfoque Operacional, la planeación estratégica como parte del sistema, integración entre conservación y desarrollo, necesidad de órgano que asuma la dirección integral de la biodiversidad del país, y otros. Frente a la dificultad en la formulación de los planes estratégicos para la gestión de la biodiversidad, en el capítulo 11 se hacen propuestas sobre los aspectos más críticos de la planeación estratégica: integración al proceso administrativo total, atención a las premisas de planeación, análisis FODA, y la identificación de frentes estratégicos básicos para la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad: 1) Conservación, 2) Uso sostenible, 3) Aprovecha-miento sostenible y competitivo, 4) Posicionamiento cultural, 5) Desarrollo Humano, y 6) Excelencia administrativa. Considerando la prioridad del país de encontrar alternativas para el desarrollo económico y la lucha contra pobreza, se desarrolla con especial prioridad el frente estratégico: "Aprovechamiento sostenible y competitivo". A fin contribuir en la implementación de planes estratégicos, en el capitulo 12 se formulan algunas propuestas al respecto: criterios básicos para una administración de excelencia, instrumentos de gestión, prioridades de investigación, capacidades humanas requeridas, y alternativas para el financiamiento de la gestión. Otro aspecto que se aborda en este capítulo, es la propuesta de criterios y lineamientos de políticas para la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad. En la certeza de que la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad no solo compete a unas cuantas instituciones públicas, sino que es una tarea que atañe a todos los peruanos, en él capitulo 13 se hace una propuesta de roles para los principales actores sociales tanto del sector público y privado. Finalmente en el capítulo 14 se formulan las respectivas conclusiones y recomendaciones, entre los aspectos más relevantes se tiene: la prioridad de integrar conservación y desarrollo, reconocer el aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad como uno de los principales motores para el desarrollo del país, impulsar la educación, investigación y tecnología, priorizando la biotecnología, mayor participación del Estado en el desarrollo de factores clave para la competitividad de las empresas, fortalecer CONADIB como órgano directriz de la gestión integral de la biodiversidad nacional, trascendiendo la sola implementación del CDB. ; This document intends to represent an effort in order to find some alternativas for the improvement of the biologic diversity management in Perú according to a global point of view, but also with a sustamable development approach that looks for the integration of the conservaron and the development itself. This paper has 4 parts and 14 chapters. The first part is about topics related to the objectives, methodology and scientific framework, necessary for the understanding and comprehension of the biodiversity management and development of proposals. Basic knowledge for the biologic diversity Considering that the biologic diversity is a not very well known theme in our country, the second part summarizes the basic knowledge about the biodiversity in Perú. Pertinent aspects about the basic components: species diversity, ecosistems diversity, genetic diversity, cultural diversity, agrodiversity, and protected natural áreas. This part also highlights the features of Perú as the 4* country with the greatest megadiversity in the world, which gives us a very interesting geopolítica! situation in the world. Other aspects about this are related to the importance of the biodiveristy in Perú in terms of economic, social and environmental issues, highlighting the importance on food safety and the relationship with the economy of the country (more than 50% of the GDP). However, despite its great importance biodiversity is being destroyed and deteriorated progressively. In chapter 6, the main factors that threat the conservation of the Peruvian biodiversity, direct or indirect, are presented: pollution, resources overexploitation, loss of habitáis, weather changes, poomess, market failures, lack of environmental conscrousness, and deficient public administration. The last one is the central topic of the paper since it is the factor with the biggest influence. General situation of the management In the third part we intend to answer the question, How is the biodiversity being managed in Perú? In order to have a general overview, an analysis was made by selecting some operational factors: legal framework, planning, organization, technology, infrastructure, culture and relations with the extemal environment. The most important findings were: technological backwardness, poor comprehension of the biodiversity in the development of the country, lack of an institution in charge of the integral management of the biodiversity which at the time is dispersed in sectors, lack of a systemic visión of the administrative processes and long-term plans, difficulty on formulation and implementation of strategic plans, among others. The Biological Diversity Agreement (BDA), signed by Perú in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro along with other 156 nations, is the main legal instrument for the conservation and permanent use of the biodiversity. Since it was set into effect in 1993, Perú has developed important efforts for its implementation, however the results are scarce and the process especially focuses only on the conservation of biodiversity. The National Comité for Biologic Diversity (CONABID) is the coordinating institution but its actions are defined only by the BDA. Proposals for the best management of the Biologic Diversity According to the outcomes presented in the previous chapters, the fourth part presents the proposals in order to improve the management of the biodiversity into two categoríes: a) General proposals for operational factors (analysis of the management); and b) Specific proposals, which develop the most important ítems of the general proposals, such as: need of a global and systemic approach of the administrative process of biodiversity (operational approach), strategic planning as part of the system, conservation and development integration, need of a coordinating institution for the biodiversity in the country, etc. Because of the difficulty on the formulation of strategic plans for the management of the biodiversity, chapter 11 presents proposals about the most crítica! aspects on strategic planning: integration to the general administrative process, planning features, FODA analysis, identification of the strategic sides for the conservation and use of the biodiversity: 1) Conservation; 2) Sustainable use; 3) Competitive and sustainable exploitation; 4) Cultural positioning; 5) Human development; and 6) Excellence in management. According to the necessity of the country on finding altematives for the economic development and the fight against the poorness, the item 3 is developed in a detailed way. In order to make some contribution for the implementation of the strategic plans, chapter 12 presents some proposals: basic entena for a better management, management instruments, research príoríties, required human skills. and altematives for the management financing. Another aspect that is presented in this chapter is the proposal of entena and political guidelines for the conservation and permanent use of the biodiversity. Understanding that this idea is not only a task for some public institutions but for al) the Peruvian people, chapter 13 presents many proposals for the activities that should be made for the public and prívate sector. Finally, Chapter 14 presents the conclusions and recommendations: The importance of the integration of conservation and development, recognition of the sustainable use of biodiversity as one of the main engines for the development of the country, promoting the education, investigation and technology being biotechnology priorized, more participation of the government in the development of key factors for the competitiveness of enterprises, strenghtening of the CONABID as the ruling institution for the integral management of national biodiversity. ; Tesis
In: Collins , R , Brack , W , Lützhøft , H-C H , Eriksson , E , Bjerregaard , P , Boxall , A , Hutchinson , T , Adler , N , Kuester , A , Backhaus , T , Dubus , I & Reiersen , L O 2011 , Hazardous substances in Europe's fresh and marine waters : An overview . EEA Technical report , no. 8/2011 , European Environment Agency . https://doi.org/10.2800/78305
Chemicals are an essential part of our daily lives. They are used to produce consumer goods, to protect or restore our health and to boost food production, to name but a few examples — and they are also involved in a growing range of environmental technologies. Europe's chemical and associated industries have developed rapidly in recent decades, making a significant contribution to Europe's economy and to the global trade in chemicals. Whilst synthetic chemicals clearly bring important benefits to society, some of them are hazardous, raising concerns for human health and the environment depending on their pattern of use and the potential for exposure. Certain types of naturally occurring chemicals, such as metals, can also be hazardous. Emissions of hazardous substances to the environment can occur at every stage of their life cycle, from production, processing, manufacturing and use in downstream production sectors or by the general public to their eventual disposal. Emissions arise from a wide range of land-based and marine sources, including agriculture and aquaculture, industry, oil exploration and mining, transport, shipping and waste disposal, as well as our own homes. In addition, concern regarding chemical contamination arising from the exploitation of shale gas has grown recently. Hazardous substances in water affect aquatic life… Hazardous substances are emitted to water bodies both directly and indirectly through a range of diffuse and point source pathways. The presence of hazardous substances in fresh and marine waters and associated biota and sediment is documented by various information sources, including national monitoring programmes, monitoring initiatives undertaken by the Joint Research Centre (JRC), reporting under the Water Framework Directive (WFD), international marine conventions (e.g. HELCOM and OSPAR) and European research studies. These substances comprise a wide range of industrial and household chemicals, metals, pesticides and pharmaceuticals. Hazardous substances can have detrimental effects on aquatic biota at molecular, cellular, tissue, organ and ecosystem level. Substances with endocrine‑disrupting properties, for example, have been shown to impair reproduction in fish and shellfish in Europe, raising concerns for fertility and population survival. The impact of organochlorines upon sea birds and marine mammals is also well documented, as is the toxicity of metals and pesticides to freshwater biota. From a socio‑economic point of view, such impacts diminish the services provided by aquatic ecosystems, and consequently the revenue that can be derived from them. …and can pose risks to human health Human exposure to man-made chemicals has been implicated in a range of chronic diseases, including cancer as well as reproductive and developmental impairment. Exposure to toxic chemicals can occur via inhalation, ingestion and direct contact with skin, although the understanding of the relative risk posed by each of these exposure routes remains incomplete. However, exposure can be linked to the presence of hazardous substances in water, through the ingestion of contaminated drinking water and the consumption of contaminated freshwater fish and seafood. The exceedance of regulatory levels in seafood is documented for several hazardous substances in the seas around Europe. In addition, whilst human exposure to mercury in the Arctic, in part through the consumption of marine food, has declined, concentrations in the blood of more than 75 % of women sampled in Greenland exceed US guideline levels. Alongside concerns about exposure to individual substances, awareness is growing with regard to the importance of mixtures of several chemicals, as found in the more polluted water bodies of Europe. Laboratory studies have shown that the combined effects of chemicals upon aquatic life can be additive — resulting in observable detrimental effects for combinations of chemicals even if these are present, individually, at levels below which any adverse effects can be detected. Such concerns also extend to potential effects arising from human exposure to a mixture of chemicals via various pathways, including water. Biological effects‑directed measurements have proved to be effective in addressing the problems of complex chemical mixtures in European water bodies. In addition to the potential for adverse impacts upon human and ecosystem health, the presence of hazardous substances in drinking water supplies requires their removal. Alternatively, where the level of treatment involved is so high as to be uneconomic, a supply can be decommissioned. In both cases, significant costs are incurred. A key measure for reducing the level of purification required for Europe's drinking water is the establishment of safeguard or protection zones around the source. The creation of such zones, recognised in the WFD legislation, must be associated with regulatory powers to control polluting activities. Legislation designed to protect Europe's waters… The implementation of more established legislation related to chemicals has produced positive outcomes. Abatement measures established under the Integrated Pollution Prevention and Control (IPPC) Directive, for example, have contributed to a decline in metal emissions to water and air, whilst legislation relating to the production, use and disposal of polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) has resulted in declines in concentrations found in marine biota. A similar outcome has resulted from the banning of tributyltin (TBT) in anti‑fouling paints due to its endocrine-disrupting impacts on marine invertebrates, although high levels in marine sediments can still be observed in certain locations. Europe has also introduced a range of relatively recent legislation to address the use of chemicals and their emissions to the environment, including water. The Regulation on the Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH), designed to improve the protection of human health and the environment from the risks posed by chemicals, has a key role to play in this respect. REACH attributes greater responsibility to industry with regard to managing these risks and providing safety information on substances used. The Regulation also calls for the progressive substitution of the most dangerous chemicals once suitable alternatives have been identified. The chemical quality of Europe's surface waters is primarily addressed by the recently adopted Environmental Quality Standards Directive (EQSD). This WFD 'daughter' directive defines concentration limits for pollutants of EU-wide relevance known as priority substances (PSs). The limits are defined both in terms of annual average and maximum allowable concentrations, with the former protecting against long-term chronic pollution problems and the latter against short‑term acute pollution. Some of these pollutants have been designated as priority hazardous substances (PHSs) due to their toxicity, their persistence in the environment and their bioaccumulation in plant and animal tissues. The EQSD requires cessation or phase-out of discharges, emissions and losses of PHSs. For any substance identified as being of concern at local, river basin or national level, but not as a PS or PHS at EU level, standards have to be set at national level. Compliance with this requirement is critical. …is facing new challenges Some recent information with respect to the chemical status of Europe's surface water bodies is available within the WFD river basin management plans (RBMPs) which indicate, in general terms, that a variety of hazardous substances pose a threat to good chemical status in Europe. These include certain substances, for example mercury, TBT and polyaromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), which can be described as persistent, bioaccumulative and toxic and which occur widely in the environment. Although regulation has led to documented reductions in the emissions of such substances to air and water (indeed, the presence of many is a legacy of past use), their persistence and ubiquity, particularly in sediment and biota, mean that they continue to pose a risk to aquatic environments even at sites far from human activity. The presence of these substances can cause widespread failure to achieve good chemical status under the WFD despite, in some cases, the absence of any significant risk from other types of substances. Some hazardous substances are hydrophobic and tend to accumulate in sediment and biota, with the result that their concentrations in these matrices are likely to be higher and, therefore, more detectable and measurable than in water. If measurements are made in the water column, the risk to the aquatic environment may be underestimated, and if different matrices are used in different locations and across different Member States, the results may not be directly comparable. A harmonisation at EU level is, therefore, desirable. For some pollutants, awareness and a currently incomplete understanding of potential effects have developed only recently. These emerging pollutants include substances that have existed for some time, such as pharmaceuticals and personal care products, but also relatively new substances, such as nanomaterials. Their inclusion in routine monitoring programmes has so far been limited, making it difficult to robustly assess the risks to the environment and human health, and thus to justify regulation and better monitoring. Targeted monitoring of selected emerging pollutants across the EU would be desirable to ensure timely awareness of potentially problematic substances that might need to be regulated. This monitoring should be supported by European research studies. The question of hazardous substances in Europe's fresh and marine waters is a complex issue, and climate change will add a further layer of complexity. In the absence of appropriately strong measures, this phenomenon is likely to adversely affect chemical water quality over the coming decades. In regions where more intense rainfall is expected, the frequency and severity of polluted urban storm flows is predicted to increase, whilst the flushing to water of agricultural pollutants, including pesticides and veterinary medicines, may be exacerbated. Hotter, drier summers and increasingly severe and frequent droughts will deplete river flows, reducing contaminant dilution capacity and leading to elevated concentrations of hazardous substances. Rising water temperatures and other stressors associated with climate change may interact with hazardous substances to impact the immune system health of aquatic organisms. Ocean acidification, driven by increasing atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2), may change the speciation of metals in seawater and, therefore, their interaction with marine organisms. In addition, coastal erosion — likely to be intensified by climate change — may lead to the exposure of historical landfill sites along the coastlines of Europe, releasing hazardous substances to coastal waters. Effective measures exist… A range of measures can be implemented to reduce the emission of hazardous substances to water. It encompasses product substitution, restrictions on marketing and use, requirements to demonstrate the implementation of clean production processes and best available techniques in applications for industrial permits, fiscal instruments, the setting of emissions and environmental quality standards, and action to raise public awareness. Whilst controls 'at source' are desirable, it is very likely that other measures to attenuate the emission of hazardous substances to water will remain essential. Such measures include advanced wastewater treatment, urban stormwater controls and specific agri-environmental practices such as riparian buffer strips. Reducing emissions of hazardous substances has been shown to yield economic and societal benefits. …but they rely on sound information It is not practical or affordable to sample and analyse at sufficient spatial and temporal resolution for hundreds of individual chemicals within fresh and marine waters, including aquatic biota and sediments. However, the focus upon a few pre‑selected priority substances bears a strong risk of missing other problematic substances. In addition, such an approach disregards the effects of chemical mixtures. To address these issues, recent European research studies have led to the development and testing of new assessment and modelling tools that help to link chemical contamination with observed deterioration of ecological quality. Such tools include approaches to evaluate existing chemical and biological monitoring data, together with site-specific experimental techniques to establish cause-effect relationships. Further development of biological effects tools integrated with analytical chemistry is desirable and could contribute, in due course, to the identification of substances associated with risks, in the wider context of the update of the WFD Article 5 'pressures and impacts' analysis. European research funds can play an important role in the further development of these tools. For many hazardous substances, information on industrial emissions to water must be reported under the European Pollutant Release and Transfer Register (E-PRTR). To date, however, reporting under E-PRTR is incomplete as to the spatial extent and temporal resolution of data describing emissions to water — markedly so, for some substances. It is important not only to overcome this limitation in the reporting, but also to improve the quantitative understanding of the sources, emissions and pathways of all hazardous substances significantly. Advances in this area will facilitate the identification of appropriate measures to address chemical pollution of aquatic environments. Chemicals should be produced and used more sustainably Despite the comprehensive suite of legislation now implemented throughout Europe, the ubiquitous use of chemicals in society and their continuous release represent a major challenge in terms of the protection of aquatic ecosystems and human health. Efforts to promote a more sustainable consumption and production of chemicals are needed. They are likely to require a mix of policy responses, including regulation, economic incentives and information-based instruments. Implementing a more sustainable approach to the consumption and production of chemicals would not only benefit Europe's environment but also reduce the detrimental effects arising in other parts of the world as a result of the growing proportion of goods imported to Europe. To help achieve a more sustainable production of chemicals, wider implementation of 'green chemistry' is required. This approach involves developing new processes and technologies that maintain the quality of a product but reduce or eliminate the use and generation of hazardous substances. The adoption of sustainable, green chemistry techniques has been shown to generate financial benefits and hence provide competitive advantage. Currently, however, there is no comprehensive EU legislation on sustainable chemistry in place.
Public Policy and Ageing in Northern Ireland: Identifying Levers for Change Judith Cross, Policy Officer with the Centre for Ageing Research Development in Ireland (CARDI)��������Introduction Identifying a broad range of key public policy initiatives as they relate to age can facilitate discussion and create new knowledge within and across government to maximise the opportunities afforded by an ageing population. This article looks at how examining the current public policy frameworks in Northern Ireland can present opportunities for those working in this field for the benefit of older people. Good policy formulation needs to be evidence-based, flexible, innovative and look beyond institutional boundaries. Bringing together architects and occupational therapists, for example, has the potential to create better and more effective ways relevant to health, housing, social services and government departments. Traditional assumptions of social policy towards older people have tended to be medically focused with an emphasis on care and dependency. This in turn has consequences for the design and delivery of services for older people. It is important that these assumptions are challenged as changes in thinking and attitudes can lead to a redefinition of ageing, resulting in policies and practices that benefit older people now and in the future. Older people, their voices and experiences, need to be central to these developments. The Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland The Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (CARDI) (1) is a not for profit organisation developed by leaders from the ageing field across Ireland (North and South) including age sector focused researchers and academics, statutory and voluntary, and is co-chaired by Professor Robert Stout and Professor Davis Coakley. CARDI has been established to provide a mechanism for greater collaboration among age researchers, for wider dissemination of ageing research information and to advance a research agenda relevant to the needs of older people in Ireland, North and South. Operating at a strategic level and in an advisory capacity, CARDI�۪s work focuses on promoting research co-operation across sectors and disciplines and concentrates on influencing the strategic direction of research into older people and ageing in Ireland. It has been strategically positioned around the following four areas: Identifying and establishing ageing research priorities relevant to policy and practice in Ireland, North and South;Promoting greater collaboration and co-operation on ageing research in order to build an ageing research community in Ireland, North and South;Stimulating research in priority areas that can inform policy and practice relating to ageing and older people in Ireland, North and South;Communicating strategic research issues on ageing to raise the profile of ageing research in Ireland, North and South, and its role in informing policy and practice. Context of Ageing in Ireland Ireland �۪s population is ageing. One million people aged 60 and over now live on the island of Ireland. By 2031, it is expected that Northern Ireland�۪s percentage of older people will increase to 28% and the Republic of Ireland�۪s to 23%. The largest increase will be in the older old; the number aged 80+ is expected to triple by the same date. However while life expectancy has increased, it is not clear that life without disability and ill health has increased to the same extent. A growing number of older people may face the combined effects of a decline in physical and mental function, isolation and poverty. Policymakers, service providers and older people alike recognise the need to create a high quality of life for our ageing population. This challenge can be meet by addressing the problems relating to healthy ageing, reducing inequalities in later life and creating services that are shaped by, and appropriate for, older people. Devolution and Structures of Government in Northern Ireland The Agreement (2) reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations in Belfast 1998 established the Northern Ireland Assembly which has full legislative authority for all transferred matters. The majority of social and economic public policy such as; agriculture, arts, education, health, environment and planning is determined by the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont. There are 11 Government Departments covering the main areas of responsibility with 108 elected Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLA�۪s). The powers of the Northern Ireland Assembly do not cover ��� reserved�۪ matters or ��� excepted�۪ matters . These are the responsibility of Westminster and include issues such as, tax, social security, policing, justice, defence, immigration and foreign affairs. Northern Ireland has 18 elected Members of Parliament (MP�۪s) to the House of Commons. Public Policy Context in Northern Ireland The economic, social and political consequence of an ageing population is a challenge for policy makers across government. Considering the complex and diverse causal factors that contribute to ageing in Northern Ireland, there are a number of areas of government policy at regional, national and international levels that are likely to impact in this area. International The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (3) and the Research Agenda on Ageing for the 21st Century (4) provide important mechanisms for furthering research into ageing. The United Kingdom has signed up to these. The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing commits member states to a systematic review of the Plan of Action through Regional Implementation Strategies. The United Kingdom�۪s Regional Implementation Strategy covers Northern Ireland. National At National level, pension and social security are high on the agenda. The Pensions Act (5) became law in 2007 and links pensions increases with earnings as opposed to prices from 2012. Additional credits for people raising children and caring for older people to boost their pensions were introduced. Some protections are included for those who lost occupational pensions as a result of underfunded schemes being wound up before April 2005. In relation to State Pensions and benefits, this Act will bring changes to state pensions in future. The Act now places the Pension Credit element which is up-rated in line with or above earnings, on a permanent, statutory footing. Regional At regional level there are a number of age related public policy initiatives that have the potential to impact positively on the lives of older people in Northern Ireland. Some are specific to ageing such as the Ageing in an Inclusive Society (6) and others by their nature are cross-cutting such as Lifetime Opportunities: Governments Anti-Poverty Strategy for Northern Ireland (7). The main public policy framework in Northern Ireland is the Programme for Government: Building a Better Future, 2008-2011(PfG) (8) . The PfG, is the overarching high level policy framework for Northern Ireland and provides useful principles for ageing research and public policy in Northern Ireland. The PfG vision is to build a peaceful, fair and prosperous society in Northern Ireland, with respect for the rule of law. A number of Public Service Agreements (PSA) aligned to the PfG confirm key actions that will be taken to support the priorities that the Government aim to achieve over the next three years. For example objective 2 of PSA 7: Making Peoples�۪ Lives Better: Drive a programme across Government to reduce poverty and address inequality and disadvantage, refers to taking forward strategic action to promote social inclusion for older people; and to deliver a strong independent voice for older people. The Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) have recently appointed an Interim Older People�۪s Advocate, Dame Joan Harbison to provide a focus for older peoples issues across Government. Ageing in an Inclusive Society is the cross-departmental strategy for older people in Northern Ireland and was launched in March 2005. It sets out the approach to be taken across Government to promote and support the inclusion of older people. The vision coupled with six strategic objectives form the basis of the action plans accompanying the strategy. The vision is: ���To ensure that age related policies and practices create an enabling environment, which offers everyone the opportunity to make informed choices so that they may pursue healthy, active and positive ageing.� (Ageing in an Inclusive Society, Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, 2005) Action planning and maintaining momentum across government in relation to this strategy has proved to be slower than anticipated. It is proposed to refresh this Strategy in line with Opportunity Age ��� meeting the challenges of ageing in the 21st Century (9). There are a number of policy levers elsewhere which can also be used to promote the positive aspects of an ageing society. The Investing for Health (10) and A Healthier Future:A 20 Year Vision for Health and Well-being in Northern Ireland (11), seek to ensure that the overall vision for health and wellbeing is achievable and provides a useful framework for ageing policy and research in the health area. These health initiatives have the potential to positively impact on the quality of life of older people and provide a useful framework for improving current policy and practice. In addition to public policy initiatives, the anti-discrimination frameworks in terms of employment in Northern Ireland cover age as well as a range of other grounds. Goods facilitates and services are currently excluded from the Employment Equality (age) Regulations (NI) 2006 (12). Supplementing the anti-discrimination measures, Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 (13), unique to Northern Ireland, places a statutory obligation on public authorities in fulfilling their functions to promote equality of opportunity across nine grounds, one of which is age(14). This positive duty has the potential to make a real difference to the lives of older people in Northern Ireland. Those affected by policy decisions must be consulted and their interests taken into account. This provides an opportunity for older people and their representatives to participate in public policy-making, right from the start of the process. Policy and Research Interface ���Ageing research is vital as decisions in relation to policy and practice and resource allocation will be made on the best available information�. (CARDI�۪s Strategic Plan 2008-2011) As outlined earlier, CARDI has been established to bridge the gap to ensure that research reaches those involved in making policy decisions. CARDI is stimulating the ageing research agenda in Ireland through a specific research fund that has a policy and practice focus. My work is presently focusing on helping to build a greater awareness of the key policy levers and providing opportunities for those within research and policy to develop closer links. The development of this shared understanding by establishing these links between researchers and policy makers is seen as the best predictor for research utilization. It is important to acknowledge and recognise that researchers and policy makers operate in different institutional, political and cultural contexts. Research however needs to ���resonate�۪ with the contextual factors in which policy makers operate. Conclusions Those working within the public policy field recognise all too often that the development of government policies and initiatives in respect of age does not guarantee that they will result in changes in actual provision of services, despite Government recommendations and commitments. The identification of public policy initiatives as they relate to age has the potential to highlight persistent and entrenched difficulties that social policy has previously failed to address. Furthermore, the identification of these difficulties can maximise the opportunities for progressing these across government. A focus on developing effective and meaningful targets to ensure measurable outcomes in public policy for older people can assist in this. Access to sound, credible and up-to-date evidence will be vital in this respect. As well as a commitment to working across departmental boundaries to effect change. Further details: If you would like to discuss this paper or for further information about CARDI please contact: Judith Cross, Policy Officer, Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland CARDI). t: +44 (0) 28 9069 0066; m: +353 (0) 867 904 171; e: judith@cardi.ie ; or visit our website at: www.cardi.ie References 1) Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (2008) Strategic Plan 2008-2011. Belfast. CARDI 2) The Agreement: Agreement Reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations. Belfast 1998 3) Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing. http://www.un.org/ageing/ 4) UN Programme on Ageing (2007) Research Agenda on Ageing for the 21st Century: 2007 Update. New York. New York. UN Programme on Ageing and the International Association of Gerontology and Geriatrics. 5) The Pensions Act 2007 Chapter 22 6) Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (2005). Ageing in an Inclusive Society. Belfast. OFMDFM Central Anti-Poverty Unit. 7) Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (2005). Lifetime Opportunities: Government�۪s Anti-Poverty and Social Inclusion Strategy for Northern Ireland. Belfast. OFMDFM Central Anti-Poverty Unit. 8) Northern Ireland Executive (2008) Building a Better Future: Programme for Government 2008-2011. Belfast. OFMDFM Economic Policy Unit. 9) Department for Work and Pensions, (2005) Opportunity Age: Meeting the Challenges of Ageing in the 21 st Century. London. DWP. 10) Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSS&PS) (2002) Investing for Health. Belfast. DHSS&PS. 11) Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSS&PS) (2005) A Healthier Future:A 20 Year Vision for Health and Well-being in Northern Ireland Belfast. DHSS&PS. �� 12) The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2006 SR2006 No.261 13) The Northern Ireland Act 1998, Part VII, S75 14) The nine grounds covered under S75 of the Northern Ireland Act are: gender, religion, race, sexual orientation, those with dependents, disability, political opinion, marital status and age.
Reforms in recent decades have sharply reduced the distortions affecting agriculture in developing countries, particularly by cuts to agricultural export taxes and by some reductions in government assistance to agriculture in high-income countries, but international trade in farm products continues to be far more distorted than trade in nonfarm goods. This paper summarizes a series of empirical studies that focus on the effects of the remaining distortions to world merchandise trade for poverty and inequality, especially in developing countries. To obtain different insights into the various impacts, two global studies are undertaken using the World Bank's Linkage model, one multi-country study uses the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model, and ten country case studies are also included, each using a national economy-wide model. The Linkage model results suggest that liberalization will reduce international inequality, largely by boosting farm incomes and raising real wages for unskilled workers in developing countries, and will reduce the number of poor people worldwide by 3 percent. The analysis based on the GTAP model for a sample of 15 countries, and the ten stand-alone national case studies, all point to larger reductions in poverty, especially if only the non-poor are subjected to increased income taxation to compensate for the loss of trade tax revenue.
Abstract: Organizational and Work Psychology (POT) today faces great research and intervention challenges, given the current conditions in which work activities and the management of people are being developed in organizations, and since the world of work has been strongly affected in the last three decades as a result of the transformations that have been taking place in the management of organizations. The socio-economic and cultural political dynamics that we live in today demand a continuous change based on these changes. In this sense, organizational change has been associated with unexpected adaptation processes that arise to respond to the demands of the context. At present, the survival of organizations depends on the ability to project in the long term and not only on their ability to adapt, this implies on the part of organizations a management change that allows anticipating changes in the environment in such a way that long-term value is generated over the competition (Sandoval, 2014). In response to a series of phenomena such as the globalization of the economy, increasing competition and the emergence of new information technology, transport, and communications, among other factors, the use of strategies such as mergers between organizations has increased. Alliances, creation of networks, reduction of organizational macrostructures and outsourcing or subcontracting of the workforce, as mechanisms to achieve greater competitiveness in the market, aspects that have generated a dynamic of permanent change in the functioning of organizations in the world whole ( Lynch, & Mors , 2018). These changes are reflected in the impact they have on the climate of the organizations. The way workers understand the organization's climate depends on several aspects. G onzales , Pedraza and Sanchez (2015), identified that the work environment is important in understanding the relationship between employees and superiors, and that this relationship will be mediated by values, rules established by the organization at the individual level and group, and performance, these aspects that can generate satisfaction in the organization and in the collaborators. The organizational climate is important in understanding the organizational characteristics that impact on the behavior of individuals at work, as well as the attitudes of people towards organizations (Yoo, Huang & Lee, 2012). The organizational climate encompasses the structure, processes of the organization, as well as the management of compensation, employee behavior, performance expectations and growth opportunities. However, the organizational climate is the result of the interaction between the components of the company, such as structure, systems, culture, the behavior of the leader and the psychological needs of the employees ( Benjamin et al., 2013) . Organizational change and climate are framed in the psychosocial factors of organizations, which has a wide spectrum, they become an important issue for occupational health. The current situation that organizations and the labor market are going through generate important problems for organizations, therefore it is important to understand and deal with them properly. The new work arrangements involve short-term contracts. Additionally, the global market is becoming more competitive as a result, generates increasing pressure on the part of employees to be able to increase productivity and respond to the needs of the environment, forging as a result a report by employees of high levels of stress increasing risk of physical and psychological illness. The imminence of change in different spheres of the organization displaces workers, generating various reactions that affect the work-family balance, their performance and their perception of the organizational climate ( Connelly & Gallagher, 2004) Gil - Monte (2012) argues that technical changes, such as socioeconomic, demographic, political, economic, among others, have increased psychosocial risks . Some of the causes of these risks are: a) organizational changes are caused by internal factors (new processes, technology, workplace) or external (social, political, economic), b) new forms of hiring, c) little job stability , d) aging of the population, e) increase in workload, e) emotional demands at work, f) work-family imbalance . The author concludes that psychosocial risks have always been present, but what has been modified is the social perception of them , this is reflected in the increase of this type of risks in organizations, therefore it becomes a problem the which must be addressed in a timely manner by the managers of the organizations. Currently, with the public health threat generated by (COVID-19), several economic sectors are affected such as tourism, health, education, among others, which must develop new strategies and rethink new ways to be able to reach the population and reactivate its economy ( Wen , et al, 2020). These strategies create challenges that involve promoting new forms of work and assuming an increase in the demands of public and private sector employees that can have negative consequences for them ( Mañas, Estreder , Martinez -Tur, Díaz-Fúnez, & Pecino -Medina 2020). Similarly, in the face of these significant events such as the global pandemic, organizations must have the ability to develop tactics that allow them to adapt to change ( Beech , et al, 2020). In this order of ideas, in the face of adverse situations that arise due to the pandemic that affect the world economically, socially and politically, people who are part of organizations must be able to adapt to changes, which makes them more resilient ( Jiang , Jiang , Sun ,, & Li 2020). The resilience helps people overcome stress, which allows them to maintain an acceptable state of life or work ( Cope, Jones, & Hendricks, 2016). This implies that individuals must establish a balance between their work and family roles, which would not be possible to generate situations of emotional exhaustion as a psychological response to work stressors and in turn affect the performance of workers (Karatepe, 2013). As a result of the various changes that organizations have had to undertake such as the replacement of the workforce by younger generations, multicultural work, labor shortages, demographic challenges, the workplace has become a very demanding space. Additionally, people are expected to perform much more efficiently at work and at home ( Ilies , Schwind , Johnson, DeRue , & Ilgen , 2007). These changes have led to symptoms of stress in people in organizations that can affect them in their personal, family and work daily life (Biron, Cooper & Bond, 2009). These situations have generated research related to the different conditions of the human being in which sometimes they survive and thrive in the face of adversity. The study of positive human behavior gave rise to positive psychology (Seligman 199 8 ) and positive organizational behavior ( Luthans & Youssef , 2007). This paradigm shift from the study of negative to positive organizational behavior leads to new theories that propose that resilience is a flexible resource that anyone can learn and foster (Norman, Luthans & Luthans , 2005). Work is important for people, as it has many benefits for them (Henry, 2004). It helps them establish their identity, provides a possibility of social interaction beyond the purely work, encourages commitment, provides meaning, provides the possibility of having status and income. It is an activity that provides people with resources to live, in the same way, the family is an important part of people's daily lives that influences their sense of well-being ( Edwards & Rothbard, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2001), consider that the concept of work can be expanded and include aspects related to personal growth and well-being of people. For Voydanoff (2005), work and family are two important domains in people's lives and therefore can cause conflicts with each other (Allen, et al, 2000). However, these two elements can become synergistic and complement each other, the positive side of this interaction (work - family) can improve the well-being of the family unit (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). According to Rahim (2011), he considers that effectively balancing work and family is important in organizations. The demands of the environment lead organizations to increase productivity, therefore, there is a greater demand for workers 'time and a reduction in workers' time with their families. Haar & Bardoel (2008) highlights that many changes have been generated that affect this work-family relationship, the composition of the workforce has changed, the number of women in the workplace has increased, families with two incomes, increased in the number of single parents. Greenhaus & Buetell (1985) argue that the work-family conflict occurs when the roles in which the pressures of work and family domains are not compatible. Wang, et to the, (2004), believe that regardless of the term that is used to describe the work - family conflict, this is mainly caused by excessive labor demands, which affect family negative results. For the current labor market, productivity is critical, managers aim to achieve maximum work performance by involving employees in this particular dynamic, it seeks that workers are willing to contribute in the organization beyond what is required by formal requirements. of work. In this logic the collaborators are caught between the demands of the family and those of the employer. The result of these multiple roles is the work-family conflict due to the incongruity between both areas, because the demands of one make it difficult to meet the demands of the other ( Rabenu , Tziner , & Gil, 2017). Liu, et al, (2019) highlight that the work-family balance is a perception that occurs simultaneously in two senses: low work-family conflict and high work-family enrichment, which implies that experiences are included among the roles both positive and negative. These positive or negative aspects are related to job performance. Pandey (2019) highlights the multidimensional nature of performance, classifying it in two aspects: a) resources: individual, work, organizational, social, b) stressors: individual, work, where the author points out that affective stressors such as burnout is an important variable that exhausts resources and decreases work performance, family, according to the author the variables at the family level are an inhibitor of work performance when they act as stressors. In this vein, the work-family conflict is an important variable that generates interference between the demands of these two domains with each other. Gragnano, Simbula, & Miglioretti (2020), highlight the fact that workers are aware of the importance of health to achieve a work-life balance, they showed that this balance is as important as the family domain, therefore, the researchers they must consider the health domain in the family domain when inquiring about work-life balance. Karatepe & Tenkiskus (2006) state that work-family conflict and emotional exhaustion are critical variables that have adverse effects on results. Yavas, Babacus & Karatepe (2008), consider the difficulties that front-line employees must balance the demands of their multiple roles can affect performance and as a consequence, employees can make the decision and leave the organizations. Wright & Cropanzano (1998), point out that an indicator of low work performance is emotional exhaustion, considered as a chronic state both physical and emotional, which is the product of overwork and continuous stress. Emotional exhaustion manifests itself in employees in a general loss of feeling of concern, trust, and interest (Maslach, 1982). Schaufeli & Greenglass (2001) consider that emotional exhaustion occurs when employees experience an emotional demand in a work situation over a long period of time. Studies carried out in the public sector contribute to understanding the manifestation of feelings of emotional exhaustion. The health professionals are under high pressure due to the long working days producing sleep disorders, professional responsibility which should provide a high-quality service with no margin for error. In the same way, their work implies a high emotional load given the nature of the work, this makes health professionals more vulnerable to emotional exhaustion (Babyar, 2017). According to Gerard (2018), it is necessary to take into account factors such as financial results, return on capital, which justifies success in health care organizations, which goes beyond the quality of care or the nature of activity. The structure of public health organizations is usually not very flexible, which makes the operation of these entities more difficult and therefore the work of the professionals who work in it, generating loss of energy and feelings of emotional exhaustion. Cropanzano, Rupp & Byrne (2003) argue that emotional exhaustion has a detrimental effect on the employee's job performance, which subsequently affects the productivity of the organization. The study carried out by Wang, et al (2019) shows the relationship between work-family conflict (WFC), family-work conflict (FWC), emotional exhaustion and performance. The results show that WFC is positively related to emotional exhaustion. Organizational care was also found to reduce WFC's influences on emotional exhaustion. In conclusion, it is important to highlight that all the variables that have been considered to carry out this study are related to each other. On the one hand, in a broad framework is organizational change, which influences the behavior and perception of people in the organization affecting the organizational climate. On the other hand, but in the same direction are the psychosocial factors that are also affected by changes in organizations and that would involve factors such as work-family balance, performance, emotional exhaustion. However, it should be highlighted that the way people in organizations face these aspects, will generate greater resilience and adaptation for the people in the organization. Resumen: La Psicología Organizacional y del Trabajo (POT) enfrenta hoy grandes desafíos de investigación e intervención, dadas las condiciones actuales en que se desarrollan las actividades de trabajo y de gestión de las personas en las organizaciones, ya que el mundo del trabajo se ha visto fuertemente afectado en las últimas tres décadas como resultado de las transformaciones que han estado ocurriendo en la gestión de las organizaciones. La dinámica política socioeconómica y cultural que se vive en la actualidad demanda un continuo cambio en función de estas. En este sentido el cambio organizacional ha estado asociado a procesos de adaptación inesperados que surgen para responder a las demandas del contexto. En la actualidad la supervivencia de las organizaciones depende de la capacidad de proyectarse a largo plazo y no solo de su capacidad de adaptación, esto implica por parte de las organizaciones una gestión del cambio que permita anticiparse a los cambios del ambiente de tal forma que se genere un valor a largo plazo sobre la competencia (Sandoval, 2014). Como respuesta a una serie de fenómenos como la globalización de la economía, la competencia cada vez más creciente y la emergencia de nuevas tecnologías de informática, transporte y comunicaciones, entre otros factores, se han incrementado el uso de estrategias como las fusiones entre organizaciones, alianzas, creación de redes, reducción de las macroestructuras organizativas y externalización o subcontratación de la fuerza de trabajo, como mecanismos para alcanzar una mayor competitividad en el mercado, aspectos que han generado una dinámica de cambio permanente en el funcionamiento de las organizaciones en el mundo entero (Lynch, & Mors, 2018). Estos cambios se ven reflejados en el impacto que tienen en el clima de las organizaciones. La forma como entienden los trabajadores el clima de la organización depende de varios aspectos. Gonzales, Pedraza y Sánchez (2015), identificaron que el ambiente laboral es importante en la comprensión de la relación entre empleados y superiores, ya que dicha relación va a estar mediada por los valores, las reglas establecidas por la organización a nivel individual y grupal, y el desempeño, estos aspectos que pueden generar satisfacción en la organización y en los colaboradores. El clima organizacional es importante en la comprensión de las características organizacionales impactan sobre la conducta de los individuos en el trabajo, así como las actitudes de las personas respecto a organizaciones (Yoo, Huang & Lee, 2012). El clima organizacional abarca la estructura, procesos de la organización, así como la gestión de la remuneración, el comportamiento del empleado, expectativa de rendimiento y oportunidades de crecimiento. No obstante, el clima organizacional es el resultado de la interacción entre los componentes de la empresa, tales como estructura, sistemas, la cultura, la conducta del líder y las necesidades psicológicas de los empleados (Benjamin et al., 2013). El cambio organizacional y el clima se enmarcan en los factores psicosociales de las organizaciones, los cuales tiene un amplio espectro, se convierten en un tema importante para la salud laboral. La situación actual por la que atraviesan las organizaciones y el mercado de trabajo generan problemas importantes para las organizaciones por lo tanto es importante entenderlos y afrontarlos de manera adecuada. Las nuevas modalidades de trabajo implican contratos a corto plazo. Adicionalmente el mercado global cada vez es más competitivo genera como resultado por parte de los empleados una creciente presión para poder aumentar la productividad y responder a las necesidades del entorno, forjando como resultado reporte por parte de los empleados de altos niveles de estrés incrementando el riesgo de enfermedad física y psicológica. La inminencia del cambio en diferentes esferas de la organización se desplaza a los trabajadores generando diversas reacciones que afectan el balance trabajo-familia, su desempeño y su percepción del clima organizacional (Connelly & Gallagher, 2004) Gil - Monte (2012) argumenta que los cambios técnicos, como los socioeconómicos, demográficos, políticos, económicos entre otros, han incrementado los riesgos psicosociales. Algunas de las causas de estos riesgos son: a) cambios organizacionales provocados por factores internos (nuevos procesos, tecnología, lugar de trabajo) o externos (sociales, políticos, económicos), b) nuevas formas de contratación, c) poca estabilidad laboral, d) envejecimiento de la población, e) incremento en la carga laboral, e) exigencias emocionales en el trabajo, f) desequilibrio trabajo – familia. El autor concluye que los riesgos psicosociales siempre han estado presentes, pero lo que se ha modificado es la percepción social que hay sobre ellos, esto se ve reflejado en el incremento de este tipo de riesgos en las organizaciones por tanto se convierte en un problema el cual se debe atender de manera oportuna por parte de los directivos de las organizaciones. En la actualidad con la amenaza de salud pública generada por el (COVID-19) se ven afectados varios sectores económicos como el turismo, la salud, la educación, entre otros, los cuales deben desarrollar nuevas estrategias y replantear nuevas formas para poder llegar a la población y reactivar su economía (Wen, et al, 2020). Estas estrategias crean retos que implican promover nuevas formas de trabajo y asumir un incremento en las demandas de los empleados del sector público y privado que pueden tener consecuencias negativas para éstos (Mañas, Estreder, Martinez-Tur, Díaz-Fúnez, & Pecino-Medina 2020). De igual forma, ante estos eventos significativos como la pandemia mundial las organizaciones deben tener la capacidad para desarrollar tácticas que le permitan adaptarse al cambio (Beech, et al, 2020). En este orden de ideas, ante las situaciones adversas que se presentan debido a la pandemia que afectan al mundo en lo económico, social y político, las personas que hacen parte de las organizaciones deben ser capaces de adaptase a los cambios lo cual los hace más resilientes (Jiang, Jiang, Sun,, & Li 2020). La capacidad de recuperación ayuda a las personas a superar las tensiones, lo cual permite mantener un estado de vida o un trabajo aceptable (Cope, Jones, & Hendricks, 2016). Esto implica que los individuos deben establecer un equilibrio entre sus roles laborales y los familiares, que no ser posible generarían situaciones de agotamiento emocional como una respuesta psicológica a los estresores laborales y a su vez afecta el desempeño de los trabajadores (Karatepe, 2013). Resultado de los diversos cambios que han debido asumir las organizaciones como el reemplazo de la fuerza laboral por generaciones más jóvenes, multiculturalidad de trabajo, escasez en la mano de obra, desafíos demográficos, el lugar de trabajo se ha convertido en un espacio muy exigente. Adicionalmente se espera que las personas de desempeñen de forma mucho más eficiente en el trabajo y en el hogar (Ilies, Schwind, Johnson, DeRue, & Ilgen, 2007). Estos cambios han propiciado en las personas que se encuentran en las organizaciones síntomas de estrés que pueden las pueden afectar en su cotidianida personal, familiar y laboral (Biron, Cooper & Bond, 2009). Estas situaciones han generado investigaciones relacionadas con las diferentes condiciones del ser humano en las que en algunas oportunidades sobreviven y prosperan ante la adversidad. El estudio del comportamiento humano positivo dio origen a la psicología positiva (Seligman 1998) y el comportamiento organizacional positivo (Luthans & Youssef, 2007). Este cambio de paradigma del estudio del comportamiento organizacional negativo al positivo deriva nuevas teorías que proponen que la resiliencia es un recurso flexible que cualquier persona puede aprender y fomentar (Norman, Luthans & Luthans, 2005). El trabajo es importante para las personas, ya que tiene muchos beneficios para éstas (Henry, 2004). Las ayuda a establecer su identidad, brinda una posibilidad de interacción social más allá de los netamente laboral, fomenta compromiso, brinda un significado, proporciona la posibilidad de tener estatus e ingresos. Es una actividad facilita a las personas recursos para vivir, de igual forma, la familia es una parte importante de la cotidianidad de las personas que influye en la sensación de bienestar de estas (Edwards & Rothbard, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2001), consideran que el concepto de trabajo se puede ampliar e incluyen aspectos relacionados con el crecimiento personal y el bienestar de las personas. Para Voydanoff (2005), el trabajo como la familia son dos dominios importantes en la vida de las personas y por tanto pueden llegar a causar conflictos entre sí (Allen, et al, 2000). Sin embargo, estos dos elementos pueden llegar a ser sinérgicos y complementarse, el lado positivo de esta interacción (trabajo – familia) puede mejorar el bienestar de la unidad familiar (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). Según Rahim (2011) considera que equilibrar efectivamente el trabajo y la familia es importante en las organizaciones. Las demandas del ambiente conllevan a que las organizaciones aumenten la productividad, por lo tanto, hay una mayor demanda de tiempo de los trabajadores y una reducción el tiempo de los trabajadores con sus familias. Haar & Bardoel (2008) resalta que se han generado muchos cambios que afectan esta relación trabajo – familia, la composición de la fuerza laborar ha cambiado, se ha incrementado el número de mujeres en el lugar de trabajo, las familias con dos ingresos, aumento en el número de padres/madres solteras. Greenhaus & Buetell (1985), argumentan que el conflicto trabajo – familia se presenta cuando los roles en el que las presiones del trabajo y los dominios familiares no son compatibles. Wang, et al, (2004), consideran que independientemente del término que se utilice para describir el conflicto trabajo – familia, éste es causado principalmente por las excesivas demandas laborales, las cuales repercuten en resultados familiares negativos. Para el actual mercado laboral la productividad es crítica, los gerentes tienen como meta alcanzar el máximo rendimiento laboral involucrando a los empleados en esta particular dinámica, se busca que los trabajadores estén dispuestos a contribuir en la organización más allá de lo que exigen los requisitos formales de trabajo. En esta lógica los colaboradores se encuentran atrapados entre las demandas de la familia y las del empleador. El resultado de estos roles múltiples es el conflicto trabajo – familia debido a la incongruencia entre ambas áreas, debido a que las demandas de uno dificultan el cumplimiento de las demandas del otro (Rabenu, Tziner, & Gil, 2017). Liu, et al, (2019) resaltan que el equilibrio trabajo – familia es una percepción que se presenta de manera simultánea en dos sentidos: bajo conflicto trabajo - familia y alto enriquecimiento trabajo – familia, lo cual implica que se incluyen experiencias entre los roles tanto positivos como negativos. Es tos aspectos positivos o negativos tiene una relación con el desempeño laboral. Pandey (2019) destaca naturaleza multidimensional del desempeño clasificándola en dos aspectos: a) recursos: individuales, laborales, organizacionales, sociales, b) estresores: individuales, laborales en donde el autor señala que estresores afectivos como el agotamiento es una variable importante que agota los recursos y decrementa el rendimiento laboral, familiares, según el autor las variables a nivel familiar son un inhibidor del desempeño laboral cuando actúan como estresores. En este orden de ideas el conflicto trabajo familia es una variable importante que genera interferencia entre las demandas de estos dos dominios entre sí. Gragnano, Simbula, & Miglioretti (2020), resaltan el hecho de que los trabajadores son conscientes de la importancia de la salud para lograr un equilibrio trabajo-vida, demostraron que este equilibro es tan importante como el dominio familiar, por tanto, los investigadores deben considerar el dominio de la salud en el dominio familiar cuando se indaga el equilibrio trabajo – vida. Karatepe & Tenkiskus (2006), afirman que el conflicto trabajo – familia y el agotamiento emocional son variables críticas que tienen efectos adversos en los resultados. Yavas, Babacus & Karatepe (2008), consideran las dificultades que tienen los empleados de primera línea para equilibrar las demandas de sus múltiples roles pueden afectar el desempeño y como consecuencia los empleados pueden tomar la decisión e irse de las organizaciones. Wright & Cropanzano (1998), señalan que un indicador dé bajo desempeño laboral es el agotamiento emocional, considerado como un estado crónico tanto físico como emocional, el cual es producto del exceso de trabajo y el estrés continuo. El agotamiento emocional se manifiesta en los empleados en una perdida general de sentimiento de preocupación, confianza e interés (Maslach, 1982). Schaufeli & Greenglass (2001) consideran que el agotamiento emocional ocurre cuando los empleados experimentan una exigencia emocional ante una situación laboral en un período de tiempo prolongado. Estudios realizados en el sector público, contribuyen a entender la manifestación de sentimientos de agotamiento emocional. Los profesionales de la salud se encuentran bajo altos niveles de presión debido a las largas jornadas laborales que producen trastornos del sueño, la responsabilidad profesional en donde deben proporcionar un servicio de alta calidad sin margen de error. De igual forma, su trabajo implica alta carga emocional dada la naturaleza del trabajo, esto hace que los profesionales en la salud sean más vulnerables al agotamiento emocional (Babyar, 2017). De acuerdo con Gerard (2018), es necesario tener en cuenta factores como los resultados financieros, el rendimiento del capital, lo cual justifica el éxito en las organizaciones de atención médica, lo cual va vas allá de la calidad en la atención o la naturaleza de actividad. La estructura de las organizaciones de salud pública suele ser poco flexible lo cual hace más difícil el funcionamiento de estas entidades y por tanto el trabajo de los profesionales que laboran en ella generando perdida de energía y sentimientos de agotamiento emocional. Cropanzano, Rupp & Byrne (2003) argumentan que el agotamiento emocional tiene un efecto perjudicial en el desempeño laboral del empleado, lo cual repercute posteriormente en la productividad de la organización. El estudio realizado por Wang, et al (2019) muestran la relación entre el conflicto trabajo – familia (WFC), el conflicto familia – trabajo (FWC), el agotamiento emocional y el desempeño. Los resultados muestran que WFC se relaciona positivamente con el agotamiento emocional. También se encontró que el cuidado de la organización reduce las influencias de WFC en el agotamiento emocional. En conclusión, es importante resaltar que todas las variables que se han considerado para realizar este estudio se relacionan entre sí. Por un lado, en un marco amplio se encuentra el cambio organizacional, el cual influye en el comportamiento y la percepción de las personas en la organización afectando el clima organizacional. Por otro lado, pero en la misma dirección se encuentran los factores psicosociales que también se ven afectados por los cambios en las organizaciones y que involucrarían factores como el balance trabajo – familia, el desempeño, el agotamiento emocional. Sin embargo, se debe rescatar que la forma como las personas en las organizaciones afronten estos aspectos, va a generar una mayor capacidad de resiliencia y adaptación de las personas en la organización.
IntroducciónLas sucesivas crisis fiscales que han acontecido en la problemática historia económica argentina han sido causadas principalmente por dos situaciones: la existencia de una desmesurada confianza que generaba burbujas (como la "crisis de progreso" de 1890) o una irresuelta puja distributiva que generaba déficit fiscales insostenibles (por ejemplo, 1975, 1989, 2001).Este trabajo hace hincapié en la segunda situación e intenta argumentar el inicio de las pujas distributivas irresueltas en el juego de suma cero que prosiguió a la incipiente articulación del proceso de industrialización argentino en la década del 20'.En primer lugar, debemos argumentar el comienzo del proceso de industrialización en los 20', detallando las visiones contrapuestas. En segundo lugar, debemos discutir por qué este proceso habría supuesto un juego de suma cero. En tercer lugar, intentaremos demostrar por qué, asumiendo la existencia de un juego de suma cero, eso necesariamente devendría causa de la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos y, eventualmente, de las sucesivas crisis fiscales.Por ende, primero debemos introducir brevemente el debate sobre las condiciones del proceso de industrialización en Argentina.La década del 20 y el proceso de industrialización¿Hay una relación analítica entre el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y la sistemática presencia de crisis fiscales en la economía argentina? ¿Cuándo comienza el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y cuál es la relación entre ese juego y las sucesivas crisis fiscales argentinas? Este trabajo intenta marcar la existencia de una relación analítica entre la oposición campo-industria y la acentuada volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos.Si bien la literatura especializada había mencionado la década del 30' como el momento histórico donde se consolida la incipiente industria, contemporáneamente los historiadores han situado ese proceso mucho antes: según Fernando Rocchi, en la década final del siglo XIX pueden verse intentos de protección a industrias nacientes en el interior del país, como la vitivinícola en Mendoza y la caña de azúcar en Tucumán (1). Los grupos de interés se articulaban eficientemente para lograr cuotas y tarifas que impidieran el acceso al mercado doméstico de bienes producidos en el extranjero.Un trabajo muy influyente sobre el rol jugado por un proceso de industrialización tardío es "Las Etapas del Desarrollo Económico Argentino", donde Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman desarrollan la teoría de la "gran demora". ¿En que consiste? En la supuesta incapacidad de los policy makers en ver que se agotaba un (largo) modelo y ciclo económico, siendo necesario empezar a pensar una nueva manera de insertarse en una economía mundial que iniciaba un proceso de cambio. Para los autores, se había alcanzado la frontera de producción agrícola y se necesitaba pensar un nuevo país basado en el desarrollo de una política industrial específica. Sin embargo, esta posición tiene demasiados problemas. Por un lado, supone un análisis ex post de los acontecimientos. Es decir, Di Tella y Zymelman exponen la supuesta incapacidad de los dirigentes para realizar un cambio de política desde la perspectiva que les daba conocer el futuro. A su vez, la teoría de la "gran demora" no se cuestiona por qué no se podía profundizar la frontera de producción agrícola, asumiendo que efectivamente se hubiera alcanzado. ¿Qué había hecho que los 20' reflejaran un límite para la expansión agrícola? ¿Por qué la economía argentina no habría podido lograr nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector? (2).En cambio, Javier Villanueva critica la visión tradicional sobre el inicio de la industrialización en los 30´, producto de las dificultades que supuestamente habría generado la Gran Depresión. Según Villanueva, esa es una versión "olímpica", es decir, alejada del análisis detenido de los acontecimientos locales. El autor sostiene que la industria argentina había comenzado a despegar en los años 20´ como consecuencia de una incipiente política proteccionista. Villanueva considera acertada la implementación de este conjunto de políticas. Según Villanueva, "…puede observarse que la tasa de crecimiento de la actividad industrial es por lo menos igual o aun mayor para el periodo comprendido entre 1911-1929, que para el periodo 1929-1939…si lo que se somete a la observación es, no ya la tasa de crecimiento del sector mismo, sino de la participación porcentual en la producción total del país, las conclusiones son parecidas a las señaladas anteriormente…"(3).A su vez, sostiene que:Los datos del censo de 1946 sugieren la idea de que, en lo que se refiere a la creación de establecimientos industriales, con independencia de su tamaño, los años 20´ no resultaron menos fructíferos que los del 30´. En 1946 continuaban produciendo 9943 empresas de la cepa de 1926-1930 contra 9962 del periodo 1931-1935…La tasa de crecimiento más elevada de la inversión en el sector industrial corresponde a los años 1923-1929. Un examen de la inversión en equipos y maquinarias industrial contribuye a reafirmar lo expuesto en los párrafos anteriores: entre los años 1924 y 1930 se produce la más amplia inversión en el sector industrial hasta la segunda guerra mundial. (4)Podemos ver el siguiente cuadro elaborado por el autor:Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufactureroParticipación y aumento en la participación (1900 – 1950) Fuente: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 7.Por su parte, Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre ven en la política económica de los 20' un antecedente del peronismo pero con apertura, es decir, salarios reales altos, un desarrollo industrial incipiente y un sector agro-ganadero con menor peso relativo. Para los autores The 1920s are thus placed as a "missing link" in Argentine economic history: it is a period that does not seem to carry with it distinct features of its own, but rather tends to be depicted as either the proto-history of economic stagnation or the epilogue of open-economy development…The fact that import prices retained during the 1920s part of their gains of the previous decade, gave way to conditions that favoured a 'spontaneous' kind of protection; in contrast, high export prices in the 1940s presented peronism with an opportunity to seize resources and allocate them to the industrial sector. Whereas the radical administrations would not break ties with the past in terms of identifying exports as the growth engine, and would thus take an attitude of 'benign neglect' towards industry, the peronist creed had industrial development as one of its pillars -and so would finance subsidies to industries with the trade surplus. It was 'market driven' industrialisation that took place in the 1920s, as opposed to active pro-industrial policies in the 1940s." (5)A partir de estas distintas posiciones que reflejan los historiadores económicos, podemos ver que la década del 20' no es el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino pero sí deviene como el periodo donde, sin saberlo los actores, se estaba alcanzando un punto en que la continuación exitosa del histórico modelo agro exportador necesitaría de inversiones importantes para mantener su eficiencia económica. En este sentido, la articulación de un sector industrial con capacidad para capturar rentas devenía no sólo un problema para el sector agropecuario sino para la economía en su conjunto.El comienzo de un proceso de industrialización no necesariamente tiene que generar juegos de suma cero con otros actores. ¿Por qué ello habría ocurrido en Argentina y cuales han sido sus características peculiares?Oposición campo - industria y juegos de suma ceroA partir de los aportes de los historiadores económicos, podemos reformular el problema: la década del 20' no significa el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino, sin embargo, puede significar el comienzo del juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el incipiente sector industrial. ¿Cuándo se dan los juegos de suma cero? Cuando hay dos o mas actores con la suficiente capacidad para generar y mantener un marco institucional donde uno captura sistemáticamente la mayor eficiencia de otro. Es importante notar que lo analíticamente relevante no es la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la permanencia del mismo en el tiempo. Es decir, un problema atrae a analistas e historiadores no cuando sucede en un momento T1 sino cuando sigue sucediendo, sin solución de continuidad, en T2, T3, Tn. Así, lo que debemos responder es por qué se mantiene en el tiempo un marco donde un sector A es lo suficientemente productivo para ser sistemáticamente capturado y un sector B es lo suficientemente eficiente para capturar sistemáticamente a A.¿Por qué el juego de suma cero habría comenzado en los 20' y por que no había existido tal juego anteriormente? Como mencionamos, para la existencia de un juego de suma cero se necesitan al menos dos actores: uno que produzca los bienes que otro captura. Podemos pensar que antes de la década del 20' no estaban en la economía argentina suficientemente configurados los actores relevantes para la existencia de un juego de estas características. Es decir, el sector agropecuario expandía su producción y el mundo demandaba sus productos, mientras que por otro lado el sector industrial no era lo suficientemente articulado y poderoso como para capturar parte de las rentas agropecuarias. La década del 20 da comienzo a una particular economía política de la Argentina por la concatenación de estas características: 1) un sector agropecuario (relativamente) menos productivo que en el pasado, 2) un sector industrial en proceso de articulación y 3) una crisis en ciernes. ¿Cuál es la novedad analítica que nos provee la economía política de finales de los 20'? La existencia de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar la renta de un sector lo suficientemente productivo para ser capturado justo en el momento histórico donde acontecía una caída en la demanda de lo que producía dicho sector capturado y la economía mundial se adentraba en una Gran Depresión. ¿Es azarosa la aparición conjunta en el tiempo de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar y una economía que se avecinaba a la situación de un juego de suma cero? No necesariamente. Es posible que la mayor capacidad de captura se haya debido a la debilidad relativa que crecientemente mostraba el eficiente sector agropecuario argentino.El juego de suma cero que se avecinaba puede ser percibido en la siguiente definición de Gerchunoff y Llach:Mencionamos dos asimetrías. Una podría llamarse la asimetría sectorial; otra, la asimetría regional. La asimetría sectorial alude a la vasta brecha de productividad entre actividades primarias y secundarias. Como consecuencia de la escasa población y de la abundancia de tierra fértil (combinadas, al menos en un principio, con una mínima existencia de capital acumulado), la Argentina estuvo siempre muy bien preparada para producir alimentos. Esa ventaja absoluta para la elaboración de bienes primarios, resultado de la demografía y de la naturaleza, fue al mismo tiempo la fuente de la gran desventaja comparativa que siempre tuvo la Argentina para la producción industrial, que requería precisamente los factores menos abundantes, el trabajo y el capital. La relación entre abundancia de factores productivos y perfil productivo era visible para los observadores más agudos de la joven Argentina. Carlos Pellegrini presentaba en el Congreso de 1899 una versión rudimentaria del teorema Heckscher-Ohlin: "En la República Argentina es muy caro el capital y es muy cara la mano de obra, por ejemplo, mientras que hay otras naciones en que una y otra cosa son más baratas. En la República Argentina hay facilidades de otro orden, que no se encuentran en otros países. Una industria cualquiera que requiriera mucha mano de obra, sería una industria muy difícil de arraigar en la República Argentina, porque desde el principio tendría que luchar contra esta condición especial nuestra, que es la falta de mano de obra." (6) Podemos introducir la cuestión de la oposición campo-industria desde la perspectiva analítica que da la oposición campo-ciudad. Sostiene Varshney Ashutosh:A history of ideas on town-country struggles must start with the obvious fact that as economies develop and societies modernize, agriculture declines. Before the rise of industrial society, all societies were rural. If we look at the most industrialized societies of today, their agricultural sectors constitute less than five per cent of GDP. Contrariwise, in the poorest economies of the world, agriculture still accounts for anywhere between 30 to 65 per cent of GDP (World Bank, 1991: 208-9).(7)Así, si bien el autor se refiere a la problemática relación campo-ciudad en África, el desarrollo que hace nos sirve para Argentina:Using theories of collective action, Bates (1981) reformulated this argument. One can identify 3 steps in his argument. First, to extract resources for the treasury, city and industry, African states set prices that hurt the countryside. Second, by selectively distributing state largesse (subsidies and projects), African states divide up the countryside into supporters that benefit from state action and opponents who are deprived of state generosity, and are frequently punished. Such policy-induced splits pre-empt a united rural front. Third, independently of the divisive tactics of the state, rural collective action is difficult because (a) the agriculture sector is very large with each peasant having a small share of the product, and (b) it is dispersed, making communication difficult. The customary free-rider problem in such situations impedes collective action. Industry, on the other hand, is small and concentrated in the city, and the share of each producer in the market is large, making it worthwhile for each producer to organize."(8)A su vez, la asimétrica relación entre el campo y la industria depende en parte importante del grado de desarrollo de la economía en cuestión. Richard Peerlberg ha realizado una síntesis del problema en el American Journal of Agricultural Economics:Un excelente estudio para explicar por qué todos los países desarrollados tienden a proteger a los productores agropecuarios es un libro publicado por Anderson y Hayami. Los autores realizan una comparación de las variaciones nominales en la protección del sector agrícola (es decir, la ratio entre el precio interno y el externo) en 15 países, desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo, en el periodo 1955-80. Los autores encuentran que el 70% de estas variaciones en la protección nominal puede ser explicada, país por país, a través de la variación de los indicadores de urbanización e industrialización (indicadores como ratio tierra-trabajo y ratio productividad del trabajo agrícola versus productividad del trabajo industrial). Anderson y Hayami concluyen que, mas allá de la distintiva historia de un país, su cultura o instituciones, el nivel de protección para el sector agrícola tenderá a crecer junto a la industrialización, o más precisamente, cuando las ventajas comparativas de la agricultura decrecen. Así, en cuanto las ventajas comparativas se trasladan de la agricultura a la industria, el foco de la protección cambiará desde la industria a la agricultura. Anderson y Hayami estudian particularmente esta tendencia en Asia Oriental, donde países como Japón, Corea, y Taiwán han pasado dramáticamente de castigar impositivamente a proteger al agro, una vez que el rápido proceso de industrialización comenzó.(9)De la cita anterior surge un punto analítica y políticamente central para este trabajo: mientras en los países desarrollados la industrialización supuso un proceso donde se pasaba de castigar a proteger al sector agropecuario, la experiencia Argentina ha mostrado el camino inverso. El país "era desarrollado" cuando no se protegía al agro y comenzó a retrasarse (relativamente, en relación al ingreso per capita de los países ricos) cuando inició el supuesto proceso de industrialización. Es decir, este camino inverso refleja la asimétrica relación entre un sector agrícola altamente productivo y un sector industrial poco productivo. El siguiente gráfico refleja la decadencia relativa:Evolución relativa del ingreso por habitante de Argentina.Ingreso per cápita argentino como % del promedio entre Estados Unidos, Francia, Reino Unido, Italia, Alemania, Bélgica, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda y Brasil. Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad, Op. cit., 8.Juegos de suma cero y repetición de crisisDurante la crisis y post crisis de 1929 es cuando comienza a consolidarse el juego de suma cero que se institucionaliza en la estable puja distributiva que impone el primer peronismo. La influencia que la Gran Depresión ha tenido en la economía política de la Argentina no puede subestimarse. Tanto la Gran Depresión como el primer peronismo son variables centrales para entender por qué acontece una puja distributiva de baja calidad institucional, que se consolida en el tiempo independientemente de las sucesivas crisis fiscales que ayuda a provocar. Podemos ver los siguientes indicadores:La depresión del comercio argentino:exportaciones e importaciones durante la crisis Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto: Un siglo de políticas económicas argentinas (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998), 114. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto)¿Cuáles son las nuevas variables que aparecen con la Gran Depresión? La principal variable que genera la crisis es una ola proteccionista. Una segunda variable, relacionada con la primera, es la incipiente consolidación de la Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones (ISI), modelo económico-político que es institucionalizado por el primer peronismo. Una crisis puede tener la particularidad de generar incentivos económicos e institucionales anteriormente inexistentes. Sin embargo, lo relevante de la crisis del 29' para la economía política de la Argentina ha sido contribuir a generar nuevos incentivos que se fueron consolidando con las sucesivas crisis. Es decir, es un dato analítico inusual que las posteriores crisis fiscales hayan contribuido a institucionalizar un patrón de captura en vez de generar incentivos para al menos intentar modificar la economía política del estancamiento.La crisis del 29' nos provee también indicadores comparados:Un mundo en crisis:Caída máxima del producto en tiempos de la Depresión (%) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 119.Como mencionamos, podemos ver que la puja distributiva que comienza en el juego de suma cero de finales de los 20's se consolida durante el primer peronismo(10): Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003): Nominal Wage Index (IEERAL (1986) and Mundlak, Cavallo and Domenech (1989)) (De aquí en adelante: Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, A New Economic History of Argentina)La puja distributiva también queda reflejada en el Índice de Precios al Consumidor: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por otro lado, podemos ver como después de la Gran Depresión los salarios del sector agropecuario se recuperan en parte, para volver a caer con la llegada del primer peronismo. En cambio, los salarios del sector industrial permanecen en una meseta durante la Depresión, para alcanzar un aumento notable con la llegada del peronismo: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por último, es necesario mostrar la discriminación al campo que se consolida e institucionaliza con el primer peronismo:La discriminación al campo(Base 1925-1929 = 100) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 189.¿Por qué habría una relación entre el juego de suma cero planteado y la repetición de las crisis fiscales en Argentina? Como mencionamos, la década del 20 contribuyó a consolidar un proceso de industrialización de baja calidad. En ese marco, el problema no sólo era la mala calidad de la industrialización sino el momento histórico donde ello acontecía. Cuando más se necesitaban recursos para producir nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector agropecuario argentino, comenzaba una eficiente captura por parte de un nuevo actor. Esta sistemática captura puede ejemplificarse en la aparición de la Junta Nacional de Granos en 1935 y en las políticas distributivas implementadas por el primer peronismo(11). Sin embargo, aquí el punto analítico principal es que el juego de suma cero se institucionaliza con el primer peronismo, y las sucesivas crisis fiscales son incapaces de generar incentivos como para modificar la captura en marcha.A partir de la cita anterior de Astoney Vahsney, podemos pensar que la complejidad de la experiencia argentina se debe en parte a la existencia de un proceso de industrialización donde el perjudicado es el sector agropecuario y el protegido es precisamente un sector industrial con bajos índices de productividad. Siguiendo esta lógica, es posible ver que la mala calidad del proceso de industrialización argentino institucionaliza un marco estable de captura porque el sector eficiente es también el más atomizado políticamente. Así, las sucesivas crisis fiscales reflejan la existencia de una irresuelta puja distributiva. Esta particular economía política de la captura puede ayudarnos a articular una explicación sobre la estabilidad del estancamiento.El juego de suma cero supone la existencia de cierta ineficiencia económica y esta a su vez supone la posibilidad de un sector público que gasta por encima de sus ingresos. A su vez, eso genera una crisis. Sin embargo, esa crisis fiscal no necesariamente supone una cesación de pagos. Della Paolera, Irigoin y Bózzoli hacen hincapié en un punto analíticamente central: para ellos, los problemas de incumplimiento del sector público argentino no tienen que medirse sólo en relación al default de bonos de la deuda sino al default interno que significa la desvalorización de la moneda local debido a la inflación causada por la excesiva monetización. La impresión de moneda local es una deuda que el Estado contrae con sus ciudadanos y la monetización de los déficits es, para los autores, una manera de incumplir con las obligaciones asumidas. Es decir, no sólo se pueden violar los derechos de propiedad a través de la cesación de pagos de bonos de la deuda publica sino también a través de la cesación de pagos de hecho que significa la impresión de moneda que genera procesos inflacionarios. En palabras de los autores:As was the case prior to 1850s, currency issue was the ultimate recourse taken to meet the fiscal gap. This was the result of the government's capacity to influence the authorities in charge of monetary policymaking. Eventually, excessive monetary expansion led to inflation and allowed the government to repudiate some of its liabilities. Because inflation diminished the real value of money, the monetization of the fiscal deficit acted as a progressive expropriation of domestic currency held by private agents, i.e., it acted as an inflation tax. This permanent erosion in the purchasing power of the public's cash holdings had dramatic consequences. Over time, this repeatedly used device reached extreme proportions: on a percentage basis, increases in the fiscal deficit were often met one-for-one with increases in inflation tax…The use of monetization to finance persistent fiscal deficits was one of the main problems of the Argentine economy in the second half of the 20th century. (12)Las crisis económicas pueden reflejarse en incumplimientos en el pago de bonos pero también en el valor de la moneda local. El sector público argentino ha sistemáticamente monetizado sus déficits y generado así ganadores y perdedores. Sin embargo, lo destacable del proceso ha sido la dificultad para modificar el patrón de captura. Es decir, una pregunta central que debe responder la historia económica no es la existencia de una puja distributiva sino la irresuelta permanencia de la misma. En este trabajo hemos intentado marcar que esa irresuelta permanencia se ha debido en parte a la compleja e inusual relación dada en un país que elige para modernizarse depender de la eficiencia del sector agropecuario. A su vez, ello no sólo generó la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la estabilidad de ese juego. La razón de la estabilidad hay que buscarla en la lógica de la acción colectiva: el incipiente sector industrial no sólo era ineficiente económicamente sino que se encontraba en una relación de poder asimétrica y ventajosa con el crecientemente desarticulado sector agropecuario, situación que contribuyó a institucionalizar el juego de suma cero incluso ante la sucesión de crisis fiscales.Consideraciones finales¿En qué medida el incipiente proceso de industrialización en marcha en los años 20' potenció un juego de suma cero entre el campo y la industria y, al hacerlo, ha contribuido a generar diversos ciclos de expansión populista que, dado su volatilidad, ayudaron a consolidar un marco institucional de sucesivas crisis? Es decir, ¿potencian los juegos de suma cero la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos?En el presente trabajo hemos intentado marcar una relación entre el juego de suma cero del campo y la industria y la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos en Argentina a partir de la institucionalización de la captura. ¿Cuál ha sido la particularidad de la economía política de la Argentina? Posiblemente, que la captura ha sido estable debido a que el proceso de modernización supuso la protección para la industria y no para el campo. Esto hizo estable la captura y una captura estable devino en sucesivas crisis fiscales que, a su vez, no podían generar un cambio posterior en los incentivos institucionales.La volatilidad del ciclo económico argentino ha sido producto en parte de la mala calidad de la puja distributiva. Una puja distributiva es de mala calidad cuando se institucionaliza una captura de un actor sobre otro y las sucesivas crisis (de mayor o menor volatilidad) no pueden modificar los incentivos. Si bien podemos enumerar decenas de pujas distributivas que permanecen en la misma dinámica, sin solución de continuidad, debemos preguntarnos qué tiene de distintivo la puja que surge con el proceso de industrialización. Lo distintivo es la concatenación con la Gran Depresión y la necesidad de desarrollar importantes inversiones en un sector agropecuario que debía competir con un mundo crecientemente protegido pero competitivo. A su vez, la mala calidad de la industrialización argentina se concatena con una eficiente articulación política del sector urbano-industrial. Asimismo, el peronismo institucionaliza este mecanismo y hace que la puja distributiva que había nacido fuera de difícil modificación incluso después de sucesivas y profundas crisis fiscales. BibliografíaDella Paolera, Gerardo y Alan Taylor. A New Economic History of Argentina. EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003.Di Tella, Guido y Manuel Zymelman. Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967. Díaz Alejandro, Carlos. Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Horacio Aguirre. In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s. Mimeo. Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003. Gerchunoff, Pablo y Damián Antúnez. "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo." En Los Años Peronistas, Vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, 125-205. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Lucas Llach. El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto. Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas. Ved en Trono a la noble igualdad. Crecimiento, equidad y política económica en la Argentina, 1880-2003. Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003.Paarlberg, Robert. "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches." The American Journal of Agricultural Economics71 (diciembre 1989): 1157-1164. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.Rocchi, Fernando. Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the- Century Argentina. PhD dissertation. Santa Barbara: UC Santa Barbara, 1997.Varshney, Ashutosh. "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective." Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 3-22.Villanueva, Javier. "El origen de la industrialización argentina." Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 1-24. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar.NOTAS(1) Ver Fernando Rocchi, Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina. Ph.D. dissertation (Santa Barbara: UC-Santa Barbara, 1997).(2) Ver Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman, Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967).(3) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Revista de Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 4. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar. (De aquí en adelante: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina").(4) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 6.(5) Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre, In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s.Mimeo (Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003), 1 y 20. El investigador Carlos Díaz Alejandro desacredita la posibilidad de la década del 20´ como un punto de inflexión. El historiador económico cubano demuestra que las tasas de crecimiento continuaban siendo elevadas y superiores a la tasa promedio de los países principales. Ver la clásica obra: Carlos Díaz Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970).(6) Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad. Crecimiento, Equidad y Política Económica en la Argentina: 1880-2003 (Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003), 3. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad).(7) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 7. (De aquí en adelante: Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective")(8) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Op. cit.: 7.(9) Robert Paarlberg, "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches," The American Journal of Agricultural Economics 71 (diciembre 1989): 1158. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.(10) Tomando en cuenta la mayor participación del sector industrial en el Producto Bruto Nacional, especificado anteriormente en el cuadro de Javier Villanueva titulado "Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufacturero".(11) Ver Pablo Gerchunoff y Damián Antúnez, "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo," en Los Años Peronistas, vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002).(12) Gerardo Della Paolera, María Alejandra Irigoin y Carlos G. Bózzoli, "Passing the buck: Monetary and fiscal policies," en A New Economic History of Argentina, ed. Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 72-73. A su vez, Della Paolera y Taylor desarrollan la relación entre moneda y baja calidad institucional en Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, Straining at the Anchor (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001). *Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina), maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Ha sido Profesora Adjunta en Historia Economica (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)
This article focuses on the historical productive restructuring of the oases in the semi-arid region of Cuyo, in central-western Argentina, particularly in the provinces of Mendoza and San Juan. From the 1990s onward, as in various latitudes of the arid-South American diagonal, the famous slogan of "making the desert bloom" has found in the agro-export boom its new raison d'être. Several areas of oasis agriculture production, traditionally structured around a surface-water distribution network, have undergone an expansion of their agricultural frontiers through intensive exploitation of its aquifers. Through groundwater access and the systematic application of modern irrigation technologies, domestic and foreign investors converted land branded as "dry", "marginal" or "empty" into sources of profit. As a result, several oases are increasingly serving export markets and ultimately a global diet. In these dry environments, commodity flows, as either fresh or processed goods, depend of course on significant water supply. In the case of world wine capitals like Mendoza and San Juan, such rural dynamics go hand in hand with the commodification of the countryside for the tourist and real estate sectors. By exercising effective control over land and (mostly underground) water corporate actors contribute to the growing commoditization and enclosure of spaces of the arid piedmonts.In this work we propose an analytical conceptualization of the oases as built environments, historically constructed through intensive and systematic water management. But we also understand them as an epistemic and ontological approach, challenging the usual society/nature dualism, as produced natures (Smith, 1984; Moore, 2015). Although the most recent agro-export restructuring of the oases were carried out within the framework of the current neoliberal and corporate agro-food regime, we show that such transformations are the culmination of a long insertion in the development of capitalism as a world ecology (Moore, 2015; Walker and Moore, 2019). From this hybrid, cross-border, and relational perspective we trace how the logic of endless capital accumulation and the production of nature have been central to the region's history.Cuyo rivers originate in the snow-crested mountain range of the Cordillera de los Andes and flow toward the lower plains providing diverted water for five main oases developed on the piedmont. In this arid land with 100-350 mm of annual precipitation, no rain-fed agriculture is possible; water control is thus essential for the subsistence of the created and domesticated oasis ecosystems. The irrigation of the piedmont oases dates back to remote times but an important change in land use came in the colonial period when oasis economy was gradually modified in order to develop cattle fattening activities dependent on irrigated alfalfa, and complemented by wine production and subsistence crops. Another mayor revolution came in the late nineteenth century with the arrival of the railroad and a massive wave of Mediterranean migration. At the time, the provincial government and elite became active in a hydraulic mission by financing the expansion of a run-of-the-river irrigation system. This hydraulic mission goes hand and hand with a process of land and water commodification that results in the dispossession of native and peasant groups from their traditional land and water rights. Concomitantly, such massive hydraulic infrastructure has been at the core of a winegrowing and winemaking historical production model, supplemented by other fruit and vegetable crops. This model, which has been boosted by the growth in the domestic consumption of low-quality table wine, entered into absolute collapse in 1980. Since the late 1980s larger and better capitalized firms began a process that would become known as the reconversión of the Argentine wine industry. As the decade of the 1990s progressed, Mendoza's oases started arousing great interest from transnational investors. At the same time a restructuring process started to reveal its spatial consequences: while some areas were abandoned, others expanded. In particular, the expansion of the agricultural frontier was made possible by intensive aquifer exploitation in the context of loosely regulated groundwater management. Led by intensive, mainly large-scale and export-oriented projects, this conquest of the piedmont involved not only the high-quality wine-making sector but also the production of fruit, tree nuts, vegetables and olive oil. Former "marginal lands" were now in the sights of firms, who saw the peripheral areas of the oases as potentially highly profitable. With access to groundwater, corporate actors became disconnected and independent from the complex run-off-the-river irrigation system by irrigating their fields at their leisure. In particular, drip irrigation was used not only to overcome physical constraints in conquering the new space of production but also to optimize farming performance, guaranteeing quality and quantity. Many business groups, seeking to diversify their activities or finding stability in the face of financial market turbulence, have chosen to combine export wine production with other sources of profit, such as tourism and luxury real estate complexes.Our article is structured in three moments. Firstly, we propose an ontology of the concept of oasis through the thesis of the production of nature. We will give an account of different forms of internalisation of nature through production in general, for exchange, and finally through the circulation and accumulation of capital. Secondly, we develop a periodization of capitalism in its relation to the production, commercialization and consumption of food, resorting to the discussions on the so-called agro-food regimes. From this approach, we propose to reconstruct the fragmented spatial trajectory of the main oases of Cuyo from their pre-Hispanic origin to their articulation in three successive regimes: the diaspora-agro-export, the mercantile-industrial and the neoliberal corporate regimes. Thirdly, drawing on the concept of commodity frontiers we focus on three products for export-markets: wine, olive oil and pre-fried potatoes. Drawing upon these short examples and in resonance with the world ecology approach we will show that the oases as such represent a renewed attempt to expand, but also to maintain active commodity frontiers. We argue that strategies employed by investors to gain access to the land and water –or to maintain their initial business plans– may encounter obstacles, such as policy shifts, legal constraints or lack of economic openness. In other words, the commodity frontier is not always a worry-free process. Finally, this work aims to show that the relational processes embodied by such commodities and frontier-making not only transcend the Cartesian binary society/nature, but also make more complex the comfortable compartmentalisation between local and global processes. ; En las últimas décadas, los oasis de Mendoza y San Juan (Argentina) se transformaron dramáticamente al calor de reestructuraciones agro-exportadoras que se produjeron en el marco del actual régimen agro-alimentario corporativo neoliberal. Estos procesos no son sino la culminación de una larga trayectoria de inserción en el desarrollo del capitalismo como ecología-mundo. De este modo, nos proponemos, desde este enfoque híbrido, transfronterizo y relacional, reconstruir históricamente la fragmentaria trayectoria espacial de los principales oasis cuyanos desde su origen prehispánico hasta su articulación en tres regímenes agroalimentarios sucesivos. En segundo término, nos proponemos describir la reciente expansión de la frontera agrícola mediante el uso no controlado de reservas de agua subterráneas en el marco del último régimen. Evidenciamos los procesos relacionales que, a partir del enfoque de la ecología-mundo, están a la base de la producción y comercialización de tres mercancías emblemáticas en estos oasis: el vino, el aceite de oliva y la papa prefrita. La metodología que adoptamos estuvo destinada a describir las trayectorias históricas de los oasis recurriendo a una selección de fuentes documentales y bibliografía regional. Entre los principales hallazgos encontramos que el tercer régimen agroalimentario permitió a los oasis agro-industriales una nueva expansión de fronteras de mercancías. Esta se sustentó en la explotación sistemática del agua subterránea, hasta este momento esencialmente complementaria a la fuente superficial. En este marco neoliberal, la agricultura de precisión permite el control de las etapas claves del proceso productivo a partir de criterios estandarizados de demanda internacional de calidad y cantidad. Como conclusión, entendemos que el acceso a fuentes de Naturaleza barata (ya sea agua, suelos o trabajo humano) permitió no sólo la elaboración de mercancías apetecibles en exigentes mercados mundiales, sino que también reconfiguró el propio modelo de gestión del agua desde uno más estatalista y socialmente condicionado a uno más privatista, telecontrolado y autónomo. No obstante, estos procesos de expansión de la frontera de mercancías están condicionados por elementos locales propios de dinámicas socioecológicas preexistentes, por lo que esta frontera encuentra límites, a menudo, infranqueables.
The main aim of the present article is to suggest the usefulness of a modern national security approach to analyze Latin American organized crime. This approach should transcend traditional public security perspectives to also incorporate broad and multi-causal explanations. The internal structure of the article includes an introduction, a main body and brief conclusions. First, from the point of view of citizen security, we will check some topics related to Latin American organized crime, focusing on three factors that increase and expand crime. Then we will analyze the current National Security concept, as a useful tool to be employed in the fight against this transnational threat. Finally, we will make a brief description of three regional cases where a modern national security perspective includes, as a relevant problem, organized crime. The article is particularly relevant since the dimension reached by organized crime in Latin America is a cause for concern, particularly in its most relevant manifestation: drug trafficking. This is a highly complex process that includes the cultivation, manufacture, trafficking, wholesale and retail sales to final customers of illicit substances. Although there is a large bibliography that shows the size and complexity of this threat, its direct impact on the high levels of different types of violence should be highlighted. Governments are making great efforts to neutralize this situation. Five years ago, the InterAmerican Development Bank reported that each year Latin American nations spend more than three percent of their Gross Domestic Product fighting against organized crime. But all those efforts have not yielded the expected results, as the Organization of American States concluded. The regional institution believes that without structural changes in current strategies against illegal drug trafficking, the general situation of the hemisphere will be worse in the medium term. From this point of view, considering not only the complexity of the threat but also the poor results obtained in the fight against it, our proposal is to make a new approach to the issue, from a modern conception of national security. This conception must include the traditional perspectives of public security, and also broader approaches linked to citizen security. Public security is a service provided by the state and basically refers to the prevention and suppression of crime, preserving and ensuring public order. Citizen security, on the other hand, has a direct link with the exercise of duties and rights, and social cohesion. In Latin America, the closest antecedent to current citizen security is the concept of "multidimensional security," which was approved by the Organization of American States in 2003. Another antecedent is the concept of "human security," which was conceived by the United Nations Development Program in 1994. In terms of citizen security, insecurity and crime are not the effect of a single cause. Instead, they are the consequence of a combination of several factors (for example, dysfunctional families, social exclusion, environmental degradation, etc.). Citizen security proposes to combat them by applying public policies that include and articulate measures aimed at improving the social, political and economic situation. A focus on organized crime in Latin America from the perspective of citizen security helps us to obtain a holistic framework on this topic, and to detect "key facilitators". In this sense, there are three main factors that show a direct influence on the spread and worsening of organized crime in Latin America. These factors are not limited to the level of public security, reaching the wide sphere of citizen security, and they are corruption, impunity and state weakness. In a context of state weakness and insufficient "culture of legality", the public sector not only shows high permeability to criminal influence, but also tries to secure contacts and consolidate communication channels with illegal actors, closing covert agreements with them. This is the so-called "gray zone policy". In this kind of model of coexistence and interaction between legal institutions and criminal organizations, the latter helps the former to guarantee political control and stability. At the same time, legitimacy, impunity and even prestige are obtained in the political and social circles. Impunity, which means "crime without punishment", is another important factor in the rise of organized crime in Latin America. It shows a direct link with other facilitators, especially corruption. Impunity has a direct influence on the perception of illegality and erodes citizens' trust in legal institutions and authorities. Finally, the fragility of the state is another key factor strongly related to the increase of organized crime in Latin America, because illegal groups take advantage of every failure linked to governance. Perhaps the most common manifestation of the link between state fragility and organized crime is related to the state's inability to effectively control its territory. The specialist bibliography refers to these places as "stateless" or "black hole" sectors. This failure helps to consolidate the illegal actor, who becomes a "de facto" local political authority, deploying his activities in a highly autonomous way. Some investigations based on cases from Mexico and Brazil show that organized crime acts in this way not because it is concerned about people's well-being, but because it is a tool for social domination and, ultimately, for the accumulation of power. As already mentioned, a modern conception of National Security could be an effective instrument to combat this transnational threat in Latin America. It allows the traditional perspectives of public security to be articulated with broader approaches to citizen security that focus on corruption, impunity and the fragility of the state. Today, national security includes a comprehensive approach to heterogeneous threats and risks and can be applied in the fight against organized crime. The case of Spain confirms this statement. However, the success of this proposal is conditioned by the current perception of national security in the region and its evolution in the last forty years regarding the so-called "Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional" (Doctrine of National Security). This concept refers to a kind of directive that was adopted by several Latin American governments, most of them authoritarian regimes, during the Cold War. In recent years, there have been serious attempts to consolidate this modern approach in Latin America. In this sense, new laws and doctrines were implemented in Mexico, Guatemala and Argentina, with full respect for individual liberties and human rights. In those three countries, the state ratified its commitment to combat organized crime, and the topic was included in its national security documents. The viability of these attempts in Latin America, and other initiatives that may be implemented in the future, are strongly conditioned by two factors: a real and true commitment by political elites to fight organized crime, and the definitive closure of the anachronistic Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional, associated with the Cold War era. ; En el actual panorama de seguridad latinoamericano adquiere particular relevancia la criminalidad organizada, con un nítido correlato de violencia. Para enfrentar con eficacia esta situación, las naciones de la región han realizado importantes esfuerzos, que hasta hoy no ha arrojado los resultados esperados, de acuerdo a la propia Organización de Estados Americanos.El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en plantear la utilidad que puede reportar un moderno enfoque de seguridad nacional, amplio y abarcativo, para realizar un abordaje integral al flagelo de la criminalidad en la región. Ese enfoque debe trascender las perspectivas tradicionales de seguridad pública, que enfatizan en la prevención y represión del delito, para incluir además lecturas multicausales más amplias, propias de la seguridad ciudadana. El punto de vista de la seguridad ciudadana permite detectar tres factores de clara incidencia directa en la difusión y profundización de la criminalidad organizada en América Latina: la corrupción, la impunidad y la fragilidad estatal con insuficiente gobernabilidad.Nuestro análisis sostiene que en América Latina es posible adoptar una concepción de seguridad nacional moderna y dinámica, lejos de la controvertida Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional de la Guerra Fría. Esa concepción debe reconocer la heterogeneidad de amenazas y riesgos contemporáneos, y que combine seguridad pública y seguridad ciudadana en la lucha contra el crimen organizado. Argentina, Guatemala y México son ejemplos de la adopción de modernos enfoques de este tipo, perfectamente compatibles con la vigencia del sistema democrático y el respeto a los derechos humanos.El artículo se estructura en una introducción, un desarrollo dividido en tres partes, y unas breves conclusiones. En el desarrollo, primero se revisarán algunas cuestiones atinentes a la criminalidad latinoamericana, identificando tres elementos que inciden en su crecimiento y expansión, y que son abordables desde una perspectiva de seguridad ciudadana. Luego se describirán los límites y contenidos del moderno concepto seguridad nacional, señalando que sus alcances pueden incluir el combate al crimen organizado. En tercer lugar, identificaremos y describiremos someramente tres casos de aplicación en América Latina de una concepción moderna de seguridad nacional que incluyen, dentro de sus áreas de incumbencia, a la criminalidad organizada.
The Yasuní - ITT Initiative represented an innovative and cutting-edge proposal of the Ecuadorian State. It aimed to position a priority change in the prevailing development model, based on the preservation of fundamental environmental goods and services for life Earth, and to the co-responsibility of the State in this objective globally. This initiative sought the support of the international community on the decision of the State to not exploit the "Ishpingo - Tiputini - Tambococha" (ITT) oil field, located in the northeast of the Yasuní National Park in the Ecuadorian Amazon, where there are proven reserves of crude oil of at least 920 million barrels. These measures represented for the Ecuadorian economy, to renounce to a potential income of 7,000 million dollars while avoiding the emission into the atmosphere of approximately 407 million tons of CO2. It was the focal point of the President of Ecuador's speech when he formally presented the initiative to the United Nations General Assembly on September 24, 2007. An outstanding element that, likewise, was intended to be guaranteed with the development of this initiative, was the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples in voluntary isolation, who live mainly within the Yasuní National Park known as the Tagaeri and Taromenane. The non-exploitation of the ITT Block would have strengthened the protection measures implemented by the Government of Ecuador, through the creation of an Intangible Zone that prohibits extractive activities within the perimeter considered an ancestral territory occupied by these peoples. Until August 15, 2013, when President Rafael Correa himself issued the Executive Decree No. 074 that ordained the termination of the escrow created to finance the Yasuní-ITT Initiative, the aim of the initiative had meant an emblem of the country's foreign policy. The support that it had achieved by an increasing number of sectors and social movements at the national level, as well as various states, international organizations, and personalities worldwide, finally did not materialize with the expected economic contribution. According to the records of the initiative, towards the end of its validity, about thirteen and a half million dollars were collected, when the minimum amount of contribution required to leave the oil underground and operate the fund with which they would develop projects of conservation and sustainability, was of 100 million dollars until 2011, and of 3.6 billion dollars in 13 years. Beyond the readings and understandings generated as a result of its termination and the subsequent decision of the Ecuadorian Government to move forward with the plan to exploit Oil Blocks 31 and 43 within the Yasuní National Park, the impulse of the Yasuní-ITT Initiative transcended on the agendas of public policies at national and international levels. Thus, while internally, it led to an unprecedented debate in the population about the advantages and disadvantages of the relationship between extractive activities vs. nature conservation. At an external level, it influenced the exploration of new ways for governments to contribute to agreements on climate change. Its unfulfillment allowed once again the extraction of oil, which, as in the color of the latter, meant deep learning of an ethical dilemma that tears down the conscience of our civilization. KEY WORDS: Intangible zone, conservation, national interest, indigenous people, renewable resources. JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: Q56, H23 ; RESUMENLa Iniciativa Yasuní – ITT representó una propuesta innovadora y de vanguardia del Estado ecuatoriano, orientada a posicionar a nivel mundial un cambio de prioridades en el modelo de desarrollo imperante con base a la preservación de bienes y servicios ambientales fundamentales para la vida en el planeta y a la corresponsabilidad de los Estados en este objetivo. Buscó para ello el apoyo de la comunidad internacional a la decisión estatal de no explotar el campo petrolero "Ishpingo – Tiputini – Tambococha" (ITT), ubicado al noreste del Parque Nacional Yasuní, en la Amazonía ecuatoriana, donde existían reservas probadas de crudo de petróleo de al menos 920 millones de barriles. Esta medida representaba para la economía ecuatoriana, prescindir de un ingreso potencial de 7000 mil millones de dólares, al tiempo de evitar la emisión a la atmósfera de aproximadamente 407 millones de toneladas de CO2. Este fue el planteamiento central del discurso del Presidente del Ecuador al presentar formalmente la iniciativa ante la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, el 24 de septiembre de 2007. Un elemento destacado que, igualmente, se buscaba proteger con el desarrollo de esta iniciativa, era la tutela del derecho de los pueblos indígenas en aislamiento voluntario que habitan principalmente dentro del Parque Nacional Yasuní, conocidos como los Tagaeri y Taromenane. La no explotación del Bloque ITT fortalecería la medida de protección implementada por el Gobierno de Ecuador a través de la creación de una Zona Intangible que prohibía las actividades extractivas dentro del perímetro que se consideraba como el que ancestralmente ocupan dichos pueblos. Hasta el 15 de agosto de 2013, cuando el propio Presidente Rafael Correa expidió el Decreto Ejecutivo No.074 que dispuso la terminación del fideicomiso creado para financiar la Iniciativa Yasuní-ITT, el impulso de la misma constituyó un emblema de la política exterior del país. El respaldo que sumó en sus inicios por parte de un creciente número de sectores y movimientos sociales a nivel nacional, así como de varios Estados, organismos internacionales y personalidades a nivel mundial, finalmente no se concretó con el aporte económico esperado. De acuerdo a los registros de la Iniciativa, hacia el final de su vigencia se habían recaudado cerca de 13 millones y medio de dólares, cuando el monto mínimo requerido de aporte para dejar el petróleo bajo tierra y que opere el fondo con el que se desarrollarían proyectos de conservación y desarrollo sostenible, era de 100 millones de dólares hasta el 2011 y de 3600 millones en trece años.Más allá de las lecturas y comprensiones que generó su terminación y la posterior decisión del Gobierno ecuatoriano de avanzar con el proyecto de explotación de los Bloques Petroleros 31 y 43 dentro del Parque Nacional Yasuní, el impulso de la Iniciativa Yasuní-ITT logró trascender en las agendas de las políticas públicas del nivel nacional e internacional. Así, mientras a lo interno propició un debate inédito en la población sobre las ventajas y desventajas de la relación existente entre actividades extractivas vs. conservación de la naturaleza, a nivel externo incidió en la exploración de nuevas formas de contribución de los Estados a los compromisos sobre el cambio climático. Su no concreción para dar paso nuevamente a la extracción de petróleo es, como éste, un oscuro aprendizaje de un dilema ético que desgarra la conciencia de nuestra civilización. ABSTRACTThe Yasuní - ITT Initiative represented an innovative and cutting-edge proposal of the Ecuadorian State. It aimed to position a priority change in the prevailing development model, based on the preservation of fundamental environmental goods and services for life Earth, and to the co-responsibility of the State in this objective globally. This initiative sought the support of the international community on the decision of the State to not exploit the "Ishpingo - Tiputini - Tambococha" (ITT) oil field, located in the northeast of the Yasuní National Park in the Ecuadorian Amazon, where there are proven reserves of crude oil of at least 920 million barrels. These measures represented for the Ecuadorian economy, to renounce to a potential income of 7,000 million dollars while avoiding the emission into the atmosphere of approximately 407 million tons of CO2. It was the focal point of the President of Ecuador's speech when he formally presented the initiative to the United Nations General Assembly on September 24, 2007. An outstanding element that, likewise, was intended to be guaranteed with the development of this initiative, was the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples in voluntary isolation, who live mainly within the Yasuní National Park known as the Tagaeri and Taromenane. The non-exploitation of the ITT Block would have strengthened the protection measures implemented by the Government of Ecuador, through the creation of an Intangible Zone that prohibits extractive act. KEY WORDS: Intangible zone, conservation, national interest, indigenous people, renewable resources. JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: Q56, H23
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :행정대학원 행정학과(행정학전공),2019. 8. 이수영. ; Culture and arts policy is national policy action to improve the quality of life by promoting cultural and art activities of the people. In most countries, support for arts and culture has become a universal policy. The government regards art as public goods, corrects market failure (Baumol;2012), and supports arts to promote the social benefits of art. Also, many governments have included not only artistic activities but also various cultural activities enjoyed by the people in their daily life within the scope of culture and arts policies. However, as the government's budget for the art has grown, there have been many debates and confrontation concerning government arts funding. Arts advocates say the arts programs can benefit communities both regarding individual enrichment and as a tool for driving economic development. In contrast, the critics insist government arts funding using tax can threaten the autonomy and creativity of arts. These days, the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism (MCST) in Korea have funded a lot of culture and arts projects. MCST's budget is approximately $5.28 billion won in 2019, and the ministry awarded the budget to local governments and art organizations. In 2005, MCST changed the Culture and Arts Agency into the Arts Council Korea. This change was the effort to ensure the autonomy of art based on the arm's length principle. The Arts Council Korea comprises nationally and internationally renowned artists, distinguished scholars, and arts patrons appointed by the President like National Endowment for the Arts (NEA). The council, not MCST, reviews and makes recommendations for art funding. However, Korean artists and art organizations highly depend on central government support. So, Park Geun-Hye administration made a 'blacklist' and exclude artists from government funding. As a result, the government's budget support caused a negative impact on the autonomy of the Korean Arts. Therefore, many people insist that Korean culture and arts policy need to be changed from the central government-driven to the private sector-led. Also, the "arm's length principle" that supports art but does not intervene art is also becoming more important in Korea. Reflecting this, the primary goal of MCST in 2018 is 'Innovation in Cultural Administration.' The ministry tries to coordinate their role in art funding and find new ways to encourage the autonomy of arts organizations. Even if there is a problem with the government-centered support, transferring authority to related organizations and private sectors cannot be the only solution. This study will analyze how the policy implementation makes a difference in policy performance such as the satisfaction of the people and the achievement of the policy goal. This research will compare the successful case with failure case; Travel week and Art education. My hypothesis is the more central government share their authority with local government, public agency and the private sector in the policy implementation, the higher policy performance they can get. The first major finding was that the fact that the central government has a higher authority in culture and arts policies does not mean low policy performance. As shown in the case of travel week, even if the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism had more authority in implementing policies in legal, organizational and budgetary aspects, policy performance was so high. In contrast, in the case of arts education, MCST transferred legal and organizational authority to ARTE and the regional centers. Also, the second major finding was that when the central government gives authority to local governments or public institutions in culture and arts policies, the hypothesis that policy performance will be high does not apply to arts education. This study has identified that even if decentralized, policy performance cannot be higher when the accredited institutions have failed to manage policy performance properly. Above all, arts education shows that even if the central government, local government, and public institutions share their roles and cooperate, policy performance cannot be high if this division of roles is not efficient. In conclusion, the hypothesis presented at the beginning of the study does not apply to travel weeks and art education. The findings of this study will suggest art policy implementation that can guarantee the autonomy of arts and the accountability of policy. These findings will contribute in several ways to our understanding of government art funding and provide an implication for how government supports the arts. ; 문화예술 정책이란, "국민의 문화예술활동을 진작시켜 삶의 질을 향상시키기 위한 국가 차원의 정책적 행위"이다. 대부분의 국가에서 문화예술에 대한 지원은 보편적인 정책이 되었다. 예술을 공공재로 보고 시장실패(Baumol)를 교정하고, 예술로 인한 사회적 편익 때문에 국가는 예술에 대해 지원을 한다. 또한 예술행위만이 아니라 국민이 일상에서 향유하는 다양한 문화활동도 문화예술정책의 범위 안에 포함되고 있다. 그러나 문화예술에 대한 중앙정부의 지원의 양과 범위가 확대되면서 정부 지원의 사회적 편익, 또는 지원의 경제적 파급효과와 관련된 갈등이 나타나고 있다. 특히 정부의 조세를 활용한 문화예술 활동이 문화예술의 창조성을 침해한다는 비판이 있다. 현재 한국의 문화예술정책의 정책 추진체계에서는 다수의 문화예술사업이 중앙정부를 통해 예산이 편성되고, 지자체, 문화예술 유관기관, 민간단체로 예산이 전달되고 있다. 정부는 2005년 문화예술진흥원에서 문화예술위원회로 문화예술정책 추진체계를 바꾸면서, '팔길이의 원칙'을 기반으로 한 예술 지원의 자율성을 확보하고자 하였다. 그러나 한국 문화예술의 중앙정부에 대한 의존도는 높았다. 그 결과, '블랙리스트'라는 정부의 예산 지원이 민간의 자율성을 침해한 사건이 발생하였다. 따라서 문화예술정책은 국가주도형에서 민간주도형으로 변화할 것을 요구받고 있다. 이것은 문화예술정책에서 문화체육관광부 중심이 아닌, 중앙정부, 지자체, 공공기관, 민간단체의 역할 분담과 추진 구조 개편을 의미한다. 또한 지원은 하되 간섭은 하지 않는다는 '팔길이의 원칙'도 다시 부각이 되고 있다. 이를 반영하여 2018년 문화체육관광부 업무 계획의 주요 목표는 '문화행정의 혁신'이다. 문화체육관광부는 문화예술위원회의 개편과 함께 지원 기관 간의 역할을 조정하고, 예술단체의 자생력을 높일 수 있는 지원방식을 찾고자 한다. 올해 5월 '사람이 있는 문화–문화비전 2030'를 통해, 한국문화예술위원회의 명칭을 '한국예술위원회'로 변경하고 예술 지원 독립기구로서의 위상을 강화하는 계획을 발표했다. 소위원회를 현장 예술인 중심으로 구성해 상시적 협치 구조를 마련할 계획이다. 문화체육관광부는 예술지원의 '팔길이원칙'을 구현하기 위해 '지원 심의 불간섭 원칙'을 천명하고, 정책 수립과 행정적·재정적 지원에 집중하는 한편 지원금 배분은 예술위에서 독립적으로 수행하고자 한다. 그러나, 문화예술정책에서 중앙정부 중심의 지원에 문제가 있다고 해도, 정책 집행과정에서의 분권화가 정책 성과에서 어떠한 변화를 가져오는지에 대한 분석 없이, 관련 기관과 민간 부문에 권한을 이양하는 것을 유일한 해결책으로 볼 수는 없다. 따라서 본 연구는 여행주간과 학교예술강사파견이라는 두가지 사례를 정책 집행과 정책성과를 비교 분석하여, 문화예술정책 집행과정에서의 분권화가 국민의 만족도, 정책 목표 달성 등 정책 성과에서 어떻게 차이를 만드는지를 분석하였다. 이를 위해 문화예술정책의 집행에서 '중앙정부가 법적, 조직적, 예산적 측면에서 가장 큰 권한을 가질수록, 정책 성과는 낮아질 것이다.'라는 가설을 설정하였다. 본 연구는 두 가지 주요한 연구 결과를 도출하였다. 첫째, 중앙정부가 문화예술정책집행에 있어 더 많은 권한을 가지고 있을 때, 정책성과가 낮다는 것을 의미하지 않는다. 여행주간에서, 문화체육관광부가 법률, 조직, 예산 측면에서 정책을 집행할 수 있는 권한을 지방정부, 공공기관 등에 비해 더 많이 가지고 있음에도 정책성과는 우수했다. 둘째, 중앙정부가 지방정부나 공공기관에 문화예술정책의 권한을 이양하여, 분권화를 시도할 때, 정책 성과가 높을 것이라는 가설은 문화예술교육에는 적용되지 않았다. 예술강사파견 사업에서 문화체육관광부는 법적, 조직적 권한을 한국문화예술교육진흥원과 지역문화예술교육지원센터에 이양했다. 즉, 예술강사파견사업은 분권화를 하더라도, 중앙정부와 지방자치단체, 공공기관 등의 역할 분담이 효율적이지 않으면 정책 성과가 높을 수 없다는 것을 보여주었다. 즉, 연구에서 제시된 가설은 여행주간과 문화예술교육에는 적용되지 않는다. ; Table of Contents Abstract ⅰ List of Tables ⅷ List of Figures ⅸ Chapter Ⅰ Introduction 1 1. Background and Purpose of the Research 1 2. Scope of the Research 4 Chapter Ⅱ Literature Review 5 1. Theoretical Background 5 1.1 Models of public support for the arts 5 1.2. The arm's length principle in arts 7 1.3 Culture and arts policy process of major countries 8 1.4 Culture and arts policy process of Korea 13 1.5 Pros and Cons for government art funding 16 2. Previous studies on culture and arts policy implementation and performance 19 2.1 The relationship between policy implementation and policy performance 19 2.2 The decentralization in culture and arts policy 21 2.3 The policy performance in culture and arts policy 26 3. Conceptual framework and theory 28 3.1 Culture and Arts Policy implementation: Decentralization and Cultural Governance 28 3.2. Policy performance in culture and arts policy 30 4. Summary of Literature Review 32 Chapter Ⅲ Research Design and Methodology 34 1. Research Questions 34 2. Analytical Framework 35 2.1 Independent Variable 35 2.2 Dependent Variable 37 3. Methodology 38 3.1 Two case studies of culture and arts policy 38 3.2 The Cases to be studied 39 3.3 Source of Data 41 Chapter Ⅳ Analysis 42 1. Policy Definition 42 1.1 Travel week 42 1.2 Support for arts instructors in schools 43 2. Policy Implementation 45 2.1. Legal aspect (Law and guideline) 45 2.2. Organizational aspect 52 2.3. Financial aspect 58 3. Comparative Analysis of Policy Performance 61 3.1. Structure of Fiscal Program Self-Assessment (MOEF) 61 3.2 Comparing the total score of the Fiscal Program Self-Assessment 63 3.3 Travel week 63 3.4 Art education 67 4. Lessons learned from the comparative analysis of the policy implementation 69 4.1 Policy implementation and policy performance 69 4.2. Travel Week 71 4.3 Art Education 74 Chapter Ⅴ Conclusion 81 References 84 Abstract in Korean 91 ; Master
Not Available ; Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is indeed an honor for us to be here with you in the presence of our honorable host, Dr. Raghava Reddy, the Honorable Minister of Agriculture, Mr. Raghu Veera Reddy, Asian PGPR board members and the many other scientists and entrepreneurs who have come to participate in this Congress. It is our privilege to welcome all of you. To me, this is a very special and a spectacular way of coming to our mother land, particularly Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh to speak to you about PGPR technology. The initial idea of having the First Asian PGPR Congress in Hyderabad was sparked by Dr. Y. R. Sarma, when he visited me in Auburn, Alabama, USA, seven months ago. We wanted to have an outlet where we could have alternative workshops and congresses that could be more accessible to people in this region of the world, given that it is difficult for many people interested in PGPR research to attend every International Conference. From those ideas we arrive at this Congress in Hyderabad. The creation of biotechnologies, bio-businesses, biotechnopreneurs, bio-farmers, bio-students and bio-billionaires is the theme of this "ASIAN PGPR CONGRESS FOR SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE". What is PPGR? Why Asian PGPR? Let's take a moment to discuss PGPR and its importance. Plant growth promoting rhizobacteria (PGPR) are root associated bacteria representing many different genera and species that colonize the rhizosphere, rhizoplane and improve plant growth when artificially introduced onto seeds, seedpieces, roots, or into soil. PGPR improve plant growth by one or more mechanisms: direct stimulation of plant growth; enhancement of nutrient uptake; suppression of plant pathogens; and/or induction of resistance in host plants against pathogens. The first PGPR Workshop was held in Canada in 1987 and since then the workshop has been held every three years at various locations around the world: Switzerland (1990), Australia (1994), Japan (1997), Argentina (2000), India (2003) and The Netherlands (2006). The 8th International PGPR Workshop was held very recently in the Portland, Oregon, USA (2009). xviii Plant Growth Promotion by Rhizobacteria for Sustaninable Agriculture In 2003, the PGPR workshop held in India achieved considerable recognition and was attended by more than 300 delegates. Since then, PGPR research has increased exponentially and has resulted in continued boosting of new companies in a growing industry for the production of PGPR related products in India. Asian PGPR Congress for Sustainable Agriculture aims to assemble any professional who want to gain and share their knowledge on PGPR under one roof and to present their views on the following themes: • Status of PGPR research • PGPR applications in crops • Biofertilizers and PGPR in integrated nutrient management • Mechanisms, signaling, plant responses, bioactive metabolites • Plant pathogen - PGPR interactions • Farmers – academia - industry interaction • Biogeography, genomics, bioinformatics • Rhizosphere interactions, climate change and new technologies • Round table discussion on research – industry - policy interfacing • Commercialization, regulatory issues, trade barriers in PGPR • Human resource development and transfer of technology Today, many economically important agricultural, horticultural and ornamental crop plants are attacked by various soil borne and foliar diseases, resulting in billions of dollars in crop losses. Currently, the most widely used disease management strategy is the use of chemical fungicides. However, the use of these fungicides has encountered problems, such as development of resistance by pathogen to fungicides and rapid degradation of the chemicals. Other factors leading to increased interest in alternatives include the increasing cost of soil fumigation, lack of suitable replacements for methyl bromide and public concerns over exposure to fungicides. Both the agriculture and agri-food sector are now expected to move toward environmentally sustainable development, while maintaining productivity. These concerns and expectations have led to renewed interest on the use of "biologically based pest management strategies". One approach to such biologically based strategies is the use of naturally occurring and environmentally safe products such as PGPR. It has long been known that many microorganisms in the soil root ecosystem are attracted by nutrients exuded by plant roots. This soil-root ecozone is called rhizosphere. Many bacteria from the rhizosphere can influence plant growth and plant health positively, and we refer to them as PGPR. The beneficial effect of these bacteria have been variously attributed to their ability to produce various compounds including phytohormones, organic acids and siderophores, fixation of atmospheric Preface xix nitrogen, phosphate solubilization, antibiotics that suppress deleterious rhizobacteria or to some other unidentified mechanisms. Worldwide, PGPR technology is being considered as the latest pursuit for expertise in knowledge intensive sectors. Currently, the global agriculture biotech industry is valued at an estimated US$ 45 billion and is expected to grow at 25% annually. Indian Ag biotechnology industry is currently valued at US$ 2.5 billion. Much of the credit for growth of the Indian Ag biotechnology industry goes to the government that created a separate department for biotechnology under the Ministry of Science and Technology. Our state governments are also equal contributors towards making India an emerging hub of Ag biotechnology. Today, we have the benefit of having both Central and State Governments partnering with us for this congress. I see similar capabilities in all participating Asian countries and we all inherently have the strengths, excellent networks of research laboratories, rich biodiversity, well-developed seed industries and most importantly highly skilled and trained pool of scientific manpower. Today, Asian countries are slowly but steadily preparing themselves for an emerging Ag biotechnology revolution. The success in this sector, however, depends on a number of enabling factors like facilitating venture capital funding, technology absorption and strengthening of links between the industry, academic and government institutions, not only within each country but amongst all Asian countries and our International partners. The green revolution of agriculture brought an enormous increase in food production. It not only made the world self sufficient in food but also gave the world's scientists and farmers an immense amount of selfrespect. Though the green revolution did increase food production, the productivity levels have remained low and increase was achieved at a cost of intensive use of water, fertilizer and other inputs which have caused problems of soil salinity, ground water pollution, nutrient imbalances, emergence of new pest and diseases and environmental degradation. To feed the ever increasing population globally and in Asia more and more food now has to be produced from less and less land, water and other natural resources. It is therefore apparent that we have to do things differently and doing more of what we did yesterday will not take us forward. With the advent of PGPR technology and its use on crops, we can achieve higher productivity, better quality, improved nutrition, improved storage properties, increased pests and disease resistance and achieve higher prices for farmers in the global market place. PGPR technology has the immense potential of eradicating rural poverty and fueling Asia's GDP growth. By exploiting our knowledge of PGPR technology we have the opportunity to make Asia the global center of bioresearch. The PGPR industry is a relatively new venture, just coming out of its infancy. Its potential is being tested, realized and used. The public xx Plant Growth Promotion by Rhizobacteria for Sustaninable Agriculture awareness and acceptance of PGPR will accelerate the process. Currently these are being supplemented by private individual entrepreneurs for developing PGPR products for local needs as well as for the export market. Technologies are flowing into the country due to the changed economic scenario. With continued support we can soon become global players in PGPR technology. I hope I have been able to impart upon you the great enthusiasm I feel about the future through the use of PGPR. We must bring about a massive collective global effort dedicated to funding new research in PGPR's. I encourage all of you here to bolster the spirit in your colleagues and yourselves as you now enable Asia to become a world leader in the application of PGPR technology to the betterment of our agriculture. I am confident that by working together we can overcome the obstacles and seize the opportunities in the PGPR technologies in the new millennium. I am taking this opportunity to call upon all stakeholders from the wide range of Asian countries to join hands and use PGPR to make our world a better place to live. Join me and let us see the future we can create with PGPR through this Congress. ; Not Available
La investigación se propuso analizar el "regreso" del Estado en la escena del desarrollo en los países latinoamericanos en medio de un persistente escenario capitalista global de raigambre neoliberal. Centrándose en la experiencia argentina reciente (2003-2015), el trabajo analiza la estructura y la implicación estatal en el ámbito industrial-pyme. Sistematiza los recursos institucionales que se pusieron en movimiento (financieros, humanos, organizativos) para dinamizar el desarrollo industrial, entendiendo a este como un proceso de transformación de la matriz productiva y de los actores dominantes. Este trabajo aborda al Estado, y a las políticas públicas que implementa, como un objeto disputado en un marco histórico y espacial amplio de hegemonía e intereses neoliberales. En ese carácter disputado se expresa la presencia de redes políticas y económicas globales que buscan deshabilitar y fragmentar las estructuras estatales y con ello el poder del Estado como actor estratégico para dinamizar el desarrollo industrial. La dinámica y trayectoria doméstica son importantes en su configuración, pero bajo la globalización los actores globales han ganado mayor influencia con el objetivo de ampliar la dinámica global de acumulación capitalista. Desde esta perspectiva, si bien el Estado condensa y estructura recursos (financieros, humanos, organizacionales) que resultan estratégicos para concretar el desarrollo industrial, la influencia de las dinámicas y actores globales se aprecia en la adopción de determinada la modalidad de implicación o posicionamiento estatal que configura esa estructuración. El análisis se propuso dos objetivos. Por un lado, uno de carácter teórico referido a analizar la estructura estatal y la implicación estatal en el desarrollo y la incidencia de las redes políticas globales. Como un área donde las reformas neoliberales afectaron con mayor profundidad, el ámbito industrial-pyme se presenta como una particular arena de política pública para estudiar el modo en que organismos internacionales tales como BM, BID, o PNUD, incidieron la modalidad de implicación y configuración estructural del Estado nacional. Por otro lado, como objetivo práctico referido al análisis empírico, se evalúa una de las experiencias neodesarrollistas latinoamericanas. Tomando la experiencia argentina como ejemplo, el período kirchnerista (2003-2015) (Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández) fue un campo fértil para analizar las instancias estatales específicas, y buscar allí alguna explicación sobre la continuidad de ciertos rasgos heredados (concentrada, extranjerizada y centrada en los recursos naturales) que impidieron avances en materia de complejidad y densidad industrial y acentuaron las restricciones propias de la dinámica de desarrollo en los países periféricos. Desde el lente teórico planteado y frente a un regreso estatal que culminó resultando poco satisfactorio, ¿cuál fue la centralidad que asumió la el Ministerio de Industria para direccionar a los actores productivos industriales-pyme hacia dinámicas y sectores más avanzados y complejos? ¿cómo incidieron los organismos internacionales en su estructura o en alguno de sus componentes? Combinando una metodología cualitativa y cuantitativa en donde se analizaron fuentes documentales y se realizaron entrevistas a funcionarios y gestores estatales, la investigación se centró en examinar el Ministerio de Industria de la Nación creado en 2009, y los canales por los cuales los organismos internacionales incidieron en su configuración. El análisis giró en torno a la trayectoria del ministerio, sus competencias, su organización, los recursos financieros y humanos disponibles en sus secretarías, políticas y programas, así como en la implementación del Plan Estratégico Industrial 2020. Así mismo, se profundizó el análisis en dos programas pyme vinculados a organismos internacionales: el Programa de Acceso al Crédito y Competitividad (PACC) (BID), y el Programa Sistemas Productivos Locales (SPL) (PNUD). Los hallazgos de la investigación muestran que la jerarquización del ámbito industrial, no obstante constituirse en un acontecimiento institucional relevante, se presentó también como un proceso de ahuecamiento de competencias y recursos, lo que redundó en la ausencia de centralidad como instancia estratégica para el desarrollo industrial. Se observó la pérdida del control y coordinación de la gestión del comercio exterior en 2011, como un bajo nivel de financiamiento e incentivo al sector industrial, el cual tendió a reproducir la matriz sectorial y actoral preexistente. Además, fue el ministerio con menor cantidad de personal y un índice de contratación superior a otras instancias estatales. Al mismo tiempo, al focalizar en el ámbito pyme, se observó un proceso de fragmentación basado en la profundización de la modalidad de implicación por programas vinculada a los organismos internacionales, donde la implementación del Plan Estratégico Industrial 2020 en 2011 con su impronta de cadena de valor y con escasos recursos asignados, no introdujo cambios significativos. ; The research proposed to analyse the "return" of the State in the development scene in Latin American countries amid a persistent global capitalist scenario with neoliberal roots. Focusing on the recent Argentine experience (2003-2015), the work analyses the structure and state involvement in the industrial-SME sector. It systematizes the institutional resources that were set in motion (financial, human, organizational) to boost industrial development, understanding this as a process of transformation of the productive matrix. This work to examine the State, and the public policies it implements, as an object contested within a broad historical and spatial framework of neoliberal hegemony and interests. Under this contested character is expressed the presence of global political and economic networks that seek to disable and fragment state structures and with it the power of the State as a strategic actor to boost industrial development. The dynamics and domestic trajectory are important in their configuration, but under globalization, global actors have gained greater influence to expand the global dynamics of capitalist accumulation. From this perspective, although the State condenses and structures resources (financial, human, organizational) that are strategic to achieve industrial development, the influence of global dynamics and actors can be seen in the adoption of certain modalities of state involvement or positioning. that configures that structuring. The analysis proposed two objectives. On the one hand, one of a theoretical nature referred to analyse the state structure and the state involvement in the development and incidence of global political networks. As an area where the neoliberal reforms affected in greater depth, the industrial-SME sector is presented as a public policy arena to study the way in which international organizations such as the World Bank, IDB, or UNDP, influenced the modality of involvement and configuration structural of the State. On the other hand, as a practical objective referred to the empirical analysis, one of the Latin American neo-developmental experiences is evaluated. Taking the Argentine experience as an example, the Kirchner period (2003-2015) (Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández) was a fertile ground to analyse the specific state instances, and to find there some explanation about the continuity of certain inherited traits (concentrated, foreignized and focused on natural resources) that impeded progress in terms of complexity and industrial density and accentuated the constraints of the dynamics of development in peripheral countries. From this framework and in front of a state return that ended up being unsatisfactory, what was the centrality that the Ministry of Industry assumed to direct the productive industrial-SME actors towards more advanced and complex dynamics and sectors? How did international organizations influence its structure or any of its components? The research combining a qualitative and quantitative methodology in which documentary sources were analysed and interviews were conducted with officials and state managers. It focused on examining the Ministry of Industry of the Nation created in 2009, and the channels through which the international organizations had an impact on your configuration. The analysis focused on the ministry's trajectory, its competencies, its organization, the financial and human resources available in its secretariats, policies and programs, as well as the implementation of the Strategic Industrial Plan 2020. Likewise, the analysis was deepened in two SME programs linked to international organizations: Access to Credit and Competitiveness Program (ACCP) (DIB), and the Local Productive Systems Program (SPL) (UNDP). The research shows that the hierarchy of the industrial sphere, despite becoming a relevant institutional event, was also presented as a process of hollowing out competencies and resources, which resulted in the absence of centrality as a strategic instance for industrial development. The loss of control and coordination of foreign trade management was observed in 2011, as a low level of financing and incentive to the industrial sector, which tended to reproduce the pre-existing sector matrix. In addition, it was the ministry with the least amount of personnel and a hiring index superior to other state agencies. At the same time, by focusing on the SME area, a fragmentation process was observed based on the deepening of the program implication modality linked to international organizations. Here, the implementation of the Strategic Industrial Plan 2020 in 2011 with its chain value approach and with scarce resources allocated, did not introduce significant changes. ; Fil: Seiler, Cristhian Rubén. Universidad Nacional de Entre Ríos; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
Correspondence between Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón and his father Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is in exile in San Diego, CA. The former informs about the plans for sowing in the Hacienda Santa Bárbara. He found an associate to sow strawberry. Agrarian issues after the census of Ayotla. They constantly receive requests from the delegation of Toluca. The collective contract for work and the need to reduce family expenses since the economic situation is different. He informs of his trip to el Mante with Aarón Sáenz where there is a crisis for the lack of credits. The credits are limited by the Bank of Mexico, which affects the Sugar Bank. He says he was advised to not carry out the project in Hermosillo because finances are unstable and the investment is risky. On the other hand, people that were interested in the project probably will not collaborate. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs about the bad situation in the sugar industry, the incertitude of land tenure for claims of peasants and that people are investing in farming more than what they can get, which can cause a crisis. He thinks the Governor does not agree with the new expropriations but he is going to divide the lands in San Fernando to sell them to the people who worked them. He is pessimistic about the future of the sugar industry. He says that the agreement between the government and El Aguila has encouraged the capitalist sectors but he does not believe the situation will improve. Rodolfo informs his father that he received his letters and Jorge Almada is traveling to Navolato. He hopes the agreement will not be delayed. Regarding the project in Hermosillo, González Arias is working on it and the final decision will be made only if the agreements are respected. There is an increase of sugar distribution and sale of alcohol and people collaborate. He informs that the business with livestock in Santa Bárbara is not progressing due to the agrarian incertitude and the collective work contract. He gives good news of Alfredo whose business is progressing. Reports presented by Rodolfo Elías Calles to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles concerning his matters in Mexico: rents, payments, bank movements, house expenses, Hacienda Santa Bárbara, El Mante and Quinta Las Palmas in Cuernavaca. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles of the struggles he is facing to buy livestock and lease of the stables. He is dealing with the workers union through B.A. Alfonso Anaya to compensate them according to the law. If he cannot make an agreement, he will have to ask the authorities to liquidate the company for reasons of unaffordability. Rodolfo expresses to his father his embarrassment for changing constantly his plans and his delay to solve his matters. He informs that González Arias is waiting for a decision from the Sugar Bank. The last Board decided to create a commission that would study the case and Diego Redo suggested to establish a branch in Culiacan for sugar and alcohol operations in Sinaloa. The Sugar Bank and the Bank of Mexico think that if the project is carried out it must include a Department of Capitalization, since banks that capitalize are successful. He informs of politics in Mexico, the continuous strikes, the drop in monetary reserves, the concern that the government of the United States modifies its policy for silver purchase, the presidential radicalism and the diversity in opinions among businessmen. Some of them say everything is going well and their business are progressing. He is sorry that the agricultural production is not receiving attention. Regarding the matter of Jorge Almada, everything is as usual. He went to a dinner and saw Juan Brittingham, who was convinced (because the president told him) that Plutarco Elías Calles Jr. (Aco) was the person who started the expropriation of the cement factory in Hidalgo. / Correspondencia entre Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón y su padre, el Gral. PEC, que se encuentra exiliado en San Diego, Cal., E.U.A. El primero informa a su padre de sus planes de cultivo para la Hacienda Santa Bárbara, que ya tiene socio para la siembra de fresa, de los problemas agrarios después del censo de Ayotla, que constantemente reciben requerimientos agrarios de la delegación Toluca, del contrato colectivo de trabajo y de la necesidad de reducir gastos familiares porque la situación económica es diferente. Le comunica que viaja con Aarón [Sáenz] a El Mante donde la industria sufre una crisis por falta de créditos, que están siendo restringidos por el Banco de México, con lo que afecta al Banco Azucarero. Le comenta que le han aconsejado que de momento no lleve a cabo el proyecto de Hermosillo, que la moneda está inestable y es riesgosa la inversión. Dice que por otro lado varias personas que se confiaba entrarían al negocio seguramente no lo harán asustadas por el reparto en el Yaqui. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre sobre la mala situación de la industria azucarera, de incertidumbre en la tenencia de la tierra por los constantes reclamos campesinos, que se está invirtiendo en los cultivos más de lo que se puede sacar por lo que es previsible un fracaso; él piensa que el Gobernador del estado no es partidario de nuevas expropiaciones pero no hay nada seguro, por lo que va a fraccionar las tierras de San Fernando para venderlas a quienes las han trabajado; se muestra pesimista en cuanto al futuro de la industria azucarera. Comenta que los arreglos entre el gobierno y El Aguila han levantado el ánimo de los sectorers capitalistas pero que él no confía demasiado en que mejore la situación. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre haber recibido sus cartas y le comunica que Jorge [Almada] salió para Navolato, que espera no se retrase el convenio. En cuanto al Proyecto Hermosillo, González Arias está trabajando en él y que la resolución definitiva se tomará sólo si se cumplen los arreglos pactados, y si se logra un aumento en la distribución de azúcar y la venta de alcohol, así como la cooperación de todos los que la ofrecieron; que el negocio del ganado en Santa Bárbara no progresa debido a la incertidumbre agraria y al pesado contrato colectivo de trabajo; le da muy buenas noticias respecto a Alfredo, cuyo negocio prospera. Estados de cuenta que rinde Rodolfo Elías Calles al Gral. PEC de sus asuntos en México: rentas, pagos, movimientos bancarios, gastos de sus casas, de la Hacienda Santa Bárbara, El Mante, Quinta las Palmas de Cuernavaca. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre el Gral. PEC de las dificultades que tiene para comprar ganado y arrendar los establos por lo que está en arreglos con el sindicato de sus trabajadores, por conducto del Lic. Alfonso Anaya, para liquidar ese asunto indemnizándolos según la ley. De no lograrse un acuerdo amistoso será necesario plantear ante las autoridades del trabajo la liquidación por incosteabilidad comprobada. Rodolfo manifiesta a su padre la pena que le da cambiar constantemente sus propósitos y su demora en la terminación de asuntos; le informa que González Arias todavía espera una resolución del Banco Azucarero, el último consejo determinó nombrar una comisión que estudiaría el asunto y Diego Redo sugirió que se estableciera una sucursal en Culiacán para sus operaciones del azúcar y el alcohol de Sinaloa. Tanto el Banco Azucarero como el Mexicano opinan que de llevarse a cabo su proyecto debe incluirse el Departamento de Capitalización pues los bancos capitalizadores tienen gran éxito. Le da cuenta de la situación política en México, de las constantes huelgas, de la baja en las reservas monetarias, del temor de que el gobierno de Estados Unidos modifique su política de compra de plata, del radicalismo presidencial y de la diversidad de opiniones de los hombres de negocios, que unos dicen que todo va bien, que sus negocios trabajan al máximo, se lamenta de que a la producción agrícola no se le da importancia. Respecto al asunto de Jorge [Almada] todo etá igual, que fue a una cena en la que estaba Juan Brittingham quien está convencido, porque así se lo dijo el Presidente, que Plutarco Elías Calles Jr. (Aco) fue quien inició la expropiación de la fábrica de cemento de Hidalgo.
Il lavoro è volto a mettere in luce le problematiche connesse all'attività delle imprese multinazionali e alla sussistenza in capo alle stesse di una responsabilità sociale internazionale (RSI). Nell'attuale panorama economico e politico mondiale, caratterizzato dalla globalizzazione e dalla stretta interdipendenza dei mercati, dalla sempre più frequente internazionalizzazione dei processi produttivi e aziendali e dalla contestuale operatività delle società in più Paesi, dalla accresciuta consapevolezza del consumatore circa il rispetto, nei processi produttivi, di istanze ritenuti fondamentali dalla società civile, come i diritti fondamentali dell'uomo e dei lavoratori o la protezione dell'ambiente, l'impresa multinazionale assume un ruolo fondamentale sia nell'indirizzare i trends economici globali (si pensi al fatto che alcune società hanno profitti superiori al PIL di buona parte degli Stati della comunità internazionale); la configurazione di una responsabilità sociale in capo a tali società vuol dire mescolare la libertà di impresa e il libero mercato con l'etica. La necessità di inserire la questione dell'etica negli affari nasce, dunque, dalla convinzione - sempre più diffusa in ambito internazionale e nazionale - che l'attenzione dell'impresa verso le istanze sociali, ambientali ed etiche delle comunità umane costituisca una condizione imprescindibile per uno sviluppo durevole e sostenibile. In tale prospettiva, dunque, il concetto di responsabilità sociale d'impresa richiama le imprese a considerare attentamente - nella definizione della propria strategia, nell'articolazione delle politiche e nelle procedure gestionali quotidiane - gli interessi diffusi della collettività, nonché l'impatto delle proprie attività, non solo in termini economici, ma anche sociali, ambientali ed etici. La responsabilità sociale rappresenta, quindi, per l'impresa uno strumento utile ed efficace per rispondere alle istanze e alle esigenze della società civile. Con la RSI nasce quindi una teoria di impresa che vede la produzione di beni non solo come strumento di profitto ma anche come occasione di realizzazione del benessere sociale; lo stesso operato dell'impresa inizia ad essere valutato globalmente non solo in rapporto ai risultati economici della stessa ma anche in base alla qualità del prodotto, alla qualità dell'ambiente lavorativo e alle istanze ambientali, seconda i dettami di quella scuola di pensiero del cd. business ethics per cui le imprese sono chiamate a compiere azioni che contribuiscano ad eliminare e prevenire le iniquità sociali e a promuovere lo sviluppo della collettività. Tale necessità è stata anche consequenziale a comportamenti ed abusi messi in atto dalle società transnazionali che hanno arrecato gravi danni alle comunità umane degli Stati ospiti delle attività produttive. Gli abusi commessi dalle imprese, non sempre riconducibili a precise violazioni degli ordinamenti nazionali, sono stati progressivamente interpretati e costruiti come violazioni o mancanze nei confronti di un complesso di principi definiti come appartenenti ad una ampia sfera di responsabilità sociale internazionale dell'impresa, che implica la perdita di reputazione e, quindi, la possibile riduzione delle sue quote sul mercato qualora gli stakeholders più interessati riescano a mobilitare l'opinione pubblica su larga scala. Fin dagli anni '70, diverse organizzazioni internazionali hanno iniziato ad occuparsi della regolamentazione dell'attività delle imprese transnazionali, evidenziando il ruolo che le imprese multinazionali sono chiamate a rivestire nei processi di tutela dei diritti umani e dell'ambiente che emergono nello svolgimento delle loro attività economiche; appare evidente come sia basilare, nel piano dell'opera, definire l'impresa multinazionale, analizzando i diversi strumenti adottati dalle organizzazioni internazionali e i contributi dottrinali in materia, alla luce dei quali sembra potersi dire che il carattere di "multinazionalità" o "transnazionalità" è dato dalla presenza di diverse unità operative, dislocate in più Paesi, che si trovano sotto il controllo (azionario o di gestione) di un'unica società holding; tale distinzione tra unità operative si estende fino al profilo giuridico, in quanto le singole consociate sono autonomi soggetti di diritto sottoposti, relativamente ai profili della regolamentazione e della costituzione, all'ordinamento giuridico dello Stato di nazionalità. Ciò spesso comporta che le società scelgano come sede un Paese sulla base della convenienza che ciascuno di essi offre in relazione al trattamento fiscale, al costo della manodopera e delle materie prime, alla regolamentazione in materia di protezione dell'ambiente. Sembra quindi necessario un tentativo di regolamentazione da parte di organismi sovranazionali, a fronte del numero sempre maggiore di imprese operanti in più mercati (più di 80.000 società con circa 900.000 società sussidiarie), al loro peso economico e occupazionale (si stimano circa 80.000.000 di posti di lavoro) e a seguito di numerosi episodi che hanno coinvolto tali imprese dagli anni '70 ad oggi, come nei casi della Drummond o della Del Monte, accusate di gravi repressioni dei diritti sindacali e sociali dei lavoratori, o della Chevron/Texaco e della Union Carbride, responsabili di disastri ambientali tra cui quello di Bophal, in India, fino al caso, recentissimo, del disastro ambientale causato dalla piattaforma Deepwater Horizon al largo delle coste della Florida e della Louisiana tra il 2010 e il 2011, o i casi di violazioni dei diritti umani e commissione di crimini internazionali (arresti arbitrari, torture, violenze sessuali, trattamenti inumani e degradanti), commesse da società transnazionali operanti nel settore estrattivo e minerario in Africa e nel Sud Est Asiatico, commessi direttamente o a mezzo di milizie assoldate per la protezione degli impianti. L'attività delle Organizzazioni internazionali, a partire dagli anni '70, si è focalizzata sul tema; l'OCSE, l'Organizzazione internazionale del lavoro, la Camera di Commercio internazionale hanno adottato in quegli anni raccomandazioni e dichiarazioni rivolte agli Stati membri e alle imprese per l'adesione a certi principi e diritti già sanciti da altri strumenti convenzionali; le Nazioni Unite, prima attraverso l'attività della Commissione sulle imprese multinazionali e poi della Sottocommissione per la protezione e promozione dei diritti umani, si sono occupate della materia, giungendo alla elaborazione di un Codice di condotta per le imprese multinazionali (mai adottato) e di Norme sulla responsabilità delle imprese multinazionali e altre imprese in relazione ai diritti umani, che si affiancano alla partnership pubblico-privata del Global Compact. Ancora, anche altre organizzazioni internazionali, come l'Organizzazione mondiale della sanità, l'OMC, la Banca mondiale, l'International Standard Organisation, hanno adottato atti che invitano le imprese a svolgere la propria attività produttiva nel pieno rispetto dei diritti fondamentali della persona, delle comunità locali e dell'ambiente, e quindi prendendo in considerazione non solo interessi e diritti dei soci ma di tutti i soggetti a vario titolo coinvolti o toccati dall'attività aziendale. In ultimo, è il lavoro del Rappresentante Speciale del Segretario Generale ONU John Ruggie ad elaborare un quadro normativo (denominato Protect, Respect, Remedy) generale relativo al rapporto tra business e diritti umani. La caratteristica degli strumenti analizzati è la loro natura non vincolante, quindi meramente esortativa e ad applicazione volontaria. Tale situazione si ricollega sostanzialmente a due ragioni: la discussa soggettività internazionale delle imprese multinazionali e le opposte visioni dei Governi in materia (con evidenti difformità di vedute tra Paesi in via di sviluppo e Paesi industrializzati). Riguardo alla soggettività delle imprese multinazionali, ovvero lo status di essere titolari di diritti e obblighi nascenti dal diritto internazionale, la dottrina internazionalistica è fortemente divisa. Secondo un primo orientamento, le IMN non sarebbero soggetti di diritto internazionali in quanto sono solo destinatarie di norme, e quindi "oggetto" del diritto internazionale; sarebbero soggette solo alla giurisdizione dello Stato, e vincolate dal diritto internazionale solamente in virtù del richiamo da parte dell'ordinamento giuridico interno. Dagli anni '60, inizia a farsi largo un diverso filone dottrinale che, partendo dal noto parere della Corte internazionale di giustizia Reparations for Injuries, considera l'impresa quale soggetto di diritto internazionale, in virtù di una serie di diritti e obblighi che le vengono attribuiti dal diritto internazionale, soprattutto in materia di investimenti e di contratti internazionali (tra tutti, il diritto di adire un'istanza arbitrale o giurisdizionale a carattere arbitrale). Inoltre, la costante attenzione per l'attività delle IMN da parte delle Organizzazioni internazionali, potrebbe testimoniare la nascente opinio juris di conferire una, seppur limitata, soggettività internazionale alle imprese. Dall'analisi della prassi internazionale si sono tratte conclusioni provvisorie, in particolare che l'impresa, soprattutto nel settore del diritto economico e degli investimenti, possegga una personalità giuridica internazionale limitata e soprattutto derivata dalla volontà degli Stati, ma soprattutto funzionale, poiché contenuta nei limiti stabiliti dal trattato internazionale (BITs) o del contratto internazionale che stabilisce diritti e obblighi per la stessa. Negli ultimi anni anche l'Unione Europea ha iniziato a promuovere una adesione delle imprese ai valori fondamentali dei diritti dell'uomo, dei lavoratori e dello sviluppo sostenibile. A partire dal Libro Verde del 2001, l'UE ha elaborato progressivamente una strategia europea per la responsabilità sociale di impresa, qualificata come adozione spontanea di prassi volte a contribuire al miglioramento della società e alla qualità dell'ambiente. La strategia dell'UE si caratterizza per avere una dimensione sia interna all'impresa, stabilendo una serie di programmi d'azione e l'adozione di sistemi di gestione dei processi produttivi, sia esterna alla stessa, prevedendo il coinvolgimento di comunità locali, partner commerciali, clienti, fornitori, ONG, autorità statali. A tali fini, l'UE lanciò una serie di iniziative, quali i sistemi EMAS e ECOLABEL di certificazione ecologica e di audit ambientale, il Multistakeholders' forum, per formare un quadro giuridico regolamentare in materia di appalti pubblici e sostenibilità ambientale, di tutela del consumatore, di pubblicità ingannevole, nonché l'adozione di codici di condotta settoriali, ispirato ai principi della RSI. L'attività di regolamentazione della RSI ha ricevuto un contributo dalle stesse imprese multinazionali, nel senso di una autoregolamentazione delle proprie attività, attraverso dei codici di condotta autonomamente adottati dalla singola impresa in funzione delle proprie strategie e valori. Tali codici si distinguono nettamente dalle linee guida adottate dalle Organizzazioni internazionali perché in essi l'impresa si fa creatrice e destinataria di norme, create non perché la necessità provenga dal diritto, ma dall'interesse dell'impresa (che, in molti casi, si caratterizza per essere meramente reputazionale). Tali codici, di chiara natura volontaristica, garantiscono il rispetto degli standard di tutela e di promozione dei principi in esso contenuti, stabilendo il più delle volte un meccanismo di monitoraggio e controllo del rispetto delle norme in esso contenute, meccanismo che può essere a carattere interno (gestito quindi da un ufficio interno all'impresa) o a carattere esterno (gestito, il più delle volte, da una ONG o da un sindacato). Infine, la ricerca si conclude con l'analisi dei principali temi che riguardano la RSI negli ultimi anni, ovvero quelli relativi ai profili di responsabilità delle imprese per violazione dei diritti fondamentali e per danni ambientali (con particolare riguardo alla disciplina statunitense contenuta nell'Alien Torts Statute), con particolare riferimento agli obblighi internazionali che incombono sugli Stati attraverso la ricostruzione della prassi internazionale. Inoltre, ulteriore profilo di studio è quello che si concentra sulla possibile estensione della giurisdizione dei tribunali internazionali per crimini internazionali alle persone giuridiche, con particolare riguardo ai lavori preparatori della Conferenza di Roma che ha portato all'istituzione della Corte Penale Internazionale. In conclusione, oggetto della ricerca è stato la ricostruzione del concetto di RSI, il quale è un prodotto degli ordinamenti nazionali ed in particolare degli ordinamenti giuridici degli Stati industrializzati, identificando un framework giuridico che include strumenti normativi di varia natura e in svariati settori, come quelli che disciplinano le società commerciali; le normative nazionali di prevenzione e repressione della corruzione; le normative del settore finanziario ed in particolare quelle sulle borse valori; le discipline a tutela del lavoro, dell'ambiente e del consumatore. Negli Stati più avanzati dal punto di vista economico e istituzionale la RSI, dunque, non è codificata in uno specifico settore regolamentare ma rappresenta un sistema complesso di normative che regolano i diversi aspetti di quelle attività di impresa; nei PVS, invece, tali normative sono spesso frammentarie o addirittura assenti: questa situazione ha permesso alle IMN di avvantaggiarsi dei vuoti legislativi o delle regole stringenti presenti in questi Paesi. Appare evidente come la comunità internazionale abbia constatato la necessità di regolare l'attività delle imprese multinazionali, per la promozione e la protezione dei propri valori fondamentali e di uno sviluppo in un'ottica di sostenibilità ambientale, nell'intenzione di creare un quadro giuridico internazionale che permetta alle imprese di perseguire le proprie finalità aziendali senza perdere di vista le esigenze collettive (in particolare dei Paesi in cui operano). Per raggiungere tale obiettivo, appare inevitabile un'evoluzione del diritto internazionale vigente, i cui processi di formazione, gestiti sostanzialmente dai Governi, non possono non tenere conto dell'accresciuto ruolo e peso delle IMN e della società civile. ; In today's economic and political world characterized by globalization and interdependence of markets, by an increasingly internationalization of production processes and by business operations of the company conducted simultaneously in several countries, by an increased consumer awareness regarding compliance of production processes to values that are considered essential by civil society, as fundamental human rights and labour and environmental protection, MNEs have a fundamental role in addressing the global economic trends. In this perspective, then, the concept of corporate social responsibility attracts companies to consider carefully - in the definition of its strategy and in the articulation of policies and procedures daily management - the various interests of the community, as well as the impact of its activities, not only in economic terms but also in social, environmental and ethical issues. Social responsibility is, therefore, a useful tool for the enterprise and effective way to respond to the needs and demands of civil society.With the CSR arises, therefore, a theory of business that sees the production of goods not only as a means of profit, but also as an opportunity for the realization of social welfare, as dictated bythe school of thought of thebusiness ethics, which invite companies to take action in orderto eliminate and prevent social inequities and promote community development. This need was also consequential to the abusescommitted by transnational corporations that have caused serious damage to human communities of their host countries. Abuses committed by companies, not always related to specific violations of national laws, have been gradually interpreted and constructed as a violation or misconduct against a set of principles defined as belonging to a broad spectrum of social responsibility international, which implies loss of reputation and, therefore, the possible reduction of its share on the market where the key stakeholders concerned can mobilize public opinion on a large scale. Since the 70s, several international organizations have begun to deal with the regulation of transnational corporations, highlighting the role that multinational corporations are called to play in the process of protection of human rights and of the environment that emerge in the course of their economic activity. Is fundamental for the work plan, define the multinational enterprise, by analysing the various instruments adopted by international organizations and doctrinal contributions on the subject, the light of which it seems possible to say that the character of "multinationality" or "transnationality" is the presence of various operating units, located in different countries, which are under the control (equity or management) of a single holding company; the distinction between operational units extends to the legal point of view, as the individual subsidiaries are independent legal entities subject, relatively to the profiles of the regulation and constitution, subjected to the legal system of the State of nationality. It often means that companies choose the host country on the basis of convenience that this country provides in relation to the tax treatment, labour costs and raw materials, to the rules on environmental protection. It therefore seems necessary to attempt to regulate multinational enterprises by supranational bodies, in relation to the increasing number of companies operating in multiple markets (more than 80,000 companies with about 900,000 subsidiaries), to their economic and employment (an estimated 80 million job opportunities) and following several incidents involving such companies from the '70s to today, as in the case of Drummond or Del Monte, accused of severe repression of trade union rights and social rights of workers, or Chevron/ Texaco and Union Carbide, responsible for environmental disasters including that of Bhopal, India, to the case of the environmental disaster caused by the Deepwater Horizon rig off the coast of Florida and Louisiana between 2010 and 2011, or cases of human rights violations and commission of international crimes (arbitrary detention, torture, rape, inhumane and degrading treatment) by transnational corporations operating in the mining industry in Africa and South East Asia, made directly or through the militias hired to the protection of plants. The activities of international organizations, from the 70s, focused on the theme, the OECD, the International Labour Organization, the International Chamber of Commerce adopted in those years, recommendations and declarations addressed to the Member States and the companies for adherence to certain principles and rights already provided by other conventional instruments; also the United Nations, first through the work of the Committee on Multinational Enterprises and then through the subcommittee for the protection and promotion of human rights, have dealt with the matter, coming to the elaboration of a Code of Conduct for Multinational Enterprises (never adopted) and rules on the responsibilities of transnational corporations and other business enterprises with regard to human rights, alongside to the public-private partnership of the Global Compact. Still, other international organizations such as the World Health Organization, the WTO, the World Bank, the International Standards Organization (which as a private nature), have taken actions that invite businesses to carry out its production activities in full respect of fundamental human rights, of local communities needs and of the environment, and then taking into account not only the interests and rights of the shareholders but to all those involved in various ways affected the activity or business. Finally, it is the work of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General John Ruggie to develop a framework (called Protect, Respect, Remedy) concerning the relationship between business and human rights. The characteristic of the analysed tools is their non-binding nature, then merely hortatory and voluntary application. This situation is linked mainly to two reasons: the disputed international subjectivity of multinational enterprises and the opposing views of Governments on the subject (with obvious differences of views between developing countries and industrialized countries). Regard to the subjectivity of transnational corporations, or the status of being holders of rights and obligations arising from international law, international legal theory is strongly divided. According to one view, MNEs would not be subject to international law as they are only recipients of rules, and then the "object" of international law would be subject only to the jurisdiction of the state, and bound by international law only by virtue of the reference made by the domestic legal system. Since the '60s, a different doctrinal trend began to make his way starting from the known opinion Reparations for Injuries of the International Court of Justice, and then considering the company as a subject of international law, by virtue of a series of rights and duties which are assigned to it by international law, especially in the field of investment and international contracts (among them, the right to appeal an arbitration tribunal or judicial character arbitration). In addition, the constant attention to the activities of MNEs by international organizations, could witness the nascent opiniojuris to give ainternational subjectivity to businesses, albeit limited. An analysis of international practice have taken provisional findings, in particular that the company, especially in the field of economic law and investment, possesses an international limitedlegal personality and mainly derived from the will of the States, but above all functional, as contained in limits established by international treaty (BITs) or international agreement that establishes rights and obligations for the same. In recent years the European Union has begun to promote adhesion of the companies core values of human rights, labour standards and sustainable development. From the Green Paper of 2001, the EU has developed progressively a European strategy for corporate social responsibility, described as spontaneous adoption of practices to contribute to the improvement of society and the quality of the environment. The EU strategy is characterized by having an internal dimension to the company, establishing a series of action programs and the adoption of management systems, processes, and external to it, calling for the involvement of local communities, commercial partners, customers, suppliers, NGOs, state authorities. To this end, the EU launched a series of initiatives, such as EMAS and Ecolabel certification ecological and environmental audit, the multi-stakeholder forum, to form a legal framework to regulate public procurement and environmental sustainability, protection of consumer, misleading advertising, and the adoption of sectorial codes of conduct based on the principles of CSR. The regulatory activities of CSR has received a grant from the multinational enterprises themselves, in the sense of a self-regulation of their activities, through codes of conduct adopted by each company independently according to their own strategies and values. These codes can be clearly distinguished from the guidelines adopted by international organizations because in them the company is the creator and recipient of rules, created not because the need comes from the law, but by the company (which, in many cases, characterized by being merely reputational). These codes, clearly voluntary, ensure compliance with standards for the protection and promotion of the principles contained therein, setting most of the time a mechanism for monitoring and enforcement of the rules it contains, a mechanism that may be internal character (then managed by an office inside the company) or external character (managed, in most cases, an NGO, or a trade union). Finally, the research concludes with an analysis of the main issues concerning CSR in recent years, namely those related to the profiles of corporate responsibility for violation of fundamental rights and environmental damage (especially with regard to U.S. regulations contained in the Alien Tort Statute), with particular reference to international obligations on states through the reconstruction of the international practice. In addition, further study is to profile that focuses on the possible extension of the jurisdiction of international tribunals for crimes under international law to legal persons, with particular reference to the drafting history of the Rome Conference that led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court. In conclusion, the object of the research was the reconstruction of the concept of CSR, which is a product of national law and in particular the legal systems of the industrialized countries, identifying a legal framework that includes legal instruments of various types and in various sectors, such as those governing commercial companies, national regulations for the prevention and combating of corruption; regulations of the financial sector and in particular those on stock exchanges; disciplines to protect labour, the environment and the consumer. In the most advanced in terms of economic and institutional CSR, therefore, is not encoded in a specific sector regulation but it is a complex system of regulations governing various aspects of the business activities, in developing countries, however, these rules are often fragmentary or even absent: this situation has allowed MNCs to take advantage of loopholes in the law or stringent rules present in these countries. It is evident that the international community has identified the need to regulate the activities of multinational enterprises, for the promotion and protection of its fundamental values and development in a sustainable environment, with the intention to create an international legal framework that allows companies to pursue their own business purposes without losing sight of the collective needs (in particular in the countries in which they operate). To achieve this goal, it is inevitable evolution of international law, whose formation processes, managed largely by governments, cannot fail to take into account the increased role and weight of MNEs and civil society. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale (XXV ciclo)
Government wage bills have been growing across the world, but are exceptionally high in the MENA region relative to countries' state of development, whether measured as a share of GDP, or of government revenue and spending (World Bank, 2004). Across the region government wage bills threaten fiscal sustainability. There are many drivers behind the large wage bills, whether of central government alone or of general government. Government employment numbers also seem to grow inexorably, in many areas faster than required to deliver services in line with population growth. Other factors have been weak staff control systems, the authorization of new recruitment outside budget frameworks, and laxly applied staff performance assessment systems, in addition to absenteeism, and the difficulty under public service rules of disciplining and ultimately terminating poorly performing staff. This paper takes a look at government wage bill growth, alongside current approaches to recruitment, staff performance assessments and promotions, with particular emphasis on Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia. These country examples are complemented by a broader regional analysis to illustrate overarching trends in public sector employment.The objective is to identify the various forces at work, how they interact, and thereby document and understand better the dynamic of public sector wage bill expansion in the Middle East as well as potential linkages to public sector performance. The paper also looks at reform efforts, extracts lessons and identify potential reform options to better control wage bill growth and the unbalancing effects it has had on the efficiency and effectiveness of government spending generally. Furthermore, while the paper does not present a comprehensive overview of the nature of public employment in MENA, it aims to identify potential areas for further research in this domain.