Suchergebnisse

ÖZETAvrupa bütünleşme projesi, Avrupa'nın sosyal ve ekonomik yıkımına ve milyonlarca insanın yaşamına mal olan II. Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından, kıtada bir başka topyekün savaşın çıkmasının önlenmesi ve Avrupa ülkelerinin ortak hedef ve çıkarlar doğrultusunda bir araya getirilmesi amacıyla ortaya konulmuştur. Bu süreçte, Avrupa bütünleşmesi önemli başarılar kaydetti. Gerçekten de, Tek Pazar'ın ve Ekonomik ve Parasal Birlik'in tamamlanmasıyla, 1990'lardan itibaren Avrupa'nın siyasi geleceği daha yoğun tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Öte yandan, Merkez ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerini içine alan son genişleme dalgasıyla AB'nin 25 üyeli bir birlik haline gelmesi kurumsal yapıyı ve karar alma sürecini son derece karmaşıklaştırmıştır. Hem bu soruna bir çözüm bulmak hem de ulusal düzeyden AB düzeyine giderek artan yetki transferi ve ciddi şekilde eleştirilen demokratik eksiklikten kaynaklanan meşruiyet meselesine bir yanıt bulmak amacıyla ilgili tarafların büyük gayretleri sonucu Avrupa Anayasası hazırlanmıştır. Ancak Anayasa'nın Fransa ve Hollanda'da düzenlenen referandumlarda reddedilmesi AB'nin siyasi geleceği ile ilgili ciddi şüphe ve endişelere yol açmıştır. Bu noktada Anayasa'nın Fransa ve Hollanda halkı tarafından reddedilmesinin ardında yatan nedenler iyi incelenmelidir. Şöyle ki, bu sonucu işsizlik ve kontrolsüz göçe duyulan korku gibi ekonomik ve sosyal sorunlar bağlamında açıklamak AB'nin kendini bütünleşmiş bir Avrupa hedefi ile özdeşleştiren gerçek bir Avrupa halkına sahip olmadığına dair asıl sorunu gizleyerek meseleyi basite indirgeyecektir. Sonuçta, ekonomik hedeflere bütünleşme sürecinin en başından beri öncelik verilmesi neticesinde kültür politikası ve kimlik meselesi ulusal devletlerin bir önceliği olarak kalmış, bu da kaçınılmaz olarak Avrupa bütünleşmesine halk desteğinin eksik kalmasına yol açmıştır. Bu çerçevede Avrupa kimliğinin tartışılması ve bir Avrupalılık hissinin uyandırılması son derece önemlidir. Ancak AB'nin henüz gelişmekte olan benzeri görülmemiş bir siyasi birlik modeli olduğu unutulmamalıdır. Bu nedenle, AB projesi onun benzersiz yapısını azımsamayacak yeni bir anlayış yaratmak üzere yeni terimler ve farklı bakış açıları ile tartışılmalıdır. AB, bütünleşme süreci ile ilgili tartışma ve söylemler bir AB-ulus devlet ikilemine indirilmediği taktirde eğitim ve kültür politikaları gibi geleneksel olarak ulusal devletlerin kontolünde olan alanlarda yaratıcı ve cesur girişimlerde bulunabilecektir . Bu bağlamda, 'Eğitim Politikasının Avrupa Kimliğinin İnşasındaki Rolü' başlıklı yüksek lisans tezi, AB'nin ortak bir eğitim politikası oluşturmadaki rolü ve etkinliğini, işsizlik sorunu ve gittikçe artan küreselleşmeden kaynaklanan teknolojik ve ekonomik rekabet gibi iç ve dış etkenleri göz önünde bulundurarak açıklamayı amaçlamıştır. Kapsamlı bir değerlendirmeye ulaşabilmek için Avrupa eğitim politikasının oluşumu ve başlıca araçları, hem tarihsel arka plan hem de üye ülkelerin ilk ve orta öğrenim yerine mesleki eğitim ve yüksek öğrenim alanlarında işbirliği yapmadaki istekliliklerinin ardındaki nedenler verilerek incelenmiştir. Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma üye ülkelerin ortak bir Avrupa eğitim politikasının oluşturulması söz konusu olduğunda bir Avrupa üst-kimliğinin yaratılmasına yönelik gerçek bir isteklilikten çok ekonomik hedef ve öncelikler doğrultusunda harekete geçtiklerini ortaya koymaya çalışmıştır. ABSTRACTEuropean integration project was put forward following the WWII, which caused social and economic destruction of Europe and claimed of millions of peoples lives, with the aim of preventing outburst of any total war in the Continent and also bringing European countries together in pursuance of common interests and objectives. The European integration has made great strides in this process. With the accomplishment of the Single Market and the Economic and Monetary Union, the political future of Europe has been widely discussed since the '90s. On the other hand, as EU became a union of 25 member states with the last enlargement covering the Central and Eastern European countries, the institutional management and decision-making process became extremely complicated. In order to find a solution to this problem, as well as to meet the issue of legitimacy caused by the increasing sovereignty transfer from national to EU level and the growing problem of democratic deficit, the European Constitution was prepared thanks to the great efforts of the concerned sides. However, the fact that the Constitution was rejected in referendums held in France and the Netherlands give rise to the serious doubts and considerations regarding the future of Europe. At this point, the reasons behind the rejection of the Constitution by French and Dutch people should be studied carefully. Explaining this result in terms of reaction against the integration process due to economic and social problems such as unemployment and fear of uncontrolled immigration will oversimplify the situation while veiling the basic point that EU does not have a genuine European demos identifying with the aim of a united Europe. As a result, since the economic objectives have been given the priority from the very beginning of the integration process, the cultural policy and the issue of identity have remained a priority of national states, which inevitably led to the lack of public support for European integration. In this context, discussing European identity and inspiring a sense of Europeanness are of critical importance. One should be reminded that EU is a unique political unity which is gradually evolving. For this reason, the EU project deserves to be discussed in new terms and from different perspectives so as to create a new understanding of Europe which does not underestimate its unique character. EU will be able to take innovative and courageous initiatives in the areas which are traditionally dominated by national states such as education and cultural policies provided that discourses and discussions about European integration process are not reduced to a nation-state-EU dilemma.In this regard, this MA thesis, titled as 'The Role of Education in the Construction of European Identity', aims to examine the role and influence of EU in shaping of a common educational policy by taking into account the external and internal incentives such as the unemployment problem and the technological and economic competition stemming from increasing globalization. In order to reach a comprehensive assessment, the evolution of European educational policy and its major instruments are examined by providing both the historical background and the main motives behind the willingness of member states to cooperate in vocational training and higher education areas instead of primary and secondary education. As a conclusion, this study attempts to reveal that the member states have been driven by economic aspirations and priorities rather than a genuine enthusiasm for the creation of a supranational European identity considering the formation of European educational policies.

This paper addresses the relationship between political legitimacy arising from a link with the 'will of the people', and political legitimacy arising from beneficial consequences for them. Questioning the common assumption of an inherent trade-off between 'input' and 'output legitimacy', it suggests that the two necessarily go together, and that their relationship is continuously reconstructed through discursive contestation. These claims are first substantiated conceptually, in reference to the legitimacy literature in European Union (EU) Studies, which is situated in the broader fields of Political Theory and Comparative Politics. In a second step, the argument is developed on the grounds of empirical case material: an interpretive, non-quantitative reconstruction of the changing discourses on EU legitimacy by the European institutions from the 1950s to the early 2000s.

Réapparaissant progressivement dans le débat public, les communs deviennent un objet de plus en plus démocratisé et envisagé pour répondre aux crises environnementales, sociales, économiques et démocratiques présentes et à venir. Sans toujours porter le nom de « commun », ces organisations tendent à se multiplier sur les territoires au niveau local et sont ainsi peu à peu investies par les acteurs publics locaux. Le premier enjeu de ce mémoire est de retracer, au travers de la socio-histoire des communs, la façon dont ils se sont imposés dans le champ de l'action publique. Le second enjeu est ensuite d'observer comment les communs s'institutionnalisent aujourd'hui comme une nouvelle catégorie d'action publique, par le biais notamment de l'engagement grandissant des collectivités territoriales pour cet objet, mais également via les luttes portées par le mouvement des communs.

AbstractThis paper examines how the 'ideal' refugee is conceptualized in discussions about Australia's humanitarian policies. Critical Discourse Analysis of semi-structured interviews with 24 Western Australians revealed strong themes of assimilation alongside the neoliberal concept of 'market citizenship', where the 'ideal' refugee is positioned as achieving economic success through contributions to Australia's labour market. These discourses served competing ends—they were voiced both in support of, and opposition to, Australia's acceptance of refugees. I argue that by constructing refugees' deservingness of protection along market citizenship lines, their belonging becomes contingent upon their adherence to a narrowly defined ideal. Consequently, refugees who do not fit within this ideal face continued exclusion, with their 'human capital' prioritized over their safety and human rights. This article calls for a reconsideration of arguments that focus on refugees' capacity to 'fit in' and 'give back' as these narratives may exacerbate their experiences of exclusion and stigmatization.

This paper proposes a frame to analysis conceptions of justice in education. This framework can be very useful to identify conceptions about justice in educational discourses. It is a good example of its heuristic interest. In this way, it will be possible to produce a transfer of the design of different educational systems and deduce probable consequences, or also to identify in the name of what the conception of the education policy about justice is criticized or defended. After the presentation of the respective work of the two authors of this article, based on the theories of justice, three models of analysis of educational equity are discussed: Demeuse and Baye (2005), Bolívar (2005) and Espinoza (2007). Finally we propose a new model to overcome the weak points identified in previous models. ; En este trabajo se propone un marco de referencia para analizar las concepciones sobre la justicia en educación. Dicho marco puede ser muy útil para identificar aquellas concepciones sobre la justicia en los discursos, lo que da buena muestra de su interés heurístico. De este modo, se podrá producir una transferencia del diseño de entre distintos sistemas educativos y deducir consecuencias probables, o también para identificar en nombre de lo que la concepción de la política de educación de la justicia es criticado o defendido. Tras la presentación del respectivo trabajo de los dos autores de este artículo, basado en las teorías de la justicia, se discuten tres modelos de análisis de la equidad educativa: Demeuse y Baye (2005), Bolívar (2005) y Espinoza (2007). Finalmente proponemos un nuevo modelo para superar los puntos débiles identificados en modelos anteriores. ; Dans cet article, nous proposons un cadre d'analyse des conceptions de la justice en éducation. Développer un tel cadre d'analyse permettant d'identifier les conceptions de la justice à l'œuvre dans des discours possède un intérêt heuristique fort. Cela permet de montrer un éventuel passage d'une conception à l'autre dans un système éducatif et d'en déduire de probables conséquences, ou encore d'identifier au nom de quelle conception de la justice une politique éducative est critiquée ou défendue. Après avoir présenté les travaux respectifs des deux auteurs de cet article, basés sur les théories de la justice, nous discutons trois modèles d'analyse de l'équité en éducation: Demeuse et Baye (2005), Bolívar (2005) et Espinoza (2007). Nous proposons finalement un nouveau modèle permettant de dépasser les points faibles identifiés dans les modèles précédents.

The paper analyses main dimensions and consequences of deregulation in the Danish construction industry. Previous research has often conceptualized deregulation in terms of either the dismantling of states' regulatory capacity or the layering of initiatives upon existing structures. Using Foucault's concept of governmentality, we contribute further to this discussion by conceptualizing the process of deregulation as a socio-spatial transformation. This is a complex process of transformative change involving the opening and reconfiguration of institutional spaces. Drawing on an analysis of historical and current developments and changing modes of construction governance in Denmark, we show how the construction sector in the 1940–1960s was rendered governable by disciplinary power in order to achieve national modernization. We then illustrate how the developments since the early 1990s have been moulded in a neoliberal governmentality, with a focus on deregulation and the establishment of free markets. On the basis, we discuss the consequences of a shift in governmentalities, suggesting that new deliberative spaces in the form of mediating and interstitial institutions are likely to be in demand for in order to transgress the bounds of neoliberalism and ensure commitment for alternative development agendas.