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Si es previsión constitucional la garantía de la responsabilidad y la interdicción de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos, como veremos, la ciudadanía está en la obligación y derecho de exigir la eliminación de cualquier forma de manipulación y corrupción que se hace realidad al existir mecanismos de control en la actuación contractual, que van más allá del recurso contencioso-administrativo, y que adopta hoy forma de recurso especial en materia de contratación con el que lograr la legalidad en la decisiones precontractuales, y en última instancia el principio de buen gobierno en sede de contratos, como realidad y no como mero objetivo así como la ejemplaridad en toda función pública, descartando mecanismos de corrupción en nuestro sector de los contratos, pues sin ética del gobierno no habrá posibilidad de lograr una eficaz y eficiente Administración. Así la satisfacción de los intereses generales que guían el actuar de la Administración, provoca que cuando la prestación de consentimiento contractual se realiza por una Administración o ente público, dada la finalidad a que debe tender toda acción administrativa de satisfacción con objetividad de los intereses generales, la inicial libertad contractual se encuentra singularmente matizada, a causa de que la Administración no puede contratar con quién quiere, sino con quién debe, es decir con el mejor interesado a establecer vínculos contractuales con ella (STS de 20 de Diciembre de 2007). En definitiva si la contratación pública está presidida por el principio de inalterabilidad del fin de interés público, esto obliga a que la Administración disponga de una serie de prerrogativas delimitadas por el juego de los principios esenciales de la contratación administrativa, la preponderancia del fin de interés público y respeto al equilibrio contractual (Consejo Consultivo de Castilla La Mancha, Dictamen nº 86/2005, de 15 de junio) asegurándose así el mejor cumplimiento de interés público, la eficacia y eficacia en la gestión contractual y evitando posibles corrupciones, para cuya erradicación existen mecanismos legales suficientes. De manera que el recurso especial en materia de contratación y su regulación para la eficiencia en su utilización nos induce a la consecución efectiva y eficiente de la prestación demandada. En el presente trabajo se presenta y explica la importancia de la figura del recurso especial en materia de contratación pública como mecanismo de control. Para ello se aborda inicialmente su regulación, resultando ser un medio de origen comunitario, lo que nos obliga a analizar tanto las Directivas comunitarias principalmente la Directiva 89/665 como la jurisprudencia comunitaria, por cuanto la base y respaldo de la regulación la ofrece la interpretación de esto Tribunal básicamente de los principios generales de la contratación a aplicar en cada Estado miembro. Razón que nos obliga a estudiar en apartado específica cada uno de estos principios aplicados a la contratación pública en general y al recurso especial en particular. Son principios siempre presentes la transparencia, objetividad y eficacia en la actuación pública, de mear que así comprendamos la rapidez y eficacia que se delimitan como notas del recurso especial desde el prisma comunitario. Ante esta realidad la regulación española para hacer realidad aquellos principios general de la contratación y obligado el Derecho de la Unión Europea regula este medio de control efectivo de la actividad contractual de la Administración y el instrumento para hacer lo efectivo como son los tribunales administrativos de recursos contractuales. El mecanismo del recurso especial que sin embargo en España ha encontrado dificultades por parte de las autoridades para incorporarse a nuestro ordenamiento. Dificultades que tras encontrar respuesta de la jurisprudencia comunitaria , obligó al legislador español a su reconocimiento y regulación. El impulso comunitario hacia la creación en los Estado Miembros del recurso especial, fue motivado al apreciarse el lento y subjetivo mecanismo del sistema de recursos de cada Estado , por lo que se acordó la aprobación de la Directiva 89/665/CEE del Consejo de las Comunidades Europeas, de 21 de diciembre de 1989, relativa a la coordinación de las disposiciones legales, reglamentarias y administrativas referentes a la aplicación de los procedimientos de recurso en materia de adjudicación de los contratos públicos de suministros y de obras, (Directiva de recursos) que obligaba a regular y aprobar un régimen de recursos en materia contractual, con dos notas, rápido y eficaz. Se analiza esta Directiva de recursos en la exposición así como todas las que han continuada su estela, modificándola en búsqueda permanente de la mayor seguridad jurídica y no discriminación. Así se analizarán las Directivas 92/13/CEE, la Directiva 2007/66/CE, Directiva 93/36/CEE del Consejo, de 14 de junio de 1993, Directiva 93/37/CEE del Consejo, de 14 de junio de 1993, Directiva 2004/17/CE y Directiva 2004/18/CE del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, de 31 de marzo de 2004, Directivas 2014/23, 24 y 25/UE, del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, de 26 de febrero de 2014. El camino jurídico seguido por este instrumento de control, tras las dificultades internas tomaron cuerpo en la presión de las autoridades comunitarias que desembocaron en una carga imperativa de condena materializada en las SSTJUE de 15 de mayo de 2003 Comisión contra Reino de España (Asunto C-214/00) y de 3 de abril de 2008 Comisión contra Reino de España (Asunto C-444/06). Para entender esta obligación, se analizará igualmente la evolución normativa en la materia del recurso especial que ha dispuesto en España. Una regulación que comenzará en la Ley 13/1995, de 18 de mayo, de Contratos de las Administraciones Públicas, pasando por la Ley 30/2007, de 30 de octubre, de Contratos del sector Público ,Ley 34/2010, de 5 de agosto, de modificación de la Ley 30/2007, el Real Decreto Legislativo 3/2011, de 14 de noviembre, por el que se aprueba el texto refundido de la Ley de Contratos del Sector Público y terminará en la nueva Ley de Contratos del Sector Público, Ley 9/2017, de 8 de noviembre, de Contratos del Sector Público, por la que se transponen al ordenamiento jurídico español las Directivas del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo 2014/23/UE y 2014/24/UE, de 26 de febrero de 2014. Si bien esta nueva regulación vigente a pesar de derogar la normativa precedente, por su escaso desarrollo jurídico desde la perspectiva de la jurisprudencia, de los tribunales de contratos y de la doctrina, obliga en este trabajo, a un estudio comparativo con la regulación precedente de 2011 que nos servirá para su mejor comprensión. Así si antes de la Directiva 89/665/CEE, no existiendo recurso especial se disponía de los recursos administrativos ordinarios, con la Ley 13/1995,de 18 de mayo, de Contratos de las Administraciones Públicas, con la que se transponían las Directivas de recursos de los años 1989 y 1992, no cambio el panorama, sino una vez se condena a España por el incumplimiento de estas Directivas en la STJUE de 15 de mayo de 2003, pues según la sentencia: "no haber extendido el sistema de recursos garantizados por la citada Directiva a las decisiones adoptadas por todas las entidades adjudicadoras (…)" y "no haber previsto la posibilidad de que se tomen todo tipo de medidas cautelares procedentes en relación con las decisiones adoptadas por las entidades adjudicadoras". Tras esta condena y tras la aprobación de la Ley 30/2007, de 30 octubre, de Contratos del Sector Público, se regulaba un mecanismo de recursos en materia de contratación pública. Recurso que era preceptivo. No obstante al ser una incorporación de las Directiva de Recursos de mínimos, se volvió a condenar de nuevo a España en la STJUE de 3 de abril de 2008, por ser un régimen de recursos insuficientes: no se prevé plazo obligatorio para que la entidad adjudicadora notificara su resolución sobre la adjudicación a todos los licitadores; no había plazo de espera obligatorio entre la adjudicación y celebración del contrato y deficiencias de las medidas provisionales. Así tras esta nuevo sentencia condenatoria se aprobó la Ley 34/2010, de 5 de agosto, luego refundida con otras leyes para alumbrar el Real Decreto Legislativo 3/2011, de 14 de noviembre, por el que se aprueba el texto refundido de la Ley de Contratos del Sector Público (TRLCSP) llegando al día de hoy en que se dispone de la Ley de Contratos del Sector Público (LCSP2017) y que transpone a nuestro ordenamiento jurídico las Directivas del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, de 26 de febrero de 2014, 2014/24/UE, sobre contratación pública y 2014/23/UE, relativa a la adjudicación de contratos de concesión. III. CARACTERISTICAS DEL RECURSO ESPECIAL. Se abordará de manera propia en su apartado correspondiente el estudio de la naturaleza jurídica del recurso especial, analizando cada una de sus notas: Potestativo, eficaz, rápido, especial, excluyente, paralizándote del procedimiento y revisor. Así como particular mención exigirá el régimen de la invalidez de los contratos y el recurso especial y su relación con el contrato menor desde el punto de visto del fraude por la división del objeto del contrato y el nuevo criterio general marcado por la Ley de 2017 hacia la división en lotes. El recurso especial en materia de contratación pública, es un medio para luchar y solventar las infracciones del Derecho europeo de contratos públicos habiendo sido delimitado hasta la nueva Ley como recurso precontractual, por ser su objeto los actos anteriores a la formalización del contrato. IV.AMBITOS: OBJETIVO/SUBJETIVO. Ser analizará por un aparte su dimensión objetiva y por otra la dimensión subjetiva. Para la objetiva, estudiando los contratos objeto del recurso especial por una parte y por otra los actos controlados por el recurso especial y sus excepciones. Dedicando parte del estudio de la dimensión objetiva a los actos de trámite cualificado, al trámite de emergencia y a la potestad de modificación contractual. La regulación del TRLCSP limitaba el uso del recurso especial a contratos sujetos a regulación armonizada. Realidad criticada por la doctrina en aras al principio de igualdad, la seguridad jurídica y el real y efectivo control a toda actuación contractual de la Administración. Caso contrario muchos serán los contratos que quedaban fuera del necesario control y con ello dando facilidades de prácticas corruptas. Razones que impulsaron al Consejo de Estado (Dictamen nº 514/2006, de 25 de mayo y Dictamen nº 499/2010, de 29 de abril) y a la doctrina se manifestaran por una ampliación y extensión del régimen de recursos a todos los contratos, con independencia de su importe, o, al menor a rebajar estos umbrales. De hecho en España tenemos CCAA que así lo contemplan: Aragón (artículo 17.2.a) de la Ley 3/2011, de 24 de febrero, de medidas en materia de Contratos del Sector Público de Aragón, Islas Baleares (artículo 66 Ley 3/2003, de 26 de marzo) y en Navarra (artículo 210.1 Ley Foral 6/2006, de 9 de junio, de Contratos Públicos). La nueva LCSP2017 presenta novedades respecto al objeto del recurso especial como que se puede interponerse sobre actos y decisiones cuando se refieran a los contratos de obra y concesiones de obra o de servicios con un valor superior a los 3.000.000€ y de 100.000€ para los contratos de servicios y suministros; y siendo también objeto de recurso los contratos administrativos especiales, "cuando, por sus características no sea posible fijar su precio de licitación o, en otro caso, cuando su valor estimado sea superior a lo establecido para los contratos de servicios" y asimismo serán susceptibles de recurso especial en materia de contratación los contratos subvencionados a que se refiere el artículo 23, y los encargos cuando, por sus características no sea posible fijar su importe o, en otro caso, cuando este, atendida su duración total más las prórrogas, sea igual o superior a lo establecido para los contratos de servicios". Sobre su objeto ahora se añaden situaciones que pueden ser causas de nulidad (que se eliminan del texto) y modificaciones no previstas en los pliegos; y sobre la suspensión automática se reconoce la suspensión de la tramitación del procedimiento cuando el acto recurrido sea el de adjudicación, salvo en el supuesto de contratos basados en un acuerdo marco o de contratos específicos en el marco de un sistema dinámico de adquisición". Añadiendo estos actos susceptibles de recurso especial: acuerdos de adjudicación, las modificaciones basadas determinado incumplimiento por entender que la modificación debió ser objeto de una nueva adjudicación, la formalización de encargos a medios propios cuando éstos no cumplan los requisitos legales y el acuerdo de rescate de concesiones. En la dimensión subjetiva, será pieza clave la legitimación para interponer el recurso especial en materia de contratación, dedicando atención al juego diario de la interpretación jurisprudencial y de los Tribunales de contratos a la idea del interés legítimo, y a la legitimación de entidades como: el concejal, las Uniones Temporales de Empresas y las organizaciones sindicales. Se desprende del artículo 1.3 de la Directiva 89/665/CEE que el recurso "sea accesibles, como mínimo, a cualquier persona que tenga o haya tenido interés en obtener un determinado contrato y que se haya visto o pueda verse perjudicada por una presunta infracción ", la legitimación para poder acudir al recurso especial goza de una interpretación amplia para su empleo por los que han sido partícipes en el procedimiento de adjudicación, y también para quienes sin haber participado , acrediten interés legítimo para obtener el contrato (STJCE de 28 de octubre de 1999, Alcatel Austria AG (Asunto C-81/98). Interpretación amplia que también siguen el Tribunal Constitucional (SSTC nº 123/1996, de 8 de julio; nº1/2000, de 17 de enero y nº129/2001, de 4 de junio) el Tribunal Supremo (SSTS de 7 de mayo de 2010 y de 19 de enero de 2015) y el TACRC (Resolución nº 78/2015, de 23 de enero) precisando exista la posibilidad de obtener alguna posición ventajosa o eliminar alguna situación desfavorable. Problemática a analizar es la legitimación de quien no participara en el procedimiento, no recurrió los pliegos antes de la adjudicación, que creía discriminatorios, y que no participó porque no tenía las condiciones de prestar el objeto del contrato por esos criterios discriminatorios del pliegos. Situación que obtuvo la respuesta de la STJCE de 12 de febrero de 2004, Caso Grossmann Air Service (Asunto C-230/02), que consideró conforme a Derecho no reconocer legitimación a quien no participó sino que solo tuvo una posición pasiva. Por su parte el licitador que sí participa y que presenta su oferta, acepta tácitamente con este hecho el contenido del pliego. Por esta razón tampoco dispone de legitimación si pretende impugna la adjudicación por considerar existen vicios en el pliego, pero sin impugnarlos inicialmente y salvo que estemos ante casos de nulidad, en el que sí tendría legitimación (Resoluciones nº 255/2015, de 23 de marzo, nº 195/2015, de 27 de febrero y nº 554/2017 de 23 de junio TACRC). Criterio matizado por la STJUE 12 de marzo de 2015, Caso eVigilo (asunto C-538/13), al admitir la impugnación del pliego, pasado el plazo, si el licitador sólo pudo conocer la naturaleza discriminatoria de los pliegos cuando supo la resolución, notificada por el poder adjudicador. Saber que la doctrina es consolidad respecto al carácter preclusivo de los plazos para recurrir (SSTS 2307/2007, de 21 de marzo y STJUE de 12 de diciembre de 2002, Caso Universale-Bau AG (Asunto C- 470/99) y de 28 de enero de 2010, Caso Comisión contra Irlanda (Asunto C-456/08). Particular estudio se hace de la legitimación del concejal, de las Uniones Temporales de Empresas (UTE) ,de las Asociaciones profesionales y de los Sindicatos por los intereses colectivos que representan: Concejal: Sí disponen de legitimación el concejal a título individual, pero no los grupos políticos en aplicación del artículo 63.1.b/ Ley 7/1985, de 2 de abril, Reguladora de las Bases del Régimen Local (Resoluciones nº 112/2015, de 6 de febrero y nº145/2016, de 9 de febrero, TACRC) UTE: El debate por si pudiera recurrir uno de sus miembros de manera separada de los demás, paso de su negativa reflejada en la STJUE de 8 de septiembre de 2005, Caso Espace Trianon, S.A. - Asunto C-129/04) a su admisibilidad, por respeto a la tutela judicial en la STJUE de 6 de mayo de 2010, Caso Club Hotel Loutraki AE (Asuntos acumulados C-145/08 y C-149/08) y por las SSTS 11 de julio 2006 y 23 de julio de 2008 y salvo el supuesto previsto en la STS de 22 junio de 2009 y Resolución nº 479/2014, de 18 de junio TACRC, en que una de las empresas acepta la adjudicación y no la recurre, pues en este caso las demás no disponen de legitimación para interponer recurso contra esta adjudicación. No participando en la licitación, hay que analizar la legitimación de asociaciones que tiene por objeto defender intereses colectivos, por ello que solo tendrán legitimación, si interés que dicen defender al recurrir está conectado con el objeto del contrato (Resoluciones nº 24/2011, de 22 de junio, nº 294/2011, de 7 de diciembre, nº 20/2015, de 9 de enero y nº 4/2016, de 12 de enero, TACRC). Así Asociaciones profesionales, como un Colegio de Arquitectos dispone de legitimación sobre contratos cuyo objeto es la redacción de determinados proyectos de construcción; la Asociación Española de Empresas de Parques y Jardines sobre aquel contrato de servicios relacionado con jardinería o la Asociación profesional de Ingenierías de Seguridad y Salud en las Obras de Construcción impugnando el pliego que rige el contrato para prestar servicio para el desarrollo de las actividades preventivas y acciones de coordinación en los proyectos y obras. Los Sindicatos: Disponen de legitimación si acreditan un vínculo especial y concreto entre el ellos y el objeto de debate, con lo que obtener un beneficio o eliminar un perjuicio de estimarse su recurso (STC nº 159/2006, de 22 de mayo). Ejemplos de adjudicarse un contrato para la gestión privada de un hospital público o la concesión de obra pública de conservación y explotación que dañe derechos colectivos de los trabajadores. Visto que la Directiva 2007/66/CE, (art. 9.2) no cierra el modelo a adoptar sino que concede libertad a cada Estado Miembro, para que se prevé a si la resolución del recurso se atribuye a un órgano jurisdiccional o no jurisdiccional. Realidad que ha provocado un debate doctrinal sobre la naturaleza jurídica, jurisdiccional o administrativo de estos órganos. Debate para el que se acudirá a la STJCE de 4 de febrero de 1999, Josef Köllensperger (Asunto C-103/97). En España el sistema adoptado es el de un órgano cuasi-jurisdiccional, y aunque desde nuestro régimen jurídico sea un órgano administrativo, en Europa se le atribuye naturaleza de órgano jurisdiccional (STJUE Sentencia del TJUE de 6 de octubre de 2015, Consorci Sanitari del Maresme contra Corporació de Salut del Maresme i la Selva(Asunto C-203/14). Tan solo llamar la atención de la función revisora de los actos recurridos en orden a determinar si se ha producido un vicio de nulidad o anulabilidad de este tribunal, por cuanto es de control de la legalidad del acto impugnado, confirmándolo o anulándolo, pero no pudiendo cambiarlo. Así de encontrase con vicios del acto lo anulará, "ordenando que se repongan las actuaciones al momento anterior a aquel en el que el vicio se produjo, pero sin que el Tribunal pueda sustituir la competencia de los órganos intervinientes en el proceso de contratación, en este caso del órgano de contratación único al que corresponde dictar el acto de adjudicación, so pena de incurrir en incompetencia material sancionada con nulidad radical" (Resoluciones nº 99/2015, de 30 de enero, nº48/2016, de 22 de enero y nº 62/2012, de 29 de febrero TACRC). V. PROCEDIMIENTO. El procedimiento de recurso especial pretende ser rápido, mostrado en la reducción de plazos, así como pretender aplicar la administración electrónica al mismo. Se diferencia parte como: 1.ANUNCIO. Antes de la interposición del recurso en la regulación del TRLCSP se anunciaba por escrito al órgano de contratación la intención de recurrir, señalando el acto a impugnar. Su fin era que el órgano de contratación supiera de la interposición del recurso. No obstante muchos son quienes lo consideran superfluo pues el órgano de contratación sabrá del recurso cuando el tribunal administrativo se lo notifique el día de su interposición. Por ello que su función es cumplida con la presentación del recurso en el registro del órgano de contratación ( Resolución nº 1046/2015, de 13 de noviembre TACRC), así que con la nueva LCSP2017 es novedoso que el procedimiento del recurso especial se interpone sin necesidad de anuncio previo. 2.INTERPOSICIÓN. La interposición da comienzo al procedimiento de recurso. Con un plazo de caducidad de interposición de quince días hábiles, y con diferencia de cómputo en un criterio general y tres específicas según el acto recurrido. El general que se computa desde el día siguiente a aquél en que se remita la notificación del acto impugnado y específicas, según el objeto del recurso: el anuncio de licitación, los pliegos y demás documentos contractuales o los actos de trámite. 3. LAS MEDIDAS PROVISIONALES. Se analizan las medidas provisionales como medios para corregir las posibles infracciones del procedimiento o impedir que se causen otros perjuicios a los interesados afectados, cuya petición podrá ser previa a la interposición del recurso o junto al escrito de recurso. 4. LOS TRÁMITES BASICOS son: la comunicación al órgano de contratación y remisión del expediente; la audiencia a los interesados; la prueba. 5.RESOLUCIÓN. Termina el procedimiento con una resolución del tribunal a adoptar resolver el recurso en el plazo de cinco días hábiles. Todo el procedimiento cumplirá un plazo máximo de resolución de dos meses desde el día siguiente a su interposición. Transcurrido se entiende desestimado a efectos de interponer recurso contencioso-administrativo. Como contenido de la resolución, que deberá ser motivada , podrá ser acordar sobre la Administración indemnizar al interesado por los daños y perjuicios provocados por la infracción legal que provocó el recurso. También se acordará, si procediese, levantarla suspensión automática del acto de adjudicación y de las restantes medidas cautelares que se hubieran acordado, y devolverse la garantía exigidas. Y multas en caso de apreciarse temeridad o mala fe. Los tribunales administrativos han intentado precisar qué se entiende por temeridad o mala fe por el licitador en casos cuando se prueba ha realizado manifestaciones falsas según la documentación del expediente o cuando no adjudicándole el contrato, solo busca frenar la ejecución del contrato (Resolución nº 240/2014, de 21 de marzo, TACRC) Efectos de la resolución del recurso: recurribilidad de la misma y, por otro, a su ejecutabilidad. Con la nueva Ley de 2017, la resolución se residencia en el Tribunal Central de Recursos Contractuales, en Tribunales contractuales de las CCAAs y admitiéndose la creación de Tribunales Locales de Contratación por las Diputaciones Provinciales y los Ayuntamientos de los municipios de gran población. Si los tribunales son independientes , la resolución del recurso no es susceptible de recurso extraordinario de revisión. No es posible la revisión de oficio contra la resolución sino que solo cabe impugnarla en la vía contencioso-administrativa (Resoluciones nº 1177/2015, de 22 de diciembre y nº 47/2016, de 22 de enero, TACRC). En cuanto a su ejecutabilidad, la resolución será directamente ejecutiva resultando de aplicación, en su caso, el artículo 101 Ley 39/2015. Ejecución que llevará a término el órgano de contratación autor del acto. Y cuyos incidentes de ejecución se plantearán ante el tribunal que dictó la resolución, por lo que asume también funciones de control de la ejecución de la resolución por el órgano de contratación, que no atendida daría lugar a un caso de inactividad material prevista en el artículo 29.1 LJCA. VI. VALORACIÓN. El recurso especial en materia de contratación pública es hoy un mecanismo administrativo clave de control en materia de contratación. Analizadas la tarea desempeñada por los distintos tribunales se observa un porcentaje de resoluciones dictadas con rapidez, por órgano cualificados e independientes, haciendo efectivo la seguridad jurídica y la confianza de los licitadores y de manera directa a este efecto, la reducción de la litigiosidad en sede de la jurisdicción contencioso-administrativo sobre este sector contractual, como se desprende de las Memorias tanto del TACRC como de los Tribunales autonómicos.

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Nirligi-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 684 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 85 per cent is covered by soils and 15 per cent by habitation and water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 12 soil series and 25 soil phases (management units) and 5 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm) soils.  An area of about 12 per cent has loamy soils and 73 per cent has clayey soils at the surface.  About 50 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (0.75%) in soils.  Available phosphorus is low (57 kg/ha) in 9 per cent area of the microwatershed.  About 26 per cent are medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 59 per cent soils are high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium content.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 1.0 ppm) in soils.  Available iron is deficient (4.5 ppm) in 32 per cent area of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in about 36 per cent area.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils.  The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 193 (28) 78 (11) Sapota 54 (8) 41 (6) Maize 54 (8) 217 (32) Pomegranate 54 (8) 216 (32) Bajra 89 (13) 206 (30) Musambi 168 (25) 102 (15) Groundnut 68 (10) 248 (36) Lime 168 (25) 102 (15) Sunflower 168 (25) 101 (15) Amla 95 (14) 465 (68) Red gram 54 (8) 217 (32) Cashew - 27 (4) Bengalgram 139 (20) 200 (29) Jackfruit 54 (8) 41 (6) Cotton 160 (23) 111 (16) Jamun 21 (3) 226 (33) Chilli 54 (8) 41 (6) Custard apple 233 (34) 326 (48) Tomato 54 (8) 41 (6) Tamarind 21 (3) 263 (38) Brinjal 6 (1) 487 (71) Mulberry 89 (13) 327 (48) Onion - 317 (46) Marigold 54 (8) 216 (32) Bhendi - 492 (72) Chrysanthemum 54 (8) 216 (32) Drumstick 54 (8) 439 (64) Jasmine 54 (8) 41 (6) Mango 21 (3) 92 (13) Crossandra 54 (8) 156 (23) Guava 33 (5) 62 (9)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 5 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining productivity and ecological balance in the microwatershed.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE STUDY  Results indicated that 35 farmers were sampled in Nirligi-1 micro watershed among them 4 (11.43 %) were marginal farmers, 10 (28.57 %) were small farmers, 3 (8.57 %) were semi medium farmers, 12 (34.29%) were medium farmers, 1(2.86%) was large farmer and 5 (14.29 %) landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey.  The data indicated that there were 170 population households in the studied micro watershed. Among them 85 (50%) men and 85(50 %) were women. The average family size of landless, marginal, small and large farmers was 5, semi medium and medium farmer was 6.  The data indicated that 39 (22.94%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 73 (42.94 %) were in 16-35 years of age, 51 (30 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 7 (4.12%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that the Nirligi-1 had 23.53 per cent illiterates, 32.35 per cent of them had primary school education, 11.18 per cent of them had middle school, 11.76 per cent of them had high school education, 12.94 per cent of them had PUC education, 1.18 per cent of them had diploma and ITI education, 4.12 per cent of them had degree education and 0.59 per cent them had masters.  The results indicated that, 71.43 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 20 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labour and 2.86 per cent of them were general labour, in government service and housewives respectively.  The results indicated that agriculture was the occupation for 51.18 per cent of the household members, 10.59 per cent were agricultural labourers, 0.59 per cent of them were general labour, in government service, housewives and children's respectively. 4.71 per cent were in private service and 30 per cent were students. In case of landless farmers, 45.45 per cent were agricultural labour and students respectively. In case of marginal farmers 55 per cent were agriculturist, 10 percent was in private service and 25 per cent were students. In case of small farmers 65.79 per cent of them were agriculturist, 2.63 per cent of them were private service and 31.58 per cent of them were students. In case of semi medium farmers 64.71 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 11.76 per cent were in private service and 23.53 per cent of them were students. In case of medium farmers 56.52 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 10.14 per cent of them were general labours, 1.14 per cent were in government service, 4.35 per cent were in private service and 26.09 per cent were students. In case of large farmers 25 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, agriculture labour and 50 per cent of them were students. 2  The results showed that 1.76 per cent of the household participated in self help group, 0.59 per cent of the households participated in user group and 97.65 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicated that 34.29 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 42.86 per cent of the household possess thatched house and 22.86 per cent of the households possess Pucca house.  The results showed that, 94.29 per cent of the households possess TV, 91.43 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 34.29 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 42.86 per cent of the household possess motor cycle and 100 per cent of the households possess mobile.  The results showed that the average value of television was Rs.4757; the average value of television was mixer grinder was Rs.1312, the average value of television was bicycle was Rs. 1333, the average value of television was motor cycle was Rs.34333 and the average value of television was mobile phone was Rs.1569.  Data showed that 25.71 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 31.43 per cent of them possess plough, 2.86 per cent of the households possess power tiller and tractor, 17.14 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 100 per cent of the households possess weeder, 2.86 per cent of them possess thresher and 11.43 per cent of them possess chaff cutter.  The results showed that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.18222; the average value of plough was Rs. 970, the average value of power tiller was Rs. 25000, the average value of tractor was Rs. 600000, the average value of sprayer was Rs. 4666, the average value of weeder was Rs.30, the average value of thresher was Rs.15000 and the average value of chaff cutter was Rs. 3000.  The results indicated that, 34.29 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 20 per cent of the households possess local cow and 2.86 per cent of the household possess cross bread cow and buffalo respectively.  The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.67, average own labour (women) available was 1.47, average hired labour (men) available was 10.87 and average hired labour (women) available was 10.77.  In case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.75, average own labour (women) was also 1.25, average hired labour (men) was 9.50 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.50. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 1.20, average own labour (women) was 1.40, average hired labour (men) was 15.40 and average hired labour (women) available was 14.40. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 1.67, average own labour (women) was 1.33, average hired labour (men) was 14 and average hired labour (women) available was also 14. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 2.08, average own labour 3 (women) was 1.67, average hired labour (men) was 7.08 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.92. In large farmers average own labour men available was 1, average own labour (women) was 1, average hired labour (men) was 7 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.  The data showed that, in case of landless farmers 20 per cent of the household possess bullock and local cow. In case of marginal farmers, 25 per cent of the households possess bullock. In case of small farmers, 50 per cent of households possess bullock. In case of semi medium farmers, 33.33 per cent of the households possess cross bread cow. In medium farmers, 41.67 per cent of the households possess bullock, 50 per cent of the household possess local cow and 8.33 per cent of the household possess buffalo.  The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate.  The results indicated that, households of the Nirligi-1 micro watershed possess 29.29 ha (43.12%) of dry land and 38.64 ha (56.88%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 2.65 ha (84.52 %) of dry land and 0.49ha (15.48%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 12.90 ha (94.10 %) of dry land and 0.81 ha (5.90%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 0.41 ha (11.31%) of dry land and 3.24 ha (88.69%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 4.48 ha (12.55%) of dry land and 31.21 ha (87.45%) of irrigated land and large farmers possess 8.85 ha (75.33%) of dry land and 2.90 ha (24.67 %) of irrigated land.  The results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 225,259.29 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 408,356.92. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 527,938.93 for dry land and Rs. 1,029,166.63 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 186,005.65 for dry land and Rs. 741,000 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 1,937,254.94 for dry land and was Rs. 586,625 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 178,501.79 for dry land and was Rs. 371,573.08 for irrigated land. In large farmers the average land value was Rs. 135,590.12 for dry land and Rs. 172,486.04 for irrigated land.  The results indicated that, there were 10 functioning and 3 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 28.57 per cent of the farmers, 5.71 per cent of households were using canal as a source of irrigation and 2.86 per cent of the farmers were using tank for irrigation.  The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers there was 0.49 ha of irrigated land and semi medium farmers were having 1.21 ha of irrigated land and medium farmers having 28.57 ha irrigated land. On an average there were 30.57 ha of irrigated land. 4  The results indicated that, farmers have grown bajra (4.20 ha), cotton (6.88 ha), groundnut (5.75 ha), maize (30.73 ha), navane (2.43 ha), onion (3.32 ha), red gram (1.34 ha) and sunflower (0.81 ha) in kharif season. Marginal and small farmers have grown groundnut, maize, onion and sunflower. Semi medium farmers have grown bajra, cotton and onion. Medium farmers have grown bajra, cotton, groundnut, maize and onion. Large farmers have grown bajra and navane.  The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Nirligi-1 micro watershed was found to be 72.63 per cent. In case of marginal and small farmers cropping intensity was 100 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 99.56 per cent, in medium farmers it was 61.06 per cent and in case of large farmers it was 74.53 per cent.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have bank account and 42.86 per cent of having savings. Among land less farmers 100 per cent of the household possess bank account; marginal farmers 100 percent of them possess both bank account and 75 per cent of the household possess savings. 100 per cent of small, farmers possess per cent of bank account and 90 per cent possess savings, in semi medium farmers 100 per cent of the farmers possess bank account and 66.67 per cent savings, in case of medium farmers 100 per cent of the farmers possess bank account and 8.33 per cent of them possess savings and large category of farmers possess 100 per cent of bank account.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of marginal, small, semi medium and large farmers and 66.67 per cent of the medium farmers have borrowed credit from different sources.  The results indicated that, 23.08 per cent have availed loan in commercial bank, 3.85 per cent have availed loan from Cooperative Bank, money lender and SHGs/CBOs respectively. 38.46 per cent have availed loan from Grameena bank and 15.38 per cent of the household's availed loan from friends/relatives.  The results indicated that, marginal, small, semi medium, medium and large farmers have availed Rs. 130000, Rs. 79000, Rs. 178333.33, Rs. 66,250 and Rs.50000 respectively. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro watershed is 94807.69.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production.  The results indicated that, 85.71per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production and 14.29 per cent of the household barrowed money for household consumption.  . Results indicated that 82.35 percent of the households have unpaid their institutional loan and 17.65 per cent of them fully paid their institutional loan. 5  Results indicated that 14.29 percent of the households have partially paid their private credit and 85.71 per cent of the households have unpaid their private credit.  The results indicated that 23.53 per cent of the households were opined that they were helped to perform timely agricultural operations and 11.76 per cent opined that higher rate of interest.  The results indicated that 14.29 per cent of the households were opined that loan amount was adequate to fulfill the requirement and 28.57 per cent opined that higher rate of interest.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 34996.06. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26639.98. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -8356.08. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.76.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 27652.39. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 94691.73. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 67039.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.42.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 30764.01. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 50101.70. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 19337.69. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.63.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 161340.12. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 30924.25. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. -130415.87. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.19.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for navane was Rs. 11505.44. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 22230. The net income from navane cultivation was Rs. 10724.56. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.93.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 19733.93. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 38835.54. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. 19101.62. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.97.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for onion was Rs. 37429.69. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 104434.69. The net income from onion cultivation was Rs. 67005. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.79.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sunflower was Rs. 26987.81. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 50388. The net 6 income from sunflower cultivation was Rs. 23400.19. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.87.  The results indicated that, 57.14 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 8.57 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate.  The table indicated that the in case of landless farmers the average annual income from wage was Rs.28000 and dairy farm was Rs.600, in marginal farmers, average income from service/salary was Rs.3750, business was Rs.60000, wage was Rs.27500 and agriculture Rs. 46950. In case of small farmers the average income from wage was Rs. 81700 and agriculture was Rs.47610. In semi medium farmers the average income from service/salary was Rs.33333.33, wage was Rs.6000 and agriculture was Rs.97666.67. Medium farmer's average income from service/salary was Rs.5000, business was Rs.1666.67, wage was Rs.15666.67, agriculture was Rs.99166.67 and dairy farm was Rs.4416.67. Similarly in large farmers the average income from wage was Rs.20000 and agriculture was Rs.110000.  The results indicated that, in case of marginal, the average annual expenditure from business was Rs. 170000 and agriculture was Rs.26750. In case of small farmers the average annual expenditure from agriculture was Rs. 25300. In case of semi medium farmers the average expenditure from agriculture was Rs.55666.67 and dairy farm was Rs. 17000. In medium farmers the average annual expenditure from business was Rs.12000 and agriculture was Rs.45818.18.In large farmers the average expenditure from agriculture was Rs. 50000.  The results indicate that, households have an average additional investment capacity of Rs. 3285.71 for land development and Rs. 1600 in irrigation facility, Rs.1742.86 for improved crop production and Rs.142.86 for improved livestock management. Marginal farmers have an average additional investment capacity of Rs. 2500 for land development and Rs. 2000 in improved crop production. Medium farmers have an average additional investment capacity of Rs.7500 for land development, Rs.4000 for irrigation facility, Rs. 4416.67 for improved crop production and Rs. 416.67 for improved livestock management. Large farmers have an average additional investment of Rs.15000 for land development and have an investment capacity of Rs. 8000 for irrigation facility.  The results indicated that for 5.71 per cent and 20 per cent of the households were dependent on loan from the bank and soft loan for land development respectively. For irrigation facility 14.29 per cent of household were dependent on loan from the bank and 5.71 per cent of the household were dependent on soft loan. 11.43 per cent of the household were depending on loan from bank and soft loan for 7 improved crop production respectively. 2.86 per cent of the household were dependent on loan from bank for improved livestock management.  The results indicated that, bajra, cotton, groundnut, navane, onion, red gram and sunflower crops were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Only maize was sold to the extent of 93.79 per cent.  The results indicated that, 88.57 percent of the households have sold their produce to local/village merchant and 22.86 percent of the households have sold their produce to regulated market.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of households used tractor as a mode of transport.  The results indicated that, 85.71 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing.  The results indicated that, 42.86 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 25 percent of marginal farmers, 33.33 per cent of semi medium farmers, 100 percent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of the large farmers.  The results indicated that, 91.43 percent of the household used fire wood as a source of fuel, 2.86 per cent of the household used kerosene and 25.71 per cent of the household used LPG as source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 60 per cent of the households and 40 per cent of the household were using bore well as a source of drinking water.  The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, 45.71 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 40 per cent of the landless, 100 per cent of marginal, 50 per cent of small, 66.67 per cent of semi medium, 8.33 per cent of medium and 100 per cent of large farmers had sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled household's possessed BPL card.  The results indicated that, 91.43 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 20 per cent of the landless and 100 percent of the marginal, small, semi medium, medium farmers and large farmers.  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were adequate for 97.14 per cent of the household respectively. Oilseed were adequate for 2.86 per cent of the households, vegetables were adequate for 77.14 per cent of the households, milk were adequate for 88.57 per cent of the households, egg were adequate for 57.14 per cent of the households and meat were adequate for 25.71 per cent of the household. 8  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were inadequate for 2.86 per cent of the household. Oilseed, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were inadequate for 57.14 per cent, 22.86 per cent, 74.29 per cent, 5.71 per cent, 42.86 per cent and 71.43 per cent of the household respectively.  . The results indicated that, oilseed and fruits were inadequate for 40 per cent and 25.71 per cent of the household respectively.  The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 82.86 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (68.57%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (54.29%), inadequacy of irrigation water (57.14%), high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (48.57%), high rate of interest on credit (48.57%), low price for the agricultural commodities (77.14%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (62.86%), inadequate extension services (57.14 %), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (48.57%) and less rain fall (11.43%) . ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Timmapur-2 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 501 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 84 per cent is covered by soils, 14 per cent by rock outcrops and 2 per cent by water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 12 soil series and 21 soil phases (management units) and 5 Land management units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm) soils.  About 43 per cent area has clayey soils at the surface and 41 per cent loamy soils at the surface.  About 13 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (0.75%) in organic carbon.  Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in about 71 per cent and high (>57 kg/ha) in about 13 per cent area of the microwatershed.  About 65 per cent of the soils are low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium content.  Available sulphur is low (320 ppm) in 11 per cent soils.  Available boron is low (0.5 ppm) in about 83 per cent area and 4.5 ppm) in the entire area.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in about 42 per cent area.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils.  The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 160 (32) Sapota - 19 (4) Maize - 159 (32) Pomegranate - 78 (15) Bajra - 200 (40) Musambi - 78 (15) Groundnut - 107 (21) Lime - 78 (15) Sunflower - 75 (15) Amla - 237 (47) Red gram - 66 (13) Cashew - 36 (7) Bengalgram - 176 (35) Jackfruit - 19 (4) Cotton - 160 (32) Jamun - 69 (14) Chilli - 101 (20) Custard apple - 237 (47) Tomato - 101 (20) Tamarind - 66 (13) Brinjal 16 (3) 135 (27) Mulberry - 113 (23) Onion 16 (3) 62 (12) Marigold - 159 (32) Bhendi 16 (3) 120 (24) Chrysanthemum - 159 (32) Drumstick - 93 (18) Jasmine - 101 (20) Mango - 16 (3) Crossandra - 110 (22) Guava - 19 (4) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 5identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining productivity and ecological balance in the microwatershed.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE STUDY  The results indicated that 35 farmers were sampled in Timmapur-2 microwatershed among them 4 (11.43%) were marginal farmers, 14 (40%) were small farmers, 8 (22.86 %) were semi medium farmers, 4 (11.43%) were medium farmers and 5 (14.29%) landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey.  The data indicated that there were 191 population households were there in the studied micro watershed. Among them 106 (55.50%) men and 85 (44.50 %) were women. The average family size of landless was 6, marginal farmer was 4, small and semi medium farmers were 5 and medium farmers were 7. On an average the family size was 5.  The data indicated that 40 (20.94%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 91 (47.64 %) were in 16-35 years of age, 47 (24.61 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 13 (6.81%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that the Timmapur-2 had 37.17 per cent illiterates, 35.08 per cent of them had primary school education, 8.38 per cent of them had middle school, 11.52 per cent of them had high school education, 5.76 per cent of them had PUC education, 0.52 had diploma education and 1.05 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicated that, 80 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 17.14 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labour and 5.71 per cent of the household heads were general labour.  The results indicated that agriculture was the major occupation for 45.55 per cent of the household members, 24.61 per cent were agricultural labourers, 4.71 per cent were general labours and 23.56 per cent of them were students. In case of landless farmers 54.84 per cent of them were agriculture labours, 29.03 per cent of them were general labour and 12.90 per cent of them were students.  The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers 58.82 per cent of them were doing agriculture, 17.65 per cent of them were agriculture labour and 23.53 per cent of them were students. In small farmers 51.35 per cent of them were doing agriculture, 20.27 per cent of them were agriculture labour and 28.38 per cent of them were student. In case of semi medium farmers, 76. 92 per cent of them were agriculturist, 10.26 per cent of them were agriculture labour and students. In medium farmers 30 per cent of them were agriculturist, 26.67 per cent of them were agricultural labour and 40 per cent of them were students.  The results showed that 100 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicated that 45.71 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 42.86 per cent of the households possess Katcha house and 11.43 per cent of the households possess Pucca house. 2  The results showed that, 100 per cent of the households possess TV, 91.43 per cent of the households possess mixer/grinder, 42.86 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 37.14 per cent of the households possess motor cycle and 97.14 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results showed that the average value of television was Rs. 6800, mixer/grinder was Rs. 1656, bicycle was Rs.1750, motor cycle was Rs.29230 and mobile phone was Rs.1544.  The data showed that about 28.57 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 45.71 per cent of them possess plough, 2.86 per cent of the households possess tractor, 25.71 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 94.29 per cent of the households possess weeder and 11.43 per cent of the households possess chaff cutter.  The results showed that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.16800; the average value of plough was Rs. 910, the average value of tractor was Rs. 500000, the average value of sprayer was Rs. 3500, the average value of weeder was Rs. 59 and the average value of chaff cutter was Rs. 2325.  The results indicated that, 45.71 per cent of the households possess bullocks and 28.57 per cent of the households possess local cow. In case of marginal farmers, 25 per cent of the households possess bullock. In case of small farmers, 50 per cent of households possess bullock and 28.57 per cent possess local cow. In case of semi medium farmers, 62.50 per cent of the households possess bullock and 50 per cent of the households possess local cow. 75 medium farmers possess bullock and 50 farmers possess local.  The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.13, average own labour (women) available was 1.65, average hired labour (men) available was 8.35 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.16.  The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was also 1.25, average hired labour (men) was 6.50 and average hired labour (women) available was 5.25. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was 1.71, average hired labour (men) was 9.71 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.21. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 2.38, average own labour (women) was 1.50, average hired labour (men) was 9.13 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.50. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 2.25, average own labour (women) was 2, average hired labour (men) was 6 and average hired labour (women) available was 6.50.  The results indicated that, 88.57 per cent of the household opined that the hired labour was adequate.  The results indicated that, households of the Timmapur-2 microwatershed possess 20.72 ha (45.57%) of dry land and 24.75 ha (54.43%) of irrigated land. Marginal 3 farmers possess 2.51 ha (86.11%) of dry land and 0.40 ha (13.89%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 16.19 ha (86.21 %) of dry land and 2.59 ha (13.79 %) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 0.81 ha (6.97 %) of dry land and 10.81 ha (93.03%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 1.21 ha (9.98%) of dry land and 10.95 ha (90.02%) irrigated land.  The results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 390,761.72 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 501,592.55. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 597,580.64 for dry land and Rs. 1,976,000 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 333,450 for dry land Rs. 810,468.74 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 741,000 for dry land and Rs. 573,558.06 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 494,000 for dry land and Rs. 303,045.09 for irrigated land.  The results indicated that, there were 19 functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 54.29 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicated that on an average the depth of the bore well was 45.37 meters.  The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers there was 0.40 per cent of irrigated land, in case of small farmers there was 2.59 ha of irrigated land, in case of semi medium farmers there was 12.02 ha of irrigated land and medium farmers were having 6.11 ha of irrigated land. On an average there were 21.13 ha of irrigated land.  The results indicated that, farmers have grown bajra (4.45 ha), chilly (1.21 ha), cotton (2.91 ha), groundnut (8.22 ha), horsegram (1.21 ha), maize (14.40 ha), paddy (4.57 ha), sesamum (0.81 ha), sorghum (1.21 ha), sunflower (0.81 ha) and tomato (1.21 ha) in kharif season. Marginal farmers have grown groundnut, maize and sesamum. Small farmers have grown bajra, cotton, groundnut, horsegram, maize and sorghum. Semi medium farmers have grown chilly, cotton, groundnut, maize, paddy and tomato. Medium farmers have grown cotton, groundnut, maize, paddy and sunflower.  The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Timmapur-2 microwatershed was found to be 98.07 per cent. In case of marginal farmers, small farmers and medium farmers it was 100 per cent and in semi medium farmers it was 93.03 per cent.  The results indicated that, 94.29 per cent of the households have bank account and 48.57 per cent of the households have savings. 60per cent of the landless farmers have bank account. In marginal farmers 100 per cent of them have bank account and 50 per cent of them had savings. In case of small farmers 100 per cent of them had bank account and 71.43 per cent possess savings. In case of semi medium farmers, 4 100 per cent of possess bank account and 62.50 per cent farmer's savings. In Medium farmers, 100 per cent of farmers possess bank account.  The results indicated that 54.29 per cent of the farmers have borrowed credit from different sources which includes 75 per cent of marginal, 57.14 per cent of small, 75 per cent of semi medium and 50 per cent of medium farmers.  The results indicated that, 31.58 per cent have availed loan in commercial bank, 15.79 per cent have availed loan in cooperative Bank, 5.26 per cent have availed loan from friends/relatives, 89.47 per cent have availed loan in Grameena bank, 42.11per cent have availed loan from money lender and 10.53 per cent have availed loan in SHGs/CBOs.  The results indicated that, marginal, small, semi medium and medium have availed Rs. 55,000, Rs. 110,062.50, Rs. 74,166.67 and Rs, 195,000 respectively. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro watershed was Rs. 108,447.37.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production.  The results indicated that, 27.27 per cent of the household's barrowed private credit for agriculture production which includes 40 per cent of the small and 50 per cent of the semi medium farmers.  Results indicated that 19.23 per cent of households were partially paid their loan, 61.54 per cent of households were unpaid their loan and 19.23 per cent of households were fully paid their loan.  Results indicated that 63.64 per cent of the households have partially paid their loan, 27.27 per cent have unpaid their private credit and 9.09 per cent of the households have fully paid their loan.  The results indicated that 30.77 per cent of the households were opined that helped to perform timely agricultural operations, 46.15 per cent of the households were opined that higher rate of interest, 7.69 per cent of the households were opined that they were forced to sell the produce at low price to repay loan in time .  The results indicated that, 9.09 per cent of the households were opined that helped to perform timely agricultural operations and higher rate of interest and 36.36 per cent of the households were not given any opinion.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 27597.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 29830.49. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. 2232.71. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.08.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 61186.58. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 75699.47. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 14512.89. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.24. 5  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 62877.74. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 73035.07. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. 10157.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.16.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 17933.64. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 25454.72. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. 7521.08. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.42.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 28537.03. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 103740. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 75202.97. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.64.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for horsegram was Rs. 11451.45. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26840.67. The net income from horsegram cultivation was Rs. 15389.22. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.34.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 28542.16. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 71784.37. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 43242.21. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.52.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sunflower was Rs. 34933.39. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 63232. The net income from sunflower cultivation was Rs. 28298.61. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.81.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 23059.20. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 181133.33. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 158074.14. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:7.86.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 13146.50. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 34382.40. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. 21235.90. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.62.  The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sesamum was Rs. 15380.78. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 21612.50. The net income from sesamum cultivation was Rs. 6231.72. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.41.  The results indicated that, 62.86 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 34.29 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate.  The table indicated that, in landless farmers, the average income from wage was Rs. 26000. In marginal farmers the average income from wage was Rs. 26071.43 and agriculture was Rs. 37600. In small farmers the average income from wage was Rs. 6 26071.43, agriculture was Rs. 49050 and dairy farm was Rs. 2112.14. In semi medium farmers the average income from wage was Rs. 14,375, agriculture was Rs. 117,562.50 and dairy farm was Rs.625. In medium farmers the average income from wage was Rs. 15000, agriculture was Rs. 71500 and dairy farm was Rs. 750.  The results indicated that, in landless farmers, the average expenditure from wage was Rs. 13000, in marginal farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs.5666.67 and agriculture was Rs.14750. In case of small farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs. 11111.11, agriculture was Rs. 23285.71 and dairy farm was Rs. 10,000. In case of semi medium farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs. 5750, agriculture was Rs. 47875 and dairy farm was Rs.1000. In case of medium farmers the average expenditure from wage was Rs. 3,000 and agriculture was Rs. 35,000.  The results indicated that, sampled households have grown 20 coconut and 49 mango trees in their field.  The results indicated that, households have planted 50 neem, 6 tarmind, 1 banyan and 1 peeple trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs.2257.14 for land development, Rs. 1171.43 in irrigation facility, Rs.1314.29 for improved crop production, Rs.600 for improved livestock management and Rs.142.86 for subsidiary enterprises.  The data showed that Marginal households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 2500 for land development, Rs. 1500 for irrigation facility and Rs.1250 for improved crop production. Small farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs. 2357.14 for land development, Rs. 785.71 in irrigation facility, Rs.1642.86 for improved crop production and Rs.357.14 for improved livestock management. Semi medium farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs. 2000 for land development, Rs. 1750 in irrigation facility, Rs.1250 for improved crop production and Rs.750 for improved livestock management. Medium farmers have an average investment capacity of Rs. 5000 for land development, Rs. 2500 for irrigation facility, Rs.2000 for improved crop production, Rs.2500 for improved livestock management and Rs.1250 for subsidiary enterprises.  The results indicated that, for land development, 20 per cent were depending on loan from the bank and 2.86 per cent of the households were depending on soft loan. For irrigation facility 5.71 per cent of the households were dependent on loan from bank and 11.43 per cent were depending on soft loan. Similarly for improved crop production, 5.71 per cent of the households were dependent on loan from the bank, 2.86 per cent were dependent on their own funds and 14.29 per cent of the households were depending on soft loan. For improved livestock management 2.86 per cent were dependent on own funds and 11.43 per cent were dependent on soft loan. For subsidiary enterprises 2.86 per cent of the households were dependent on soft loan. 7  The results indicated that, chilli, cotton, horsegram, sesamum, sorghum, sunflower and tomato crops were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Bajra, groundnut, maize and paddy were sold to the extent of 85.71 per cent, 96.27 per cent, 97.23 per cent and 94.33 per cent respectively.  The results indicated that, 62.86 percent of the households have sold their produce to local/village merchant, 31.43 percent of the households sold their produce in regulated markets and 14.29 percent of the households sold their produce in cooperative marketing society.  The results indicated that 11.43 per cent of the households have used cart as a mode of transport, 57.14 per cent of them have used tractor and 40 per cent have used truck as a mode of transport.  The results indicated that, 42.86 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 50 percent of marginal farmers, 42.86 per cent of small farmers, 37.50 per cent of semi medium farmers and 100 percent of medium farmers.  The results indicated that, 82.86 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing including 100 per cent of marginal farmers, small farmers and medium farmers and 87.50 per cent of the semi medium farmers respectively.  The results indicated that, 100 percent used fire wood as a source of fuel and 2.86 per cent of the households used LPG.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the source of drinking water for 82.86 per cent of the households and 17.14 per cents of the households were using bore well for drinking water.  The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, 31.43 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 20 per cent of landless, 100 per cent of marginal, 21.43 per cent of small, 25 per cent of semi medium and 25 per cent of medium farmers had sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card.  The results indicated that, 42.86 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 60 per cent of the landless, 100 percent of the marginal, 21.43 per cent of the small, 12.50 per cent of the semi medium and 100 percent of the medium farmers.  The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, milk, egg and meat were adequate for 94.29 per cent, 60 per cent, 5.71 per cent, 85.71 per cent, 80 per cent, and 65.71 per cent respectively. Vegetables and fruits were adequate for 48.57 per cent of the households. 8  The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseed, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were inadequate for 5.71 per cent, 40 per cent, 80 per cent, 42.86 per cent, 40 per cent, 5.71 per cent, 17.14 per cent and 31.43 per cent respectively.  The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was experienced by 85.71 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field was experienced by 74.29 per cent of the households, frequent incidence of pest and diseases was experienced by 65.71 per cent of the farmers, inadequacy of irrigation water was experienced by 42.86 per cent of the households, high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals was experienced by 65.71 per cent of the households, high rate of interest on credit was experienced by 60 per cent of the farmers, low price for the agricultural commodities was experienced by 60 per cent of the farmers, lack of marketing facilities in the area was experienced 65.71 per cent of the households, inadequate of extension services experienced by 65.71 per cent of the households, lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market was experienced by 74.29 per cent of the households and less rainfall was experienced by 25.71 per cent of the farmers. ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Rispetto a quanti, per primi, hanno affrontato il tema che ci occupa, l'odierno studio profitta del fatto che l'azione di adempimento ha trovato espressa menzione nel codice del processo amministrativo a seguito dell'adozione del secondo decreto correttivo, con conseguente rimozione di ogni dubbio in ordine alla sua ammissibilità, in precedenza affermata solo attraverso un significativo sforzo interpretativo proteso a ricavarla dal sistema. Nondimeno, la ricerca non può prescindere dalla valorizzazione di quelle elaborazioni dottrinali e giurisprudenziali che pur, in difetto di una previsione espressa, avevano concluso per l'immanenza nell'ordinamento processuale amministrativo di una modalità di tutela delle situazioni di interesse legittimo consistente nella condanna dell'Amministrazione all'adozione del provvedimento, prima richiesto infruttuosamente nel procedimento amministrativo, poi invocato in sede giurisdizionale. Ciò, in quanto tali elaborazioni si collocano a valle di un lungo percorso che, attraverso la progressiva implementazione delle tecniche di tutela azionabili avanti al giudice amministrativo, ha segnato, nella sostanza, la stessa evoluzione della nozione di interesse legittimo. Evidenziare come gli sforzi operati dalla giurisprudenza per ampliare gli spazi di protezione dell'interesse legittimo e l'apprezzamento circa l'effettiva consistenza di tale situazione sostanziale siano elementi che, negli anni, si sono condizionati vicendevolmente, è, appunto, l'intento dell'odierno studio. E' così che la ricerca prende le mosse dal momento storico in cui l'interesse legittimo era stato espunto dal mondo delle situazioni soggettive dalla legge abolitrice del contenzioso, la cui ratio è enunciata, nel corso della discussione parlamentare, dal relatore del disegno di legge, quel Pasquale Stanislao Mancini che, rispetto alla posizione di chi avanzava istanze di protezione di interessi che si contrapponevano all'esercizio del potere pubblico, ebbe ad esporre la reazione dell'ordinamento, plasticamente sintetizzata nella celeberrima frase "che ei si rassegni". Ebbene, in quel lontano 1865, il soggetto portatore di un interesse che era intercettato, a vario titolo, dal potere in attribuzione ad un'Amministrazione per la cura di un interesse 2 pubblico, doveva effettivamente rassegnarsi, in quanto sprovvisto di mezzi di tutela giurisdizionale, dovendosi necessariamente appellare unicamente ad un sistema di giustizia ritenuta all'interno della stessa Amministrazione. Alla base di tale scelta si poneva il condizionamento generato dal principio di separazione dei poteri dello Stato, secondo il quale il potere giurisdizionale non poteva invadere gli spazi propri del potere amministrativo con statuizioni che ne potessero condizionare l'esercizio. Il rapporto tra giurisdizione ed amministrazione è questione che, ancora oggi, dispiega i suoi effetti sul processo amministrativo e, in particolare, sul collocamento di quella "frontiera mobile" tra i due poteri, a seconda che si acceda ad una certa interpretazione della discrezionalità piuttosto che ad un'altra. Sicché, da quel lontano 1865, grazie all'azione certosina e paziente di dottrina e giurisprudenza, si è dipanato quel sottile fil rouge che ha segnato il progressivo incremento dei mezzi di protezione, sulla cui natura giurisdizionale, inizialmente, con l'istituzione della IV Sez. C.S., si è persino dubitato. Sennonché, la tutela di annullamento dell'atto, parsa una significativa conquista nel 1889, non tardò a rivelarsi insufficiente, tanto da richiedere, nel tempo, l'estensione a forme ulteriori, le quali, oltre a garantire la caducazione del provvedimento lesivo potessero contribuire a far sì che l'Amministrazione ne emanasse uno idoneo a soddisfare la situazione sostanziale riconosciuta meritevole di protezione dal giudice amministrativo. Ne derivò l'elaborazione del c.d. effetto conformativo della sentenza, declinabile tanto sotto forma di effetto ripristinatorio in virtù dell'espunzione dal mondo degli atti giuridici del provvedimento lesivo di un certo interesse protetto, quanto sub specie di effetto preclusivo verso la reiterazione di un provvedimento che recasse gli stessi vizi di quello caducato. Il punto è che né l'effetto ripristinatorio, né quello preclusivo riunivano la capacità di soddisfare quelle situazioni sostanziali che si atteggiavano quali interessi legittimi prentensivi, secondo la classificazione medio tempore effettuata dalla migliore dottrina. Se la situazione di interesse oppositivo poteva essere ritenuta soddisfatta con la rimozione dell'atto lesivo, quella di carattere pretensivo era destinata a rimanere frustata, sino a quando, in sede di riesercizio del potere, la PA non l'avesse gratificata appieno. 3 Ebbene, l'effetto conformativo è stato inteso come dovere per la PA di attenersi in sede di riedizione del potere alla regula iuris dettata dal giudice nel corpo alla sentenza. La sede in cui poteva esser coattivamente assicurata tale corrispondenza è stata individuata grazie all'introduzione del giudizio di ottemperanza. Il punto è che tale forma di giudizio di esecuzione, a differenza dell'omologo rito nel processo civile, risultava portatore di un vizio d'origine, ricevuto in eredità dalla natura impugnatoria e caducatoria posseduta dal giudizio di cognizione. Era ben possibile, infatti, che la sentenza di cui si chiedeva l'ottemperanza recasse una statuizione in merito ai vizi dell'atto riguardanti la lesione di interessi procedimentali, ovvero l'assorbimento degli altri motivi di ricorso una volta accolto uno di essi, con la conseguenza, in entrambi i casi, di un difetto di pronuncia sulla fondatezza della pretesa, dunque sull'effettiva consistenza della situazione sostanziale alla base della lite. Tutto ciò si traduceva in una sostanziale elusione del principio costituzionale dell'effettività della tutela, di cui all'art. 24, nella considerazione che, in estrema sintesi, la parte vittoriosa si ritrovava in possesso di un giudicato non suscettibile di un'esecuzione realmente satisfattiva. Il correttivo adottato per via pretoria è stato quello d'integrare la natura esecutiva del rito dell'ottemperanza con quei profili di cognizione necessari per riempire di contenuti dispositivi un giudicato che limitatosi al giudizio sull'atto, risultava incompleto e quindi inidoneo ad assicurare tutela alla situazione vantata nel rapporto. Non è mancato chi abbia negato la fondatezza dell'assunto secondo il quale il giudice dell'ottemperanza potesse estendere la sua giurisdizione alla conoscenza della situazione giuridica oltre il giudicato formatosi in sede di cognizione. In ogni caso, l'inattitudine della sentenza di annullamento nel soddisfare le posizioni riconducibili alla figura dell'interesse pretensivo e, dunque, l'intrinseca inidoneità satisfattiva della tutela caducatoria venivano corrette in ottemperanza, ma ciò con il pesante onere per il ricorrente vittorioso di dover intentare un secondo giudizio, non solo per ottenere l'esecuzione, ma, ancor prima, per vedersi riconosciuta la fondatezza della pretesa. Pur di fronte ad una soluzione comunque concepita per assicurare l'effettività della tutela, non si poteva non coglierne la sua asimmetria sistematica, se paragonata al modello della 4 giustizia civile, rispetto al quale la fase dell'esecuzione si traduce nell'attuazione di quell'assetto d'interessi configurato appieno nella pronuncia del giudice della cognizione. In punto di coltivazione dell'interesse pretensivo, la simmetria del processo civile non era realizzabile in carenza di un'azione che possedesse l'attitudine a dare luogo ad una pronuncia realmente satisfattiva, la quale non poteva che avere i tratti della condanna all'adozione del provvedimento utile a soddisfare la situazione dedotta in giudizio, perché frustrata da una reiezione da parte della PA competente. Un'azione ed una pronunzia di tale carattere non era concepibile in presenza di un'interpretazione rigida del principio di separazione dei poteri, in ragione del quale si riteneva preclusa al giudice la possibilità di penetrare la c.d. "riserva di amministrazione". Per non ammettere una modalità di tutela che avrebbe comportato, in sede di cognizione, una statuizione di condanna dell'Amministrazione ad un facere pubblicistico, si edulcorava la vicenda contenziosa, rimettendone l'epilogo alla sede dell'ottemperanza, dove sostanzialmente si dava esecuzione ad un dispositivo "fantasma", non apprezzabile ictu oculi, bensì medianicamente evocabile, ricorrendo alla soluzione dell'effetto conformativo. In realtà, si doveva prendere atto dell'incompletezza del sistema delle tutele e della natura posticcia della soluzione adottata. L'assenza dell'azione di condanna nel sistema delle tutele, quale fatto idoneo a produrre ulteriori distonie nel sistema stesso, è altresì apprezzabile guardando al modello dell'azione avverso il silenzio inadempimento. Di fronte all'inerzia dell'Amministrazione nell'esercizio doveroso del potere pubblico, meritoriamente, il legislatore ha inteso riconoscere al soggetto frustrato da tale contegno amministrativo la possibilità di ottenere una statuizione giurisdizionale che non solo accertasse l'obbligo di provvedere, bensì pronunziasse anche in merito alla fondatezza dell'istanza che lo spiegarsi di quella potestà pubblicistica aveva stimolato. Il punto è che siffatta previsione è divenuta occasione di ulteriori disallineamenti, avendo determinato l'effetto secondo il quale, ai fini della cura degli interessi pretensivi, il soggetto interessato finiva per godere di mezzi di tutela più ampi laddove l'Amministrazione fosse stata silente, piuttosto che nel caso in cui avesse adottato un provvedimento espresso di reiezione. 5 Nel primo caso, infatti, il soggetto leso avrebbe potuto ottenere in sede di cognizione una sentenza recante una statuizione espressa sulla fondatezza della pretesa, nel secondo la sola pronunzia di annullamento e l'aspettativa ad ottenere una pronuncia sul rapporto solo in sede di ottemperanza. A livellare tale situazione d'irragionevole squilibrio è intervenuta la giurisprudenza che ha interpretato la norma sul silenzio in modo restrittivo e, in particolare, nel senso che il giudizio sulla fondatezza assumesse rilievo solo in malam partem, ossia per escludere la declaratoria in sede giurisdizionale dell'obbligo di provvedere, in presenza di una pretesa ictu oculi inconsistente. Nondimeno, l'istituto ha avuto l'indubbio pregio di formalizzare il principio secondo il quale la separazione dei poteri non è un dogma assoluto, risultando suscettibile di quel temperamento indispensabile per soddisfare le istanze del privato, allorquando non residuino ragioni d'interesse pubblico perché debbano risultare frustrate. Ciò nella considerazione che il legislatore ha ammesso che il giudice amministrativo possa conoscere della fondatezza della pretesa in caso di potere vincolato ovvero di esaurimento della discrezionalità, cioè in tutte quelle circostanze in cui viene a mancare quel potere di scelta che costituisce l'essenza stessa della potestà amministrativa. Peraltro, è appena il caso di rammentare come siffatto modello sia stato integralmente utilizzato, attraverso un'operazione di rinvio, per dare fondamento all'azione di adempimento, all'atto del recepimento nel codice del processo amministrativo. Ritornando in dietro nel tempo, occorre dare conto di un ulteriore tentativo volto a colmare il vuoto di tutela in trattazione, che si è registrato all'indomani del recepimento in diritto positivo, ad opera della legge 205 del 2000, dell'azione di risarcimento del danno da lesione di interesse legittimo, ammissibile anche sotto la forma della reintegrazione in forma specifica. Ebbene, replicando le incongruenze interpretative sorte in sede civile nell'accomunare il rimedio risarcitorio della reintegrazione in forma specifica con l'azione di adempimento e con l'esecuzione forzata in forma specifica degli obblighi di fare, non fare e dare, con alterne fortune in dottrina e giurisprudenza, si è cercato di vedere in un'azione naturalmente riparatoria di un pregiudizio patito nel preesistente patrimonio del soggetto interessato, un rimedio volto a far sì che una prestazione ampliativa dell'altrui sfera giuridica, non ancora 6 resa, potesse entrarvi in virtù di una pronunzia di condanna, con l'incongrua conseguenza di sottoporre quest'ultima ai noti limiti di cui al combinato disposto degli artt. 2043 e 2058 c.c., coincidenti con la necessità di dover provare l'elemento psicologico del dolo o della colpa e con il rischio di vedersi riconosciuta una tutela risarcitoria per equivalente, piuttosto che la prestazione auspicata, perché ritenuta quest'ultima eccessivamente onerosa. Tale orientamento, fermamente censurato dal Consiglio di Stato, è stato l'ulteriore tentativo di superare l'horror vaqui dato dalla constatazione dell'inesistenza di un'azione idonea a soddisfare la lesione dell'interesse legittimo pretensivo, in presenza di una concezione generale del processo amministrativo che, sotto la spinta della sentenza n. 500 del 1999, da un modello di giudizio sull'atto stava migrando celermente verso quello del giudizio sul rapporto. Il punto è che tale vuoto non poteva che essere occupato dalla previsione dell'azione appropriata, non essendo più sostenibili i palliativi sin'ora richiamati. Nello stesso solco si colloca quell'orientamento giurisprudenziale che, prescindendo dalla previa emanazione di un atto amministrativo lesivo, ha ammesso la possibilità di esperire un'azione di accertamento circa la fondatezza della situazione sostanziale vantata dall'interessato rispetto al mancato esercizio di un potere di controllo da parte della PA in materia edilizia. L'accertamento operato nel processo rimaneva pur sempre uno strumento per ottenere protezione della sfera giuridica provocando il corretto svolgimento dell'azione amministrativa in virtù dell'effetto conformativo della sentenza. Tirando le fila di questa parte dell'opera, si osserva come il recepimento dell'azione di condanna all'adempimento pubblicistico, se, da un lato, certamente porta armonia nel sistema processuale amministrativo, evitando il ricorso a soluzioni non del tutto appropriate, bensì frutto di un adattamento alle istanze di tutela, dall'altro, generi importanti interrogativi sul piano sostanziale, i quali, a loro volta, sono destinati ad innescare nuove questioni processuali. In estrema sintesi, se esiste un'azione di adempimento a valle, deve preesistere a monte un obbligo suscettibile di essere conosciuto funditus dal giudice e di divenire oggetto di una statuizione di condanna. 7 Ebbene, è proprio la nozione di obbligo che potrebbe risultare incompatibile con quella di potestà, quale situazione soggettiva attiva attribuita dal legislatore alla PA per la cura dell'interesse pubblico. Nella considerazione che l'approdo ad un'azione di adempimento espressamente riconosciuta dall'ordinamento processuale amministrativo costituisce il precipitato dell'articolato processo testé descritto, attraverso il quale si è registrato un progressivo allineamento delle tecniche di tutela proprie del giudice amministrativo a quelle tipiche del giudice ordinario, è appunto alla più che consolidata esperienza della dottrina e della giurisprudenza civile che si deve guardare per studiare i caratteri dell'azione in rilievo e ricavare elementi indicativi circa la reale consistenza delle situazioni sostanziali con essa tutelabili. Se, dunque, una consistente parte della tesi si incentra sul processo, un'ulteriore parte nobile è dedicata allo studio delle posizioni giuridiche coinvolte dall'azione amministrativa. L'azione di adempimento diviene, quindi, occasione per indagare in ordine al reale assetto dei poteri pubblici ed alle loro effettive ricadute sulle posizioni del privato. Orbene, citando testualmente la migliore dottrina civilistica, mette conto evidenziare che "costringere all'adempimento significa costringere il contraente e/o l'obbligato ad eseguire quanto è oggetto del contratto e/o dell'obbligo e, rispettivamente, autorizzare l'avente diritto a pretendere tale adempimento … Ove un'obbligazione risulti inadempiuta e/o inesattamente adempiuta la situazione può essere così rappresentata: se l'avente diritto …abbia interesse ad ottenere quella specifica, esatta prestazione oggetto della propria aspettativa, opterà per l'adempimento in natura " (Di Majo – La tutela civile dei diritti – pag. 279). Sono, dunque, chiari i presupposti sostanziali, affinché, nel processo, possa essere azionata la domanda di adempimento. In primo luogo, deve sussistere una previa obbligazione, in secondo luogo, deve essere accaduto che la prestazione, oggetto ex art 1174 c.c. di quella obbligazione, non debba essere stata resa, ovvero debba essere stata resa in forma gravemente inesatta. Di fronte a tale considerazione, non vi è chi non colga profili di possibile incompatibilità tra potestà ed obbligazione, tra adempimento ed esercizio di potestà pubblica. 8 Allora la circostanza che il legislatore abbia previsto un'azione di adempimento pubblicistica in presenza di potere vincolato, è forse spiegabile con l'argomento secondo cui, in realtà, lo stesso legislatore, attribuendo siffatto potere all'Amministrazione, in combinato disposto con l'obbligo di provvedere di cui all'art 2 della legge n. 241/90, abbia fondato un'obbligazione del tertium genus di cui all'art. 1173 c.c., in ragione della quale l'istanza proposta dal soggetto interessato nel rispetto dei parametri di legge costituisca quel fatto idoneo a produrre l'obbligazione in conformità dell'ordinamento giuridico ? Il punto è che tale conclusione, dotata di una logica apprezzabile, espone ad una significativa torsione l'intero sistema della giurisdizione amministrativa. In primo luogo, ritenere che ogni qualvolta il legislatore, nel vincolare integralmente l'esercizio del potere amministrativo e, conseguentemente, i contenuti del provvedimento, abbia in realtà fondato una disciplina in ragione della quale l'attivazione del procedimento da parte dell'interessato generi un'obbligazione, significa, necessariamente, ammettere che di procedimento ex lege 241 non si tratti e che la situazione azionata corrisponda ad un diritto soggettivo di credito. Di qui, in applicazione del noto criterio della causa petendi, si dovrebbe concludere che la controversia non verrebbe a ricadere nell'ambito della giurisdizione amministrativa, bensì sotto quella del giudice ordinario. In realtà, si contrappone a questa ardita conclusione la circostanza che l'azione di adempimento pubblicistica sia stata concepita dal legislatore del codice del processo come azione accessoria a quella di annullamento, che, come noto, è propria della giurisdizione generale di legittimità del giudice amministrativo, preposta alla cognizione di controversie in materia di interessi legittimi. Sicché, per non tacciare la norma di recepimento di un'azione da tempo invocata da dottrina e giurisprudenza di illegittimità per irragionevolezza, ma soprattutto per contrasto con l'art. 103 Cost., che, prefigurando la distinzione tra diritti soggettivi ed interessi legittimi, fonda la cognizione del giudice amministrativo sui primi solo in sede di giurisdizione esclusiva, è d'obbligo ricercare un'interpretazione costituzionalmente orientata che riesca a dare razionalità al sistema, che, in estrema sintesi, riesca a far convivere potestà, obbligo ed adempimento. 9 In quest'opera, l'indagine non può prescindere da un approfondimento della ricerca nella direzione di qualificare adeguatamente le nozioni di potere vincolato e di potere discrezionale. Il concetto di discrezionalità implica quello della scelta più opportuna, nel caso concreto, per la cura dell'interesse pubblico, tra più soluzioni possibili, offerte da un ambito circoscritto da norme, e tenendo conto degli interessi in gioco. I criteri di gradazione della rilevanza degli interessi possono essere in quelle stesse norme o fissati da autorità in rapporto di sopraordinazione gerarchica o direzionale. La discrezionalità è, dunque, una "ponderazione comparativa di più interessi secondari in ordine ad un interesse primario", che si atteggia come l'agire libero della PA, quando si pone come autorità e cioè quando l'agire è funzione e si esprime attraverso la potestà, però, non sempre discrezionale. La dottrina contrapponeva la discrezionalità alla vincolatezza, ritenendo questa la normalità dell'attività amministrativa, in ossequio al principio di legalità. In realtà, per i provvedimenti amministrativi la discrezionalità è il paradigma normale. Accade, però, che la discrezionalità abbia momenti vincolati, anche quando risulti ampia. Pare necessario riferire sul punto in cui si innesta un momento di fibrillazione della teorica, perché si assiste a confusione tra situazioni attive e passive, dal momento che, di fronte alla potestà, si colloca la soggezione che è situazione giuridica passiva, la quale consiste nel dover patire le altrui scelte unilaterali, mentre l'interesse legittimo pretensivo ricava dalla potestà pubblicistica l'ampliamento della sfera giuridica del suo titolare, quindi è posizione giuridica attiva. Allo stesso modo, l'interesse oppositivo è situazione attiva che si oppone alla potestà ablatoria, che incontra il limite del dovere di astensione dal turbamento che non sia autorizzato dalla legge. In estrema sintesi, l'interesse legittimo è la situazione sostanziale che si confronta con il pubblico potere, indipendentemente dal fatto che esso si caratterizzi per il requisito della discrezionalità, è la posizione soggettiva che nasce dai limiti legali posti dall'ordinamento per l'esercizio dei pubblici poteri. 10 Osserva, infatti, GIANNINI "L'interesse legittimo serve a contenere l'esercizio delle potestà (è indifferente che siano pubbliche o private) nei limiti della norma: è in funzione del fatto illegittimo, non del fatto illecito". La potestà è, comunque, una situazione complessa, perché ad essa accedono diritti soggettivi o potestativi, o anche doveri ed obblighi, a seconda della natura degli interessi che l'ordinamento ha inteso tutelare. Infatti, con la locuzione "potere – dovere", si indicano due distinti fenomeni: il dovere concorre con una potestà (di qui la "potestà ad esercizio necessario") e l'obbligo che nasce dall'esercizio di una potestà. Proprio nel cuore della questione che ci occupa si innesta una corrente di pensiero che, anche sulla spinta dell'ordinamento comunitario, ha dubitato sulla reale fondatezza della nozione d'interesse legittimo. Del resto, anche Mario Nigro, nell'opera "E' ancora attuale una giustizia amministrativa" (p. 255), aveva colto "un mutamento di natura dell'interesse legittimo che, progressivamente e soprattutto in alcune materie, sta assumendo la figura di un diritto di credito, ma non già, secondo note vedute, di credito alla legittimità dell'azione amministrativa, bensì di credito ad una concreta utilità; sta diventando un vero e proprio diritto soggettivo". La teorica dell'interesse legittimo quale specie particolare diritto di credito è stata sviluppata dalla scuola fiorentina (ORSI BATTAGLINI – FERRARA), la quale è approdata alla conclusione "se l'interesse legittimo è una situazione giuridica attiva, a esso non può essere contrapposta una posizione di potere, parimenti attiva, bensì una situazione di obbligo". Sicché, Leonardo Ferrara dalla natura di diritto di credito dell'interesse legittimo ricava, quali "implicazioni necessarie", la condanna, tramite reintegrazione in forma specifica e l'esecuzione tramite l'ottemperanza. Ebbene, di fronte all'assunzione di una certa consistenza dell'orientamento che intende qualificare l'interesse legittimo come una particolare forma di diritto soggettivo, non si può non guardare all'ordinamento tedesco che conosce la categoria del "diritto pubblico soggettivo", quale situazione sostanziale che attribuisce al soggetto interessato la facoltà di pretendere dall'Amministrazione un fare, un non fare o un sopportare, e soprattutto vi offre tutela per mezzo dell'azione di adempimento, la Verpflichtungsklage. 11 Per evitare l'istaurazione ed il consolidamento d'incertezze interpretative, è d'obbligo chiarire come nell'ambito di tale categoria di "diritti soggettivi pubblici" ricadano anche quelle situazioni che nel nostro ordinamento avrebbero consistenza d'interesse legittimo. Lo si ricava dalla previsione contenuta nella legge processuale amministrativa tedesca, nella quale è vero che, a fronte della richiesta di adempimento "nella misura in cui il rifiuto o l'omissione dell'atto amministrativo è illegittimo", il giudice può emettere una sentenza di condanna nei confronti della PA a "porre in essere la richiesta attività dell'ufficio", ma ciò soltanto "se la questione è matura per la decisione", nella considerazione che, diversamente, "dichiara l'obbligo di decidere nei confronti nel rispetto della concezione giuridica del tribunale". Seppur con espressioni diverse, la medesima regola processuale è rinvenibile nel corpo dell'art. 31, c. 3, cpa, allorquando recita che "il giudice può pronunciare sulla fondatezza della pretesa dedotta in giudizio … quando risulta che non residuano ulteriori margini di esercizio della discrezionalità e non sono necessari adempimenti istruttori che debbano essere compiuti dall'amministrazione". Se, dunque, il giudice, tanto nel sistema tedesco, quanto in quello italiano, conosce di un rapporto giuridico di cui non può apprezzare appieno il definitivo assetto, ciò sta a significare che esso è riservato al potere discrezionale dell'Amministrazione. Sicché, la situazione sostanziale in capo al soggetto privato può ben essere chiamata diritto soggettivo (lo stesso SCOCA lo ammette nell'opera "Attualità dell'interesse legittimo", a condizione di considerarlo comunque un diritto soggettivo particolare), ma senza che ciò la spogli della sua natura di posizione soggetta alla scelta discrezionale dell'Amministrazione. Nondimeno "La teoria dei diritti pubblici soggettivi" aiuta la ricerca, fornendo un'interessante chiave di volta, nella considerazione che Santi ROMANO, ispirandosi alla dottrina tedesca, ma con significativi tratti di originalità, ne ha individuato il fondamento nella "cosciente autolimitazione dello Stato". In particolare significativi spunti nella materia dei diritti soggettivi pubblici provengono anche dal grande CAMMEO, il quale conferma la validità del sistema nazionale di ripartizione delle situazioni sostanziali, tra diritti soggettivi ed interessi legittimi. Si deve dunque valorizzare la natura anfibia delle posizioni giuridiche soggettive sopra menzionata. 12 Ragionando con riferimento alla situazione corrispondente all'interesse pretensivo, osserviamo come essa conosca, nello stesso tempo, della soggezione al potere pubblico, perché, senza l'intermediazione del potere pubblico, l'interessato non può godere del bene della vita auspicato, e della pretesa, nei confronti di quello stesso potere pubblico, del rispetto dei limiti legislativi posti per il suo esercizio, da cui quello stesso interessato ricava l'immissione nel bene della vita. Dunque, la Amministrazione possiede la potestà di riconoscere il titolo per il godimento del bene della vita, ma è insieme soggetta all'obbligo di conformare il suo esercizio ai contenuti del paradigma normativo. L'obbligo, in quanto tale, laddove disatteso è suscettibile di essere oggetto di una pronuncia di condanna. Se il paradigma normativo riconosce la pari validità di più soluzioni, la PA risulterà intestataria di un potere discrezionale, ricadendo la sua scelta nel merito amministrativo, vera area di insindacabilità ad opera del potere giurisdizionale, per la contestuale assenza di un obbligo. Viceversa, se il potere in attribuzione ha natura vincolata, l'area di soggezione all'obbligo del rispetto della legge risulterà dilatata sino ad abbracciarne l'intero esercizio. L'obiezione che può derivare è che l'eterointegrazione integrale del perimetro del potere pubblico ad opera della legge farebbe insorgere una vera e propria posizione di diritto soggettivo perfetto. Per confutarla è necessario ricorrere al concetto di discrezionalità, intesa dal Giannini come combinazione di giudizio e volontà. Ebbene, in occasione dell'esercizio del potere vincolato, in realtà, viene a mancare unicamente il profilo della volontà, integralmente precostituito dal legislatore, ma rimane quello del giudizio, o più precisamente dell'accertamento dei presupposti, comunque rimesso all'Amministrazione per la tutela dell'interesse pubblico, che Cammeo ritiene elemento qualificante dei rapporti di diritto pubblico che "intercedono fra subbietti di valore sociale ben diverso". A ben vedere, nessuna forma di potere vincolato può prescindere dall'esercizio di discrezionalità nella fase del giudizio, solo che non si tratterà della discrezionalità di tipo gianniniano, cioè di una ponderazione d'interessi, bensì della discrezionalità concepita da 13 Costantino Mortati di "interpretazione e specificazione della norma", che, a ben vedere, finisce per coincidere con la discrezionalità interpretativa di concetti giuridici indeterminati, concetto elaborato dalla dottrina tedesca, ovvero con la discrezionalità tecnica quando l'accertamento dei presupposti, comporti l'applicazione dei criteri propri di discipline tecnico – scientifiche. La conclusione a cui si perviene è che, pur di fronte ad una formula che ammette l'azione di adempimento rispetto al potere vincolato, la situazione soggettiva che ne legittima l'esperimento rimane d'interesse legittimo, ricorrendo sempre una potestà in capo all'Amministrazione che si traduce nel giudizio in merito alla ricorrenza dei presupposti per il rilascio del provvedimento. L'emanazione del provvedimento rimane sempre momento di cura dell'interesse pubblico, il cui apprezzamento è riservato all'Amministrazione quale speciale soggetto dell'ordinamento.

Los sistemas educativos han sido protagonistas en los últimos veinticinco años de intensos debates e interrogantes propios de las nuevas configuraciones políticas, sociales y culturales que han influenciado y cambiado las miradas y las relaciones conocidas entre la educación y la sociedad. Las nuevas interdependencias del mundo y la globalización económica han instalado algunas notas distintivas en un inevitable acontecer de cambios. Se han revisado modelos y formas convencionales de la vida social, y también han entrado en juego nuevos protagonismos como el papel del mercado y tensiones como los límites entre lo público y lo privado. Los avances en el plano de los derechos ciudadanos como también los procesos de integración regionales, los conflictos y la búsqueda de seguridades, la sociedad de la información y del conocimiento y los avances tecnológicos continuos han acumulado efectos que han transformado la vida social de las personas y de las instituciones sociales en general y donde la educación formal ha sido también receptora de esa realidad que le exigía revisiones estructurales. Con el inicio de la década de 1990 se cristalizan una serie de transformaciones que venían planteándose en Latinoamérica desde años anteriores y que habían tomado impulso en la década de 1980, generando finalmente, en los años noventa profundos cambios en las estructuras políticas, económicas y sociales de los países de la región (Garretón, 1999; Rigal, 2004). Estos cambios impactaron, transformaron y rediseñaron la esfera educativa principalmente a través de las reformas en los sistemas educativos en América Latina, estrechamente vinculadas a los procesos de reestructuración de las economías nacionales (Carnoy, 1999; Fischman, Ball y Gvirtz, 2003).Estos procesos instaron un inevitable giro de las políticas educativas a ciertas preocupaciones como atender a una mayor cobertura, instalar el problema de la calidad y la equidad y sostener modelos con sesgos en la descentralización y transferencia de responsabilidades educativas poniendo en disputa el papel de los Estados, de la comunidad y de las instituciones educativas. La escuela, su diseño y organización, sus resultados y el profesorado se instalaron en el foco del debate. De ella se demandaron adecuaciones y su sentido y función comenzó a requerir nuevas definiciones. La gestión como término, concepto y enfoque se introdujo de manera regular en la agenda de las políticas educativas en Argentina y en América Latina ya hacia fines de los años ochenta. Los sujetos con un acentuado involucramiento en estos escenarios como los directivos de centro comenzaron a ser calificados como sujetos clave frente a estas nuevas configuraciones. Los procesos de revisión, innovación y cambio se incorporaron sistemáticamente bajo la caracterización de la calidad de la educación de los sistemas educativos y en nombre del rendimiento se exigió a las escuelas que alcanzaran determinados resultados escolares. En el análisis del tiempo transcurrido se constata la cantidad y variedad de las tituladas reformas educativas (Martinic, 2001; Teodoro, 2008; Olmos, 2008) en pugna en todos los países de América Latina. En relación a su momento de génesis existieron al menos dos tipos de reforma. En las denominadas de primera generación se puso el acento en la gestión macro, el financiamiento y el acceso a la educación. Por otra parte, las denominadas de segunda generación se centraron en la calidad y los resultados. En particular desde los años 90 se fueron constatando algunas consecuencias que evidenciaron mejoras como la mayor cobertura y asignación de andamiajes inherentes al proceso escolar. Al mismo tiempo tanto el componente de la gestión como el de la calidad manifiestan aún, contrastes significativos con los objetivos deseados, dando lugar a nuevas perspectivas que interpelan los fundamentos y enfoques de las propuestas de reformas. En la última década se vienen calificando de reformas de tercera generación aquellas centradas en la importancia de la efectividad de las escuelas, en la conectividad y en las redes como dinámica de funcionamiento. No obstante estas históricas tensiones de cambio no han cesado y continúan generando desafíos crecientes. Los sistemas educativos nacionales se han involucrado efectivamente en la lucha por conseguir una mayor igualdad en el acceso escolar de la población (Como lo expone la Tabla 1 para América Latina) y han asumido notas de calidad para direccionar sus procesos. Se ha alcanzado un mayor logro en el nivel educativo tanto por el acceso como por la cantidad de años de escolaridad. Estos avances como respuestas inexorables de las políticas públicas en educación no ocultan deudas pendientes (Poggi, 2014) direccionadas hacia la profundización de la misión de justicia que compele a la educación. El mismo documento enfatiza la necesidad de reconocer el papel decisivo que la educación desempeña en la promoción de la paz y de la cohesión social como línea de acción frente a la injustita social, la desigualdad y la persistencia de los conflictos sociales. Hoy otras formas de pensar la finalidad y la realidad educativa desde la justicia y la mayor democratización lo que nos brindan nuevas aristas de interpretación y análisis. Las intenciones y las expectativas al menos en algunos países de América Latina y en Argentina en particular en la última década, han dado lugar al advenimiento de nuevos encuadres. Las políticas educativas se han definido en estrecha relación con el enfoque de derecho y la democratización en los marcos de igualdad y justicia social en relación con las condiciones de pobreza y exclusión que viven muchos sectores de la población. La finalidad, estructuración y dinámica de los centros escolares no están ajenas a esta lectura y se ven interpelados por esta complejidad. En el contexto iberoamericano el esfuerzo por objetivos comunes de las Metas 2021 (Marchesi, 2009) lo expone claramente: […] la educación debería ser uno de los objetivos principales de la acción de los gobiernos, pues de esta forma se fortalecería la capacidad de las personas y de los países para hacer frente a la actual situación y a los futuros problemas que acontezcan. Y continúa: El objetivo final es lograr a lo largo de la próxima década una educación que dé respuesta satisfactoria a demandas sociales inaplazables: lograr que más alumnos estudien, […] calidad reconocida, equitativa e inclusiva […] Existe, pues el convencimiento de que la educación es la estrategia fundamental para avanzar en la cohesión y en la inclusión social. (pp. 9-13) Desde los documentos a cargo de los referentes de los organismos de asistencia técnica, como el IIPE/UNESCO también convalidan estas aportaciones. En el Documento Básico titulado La educación en América Latina: logros y desafíos pendientes , (Poggi, 2014) se afirma: La UNESCO ha subrayado la importancia de la perspectiva de derecho y ha definido la educación como un bien público. ¿Qué significan estas aseveraciones? El planteamiento integral, basado en los derechos humanos, propugna una educación inclusiva de calidad, que enriquezca la vida de todos los educandos, cualesquiera sean sus orígenes o circunstancias, con especial hincapié en los grupos más vulnerables o marginados. Esta visión supone una mirada más compleja y multidimensional al tema de la calidad; subraya el derecho a la educación basado en su relevancia, pertinencia y equidad.(p.11) En esa perspectiva la Argentina define en la Ley de Educación Nacional Nº 26.206 del año 2006 que derogó la Ley Federal de Educación Nº 24.195 promulgada en los años noventa, la obligatoriedad y gratuidad del nivel secundario que implica la escolaridad hasta los dieciocho años. Esta nueva regulación legislativa, que coloca en primera escena la universalización y el derecho a la educación secundaria, añade la particularización del nivel a la problematización ya existente sobre la gestión de las instituciones educativas y al mismo tiempo expone una vez más a uno de los sujetos de mayor involucramiento como es el directivo de centro. En consecuencia los modelos de gestión como construcción socio – histórica e institucional y la trayectoria de los docentes que acceden a la función directiva en escuelas secundarias se constituyen en un tema central y de prioridad para las políticas educativas estatales para estos períodos. La vida cotidiana de las escuelas como las instituciones en si mismas, se redefinen en sus dinámicas y procederes históricos y a los directivos los encontramos en pleno proceso de redefinición explícita e implícitamente de sus capacidades en particular en sus inserciones en la escuela secundaria. El mundo de relaciones de la escuela sigue su transcurso de cambios, las asignaciones al papel directivo y de los profesores sufren replanteos desde las condiciones profesionales y de nuevos conjeturas colectivas. La escuela en su derrotero de subsistencia para el siglo XXI agudiza los cambios y sus agentes entran de lleno en ese escenario de transformaciones. Desde estas consideraciones de proyecciones de cambios y de otras lecturas e intervenciones en relación al sistema educativo tanto desde la profesionalización de los directivos como de las derivaciones de perfiles institucionales surgidos de las nuevas obligatoriedades se ha definido el tema de la tesis: "Modelos de gestión en Directivos en instituciones educativas de nivel secundario". El ámbito de aplicación de esta investigación se define en directivos de escuelas de educación secundaria de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, con una selección por zona geográfica, antecedentes de formación docente, estado en la plantilla administrativa de la Escuela y años de ejercicio docente de la función directiva. La realidad educativa actual, en el contexto del sistema educativo argentino y en particular en su mayor jurisdicción, la Provincia de Buenos Aires, equivalente a las Autonomías españolas, que involucra aproximadamente el 45% del sistema educativo nacional, se encuentra en plena implementación de la nueva obligatoriedad de la escuela secundaria. Esta prescripción establecida por las leyes nacional y provincial de los años 2006 y 2007, tiene su correlato con la revisión de los modelos de gestión educativa y los perfiles profesionales de sus directores a partir de las nuevas improntas de universalización de la educación secundaria como derecho. La problemática sobre los modelos de gestión no se define necesariamente como un asunto novedoso desde la significación que históricamente tiene el campo de estudio de la dirección de escuelas –centros escolares en general. Los numerosos estudios de investigación y los trabajos realizados dan cuenta de un vínculo estrecho entre dos ángulos de abordaje: 1. El análisis de los componentes organizacionales de las escuelas, con mayor preponderancia en el nivel de educación primaria o básica y en las últimas dos décadas con énfasis en la interrelación con el proceso de mejoramiento de la calidad de la educación y 2. Las delimitaciones de las funciones del director en tanto mandatos del deber ser, sea por definición normativa o condición de desempeño como técnico que asume un liderazgo. Al conceptualizar sobre la dirección escolar se suele operar a partir de una definición aplicada, pues el término ha adquirido un grado de generalidad suficiente como para ser capaz de orientar la diversidad de la intervención pedagógica cotidiana. En situaciones más recientes la función directiva ha quedado reducida a la variable de intervención en busca de resultados de rendimiento por competencias como exigencia de algunas políticas educativas asumidas como sentido hacia el que dirigir y encaminar los sistemas educativos En la misma medida en que ha justificado y consolidado el interés por la gestión directiva, no es menor la influencia que esa focalización ha supuesto en su convergencia con la escuela secundaria. Una realidad que la ha transformado en objeto de actuación y por lo tanto, de estudio. De hecho, en la escuela secundaria de Argentina, y en particular en la Provincia de Buenos Aires, conviven escenarios de cambio y mutación que hacen posible analizar las condiciones en que se desarrolla la acción directiva. Nos hallamos ante una realidad que habilita el análisis sobre cómo los directivos escolares de secundaria, en medio de las condiciones cotidianas, afrontan a diario la gestión del sistema educativo. De cómo reconocen sus componentes y compromisos subjetivos. Los estudios y producciones sobre el tema tienen una mayor y constante incidencia en España, en Argentina en cambio hay que reconocerlo aún como un campo con poco desarrollo. Por ese motivo debe ser enriquecido y complejizado en debates, investigaciones y análisis de la práctica. La inercia histórica del nivel secundario no esta exenta de un estancamiento teórico y en consecuencia un refuerzo de visiones tradicionales que deriva en modelos "normales" contradictorios con las notas de universalización, democratización y eficacia centrales al momento de observar la evolución de la escolaridad secundaria en la actualidad. La temática elegida ofrece un sin número de posibilidades para ser profundizada ya que se pudo constatar un cierto vacío empírico y teórico significativo sobre la confluencia del estudio de los Directivos, los modelos de gestión y las trayectorias subjetivas en la escuela secundaria. Esta secuencia de planteos y análisis acumulados permiten impulsar un interrogante que orienta el problema de la investigación: ¿Qué significaciones sustentan los Directivos de Escuelas de Secundaria de la Provincia de Buenos Aires sobre la gestión educativa en tanto definen modelos de intervención? (En el apartado de Problema de Investigación se desarrolla en extenso las preguntas del estudio). La investigación aborda una temática relevante al debate educativo de este tiempo. Se presenta como un ejercicio de articulación entre tres núcleos dominantes en el sistema educativo actual: la gestión directiva, la escuela secundaria y la necesidad social por una mayor escolaridad de los adolescentes. La preocupación e interés por el presente objeto de investigación surge del análisis de fuentes bibliográficas y de investigaciones recorridas a lo largo de la carrera profesional, contando entre ellas con artículos, estudios, monografías, legislación, documentos, circulares técnicas, e instructivos surgidos a partir de la transformación educativa de estos años. La literatura referida tanto a los temas de "gestión" de instituciones educativas en general, como a escuela secundaria, en su más amplio sentido es sumamente variada y extensa, así como algunas investigaciones precedentes. Este es un tema bastante difundido que circula y cuenta con acceso para cualquier agente. En el atravesamiento directivos, trayectorias profesionales y escuela secundaria se instala el foco de este trabajo como aporte a un campo sobre todo en Argentina, poco extendido. Ingresar a las instituciones "escuelas secundarias", intercambiar con los directivos, observar sus prácticas, inferir sus modelos subyacentes remite a pensar y plantearse: ¿Cuáles son las creencias que los directivos de secundaria poseen sobre la gestión educativa? Este es uno de los interrogantes centrales que se intentará develar a lo largo del trabajo. Para tal fin haremos uso de la observación de la realidad a partir de la experiencia personal desde la función docente y técnica, la participación en programas de capacitación para agentes en función directiva y la elaboración, desde el espacio universitario, de diseños curriculares de articulación para el ingreso de maestros y directivos a las carreras universitarias de educación. A esa realidad se suma el interés permanente por acuñar una visión del sistema educativo definido desde la escuela y sus protagonistas, en particular la figura de los directivos por la condición de liderazgo y asesoramiento, han conformado los motivos que me impulsaron abrir esta línea de trabajo investigativo. Una investigación de este tipo puede contribuir a enriquecer la base de datos necesarios para diseñar modelos de formación y asistencia profesional de los directivos de escuelas secundarias a partir de esclarecer algunas de las formas de como se expresa el pensamiento de los agentes que conducen las instituciones educativas de este nivel. De esta forma nos introducimos a la problemática de las significaciones que los directivos escolares de secundaria sostienen sobre la gestión de la educación y su correlato con las características de la intervención pedagógica – institucional en el nivel. El diseño del trabajo consta de una primera parte sobre marco teórico y una segunda sobre el marco de la investigación, ambos desarrollados en cinco capítulos. El primer capítulo incluye el desarrollo del marco teórico y se proyecta acentuar cuatro núcleos iniciales de tratamiento: i. representaciones / significaciones socio – culturales ii. administración / gestión educativa; iii. función directiva; y iv. Escuela secundaria, proceso histórico y nuevas definiciones políticas – pedagógicas. El primer apartado tema refiere al encuadre de los aportes que sobre representaciones sociales y teorías implícitas se ha desarrollado en el campo de la sociología y la psicología. En el marco de convergencia de la educación se mencionan los trabajos sobre "pensamiento del profesor" cuyos aportes se han extendido y cobran sentido al momento de establecer las posiciones "personales" de los directores sobre gestión derivadas de sus propias matrices de la trayectoria profesional. Se desarrollan los fundamentos de las representaciones sociales, el proceso de objetivación y las representaciones sociales como fenómenos culturales.La noción de representación social y la formación de conceptualizaciones se articula con conceptos psicológicos y sociales, tales como percepción social, actitudes, prejuicios y estereotipos, creencias e información y disonancia cognoscitiva. El análisis de este trabajo se centra en el contenido socialmente elaborado y compartido de la representación que los directivos de escuelas secundarias tienen de la gestión educativa, en particular desde sus trayectorias y reconociendo que no existe formación específica para el desempeño del cargo directivo. Este "conocimiento práctico", el denominado "pensamiento del director", orienta su forma de relacionarse e intervenir en la escuela y la manera de cómo proyectan desde la institución, por eso el interés de indagarlo porque ese saber orientará las intervenciones formativas con los irectivos y el asesoramiento para una construcción socio – cultural relevante del espacio escolar institucional en el nivel secundario. El segundo punto comprende a los sustentos teóricos de cómo se instala la conceptualización sobre gestión educativa en el sistema educativo. Los enfoques teóricos de la administración de la educación que sostienen las interpretaciones sobre el alcance de la gestión. Como se traduce prácticamente desde los años 90 el término al interior del sistema educativo y a tal efecto se incorpora como función de competencia para el desempeño de la acción directiva. Se trabajarán las perspectivas teóricas de la administración de la educación desde el análisis de sus racionalidades, desde su influencia en la definición tradicional de modelos directivos, como la construcción de posiciones críticas y de eficiencia en la gestión. Las referencias al debate teórico sobre gestión educativa resultan relevantes pues de esos encuadres conceptuales se establecerán vestigios y constataciones sobre su influencia en las concepciones de los directivos. El tercer desarrollo tendrá su objetivo de analizar las definiciones sobre la función directiva y los ángulos de estudio que se nutren de las trayectorias profesionales y los encuadres normativos. Las interpretaciones que han configurado las características del desempeño y el perfil profesional de un directivo. Los aportes sobre las disposiciones personales que constituyen las condiciones de construcción de subjetividad de los directores. Ya en el apartado cuatro se desarrolla el tema sobre como se constituyó la escuela secundaria, su proceso histórico y las nuevas definiciones a partir de las configuraciones políticas, sociales, culturales y pedagógicas. Las definiciones de las políticas educativas que resignifican la escuela secundaria como obligatoria y universal para todos los jóvenes de argentina. La definición del derecho a la educación y la obligatoriedad del nivel para toda la población involucrada. El segundo capítulo expone el encuadre de la investigación que responde a la descripción de la estructura del ordenamiento jurídico que sostiene el sistema educativo, espacio donde se concentra el objeto de la investigación. Se cumplimenta desde el análisis del ordenamiento normativo sobre el sistema educativo, para exponer luego sobre los alcances de la gestión en la normativa, la regulación del sistema sobre la función directiva y concluir con el marco legislativo sobre la educación secundaria. El tercer capítulo explica otro núcleo de trabajo que incluye un extenso desarrollo de la metodología de la investigación del proyecto. Se introduce el tema desarrollándose los apartados sobre antecedentes y el problema de investigación y se continúa con la justificación y relevancia del tema escogido. Se indican luego los objetivos del proyecto como los alcances y delimitaciones del trabajo. El capítulo incorpora una serie de apartados que dan sustento conceptual y científico sobre el encuadre metodológico del proyecto. Adoptando la propuesta de reflexión de Cook y Reichardt (1986), se pretende utilizar una metodología de investigación que, más que accionar por ajustarse a un paradigma a priori, responda eficazmente a la pregunta de la investigación sobre las posiciones y conceptualizaciones sobre gestión educativa que subyacen en los directivos de escuelas secundarias. Desde la relación teoría – realidad, el proyecto busca teorizar la realidad, pretende construir conocimiento, en el sentido de haber comprendido y / o explicado ese plano de la realidad que se somete a estudio. Se propone una investigación de carácter y base cualitativa con aportes de la etnografía. Las palabras o expresiones claves de la referencia metodológica que se exponen en el capítulo respectivo, se pueden circunscribir a los siguientes términos: modelo cualitativo; inductivo; de comprensión, de perspectiva Emic, etnográfico de dimensión generativo, constructivo y subjetivo, con definición de categorías y reflexión y transformación. Se abordará el trabajo desde estas perspectivas porque se considera que son las más apropiadas para explicar la realidad desde las concepciones manifestadas por los propios protagonistas. Para definir el alcance de la población y la muestra, se consideró seleccionar del universo de directores de escuelas secundarias comunes de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, no incluyendo las de orientación técnica considerando que este tipo de institución tiene un número menor de unidades escolares. Se prevé conformar un núcleo de cerca de sesenta directores de escuelas secundarias a fin de constituir una referencia suficiente en relación a las trayectorias y desempeños. De esta población se seleccionarán a aquellos agentes que hubieran cumplido con al menos cinco años de funciones directivas. El relevamiento de información se realizará por intermedio de entrevistas en profundidad, de cuestionarios de apoyo, de instrumentación de grupos focales, análisis de documentación escolar y materiales producidos por los propios directivos, entrevistas a expertos y personal a cargo de instancias de capacitación en temas de dirección, entre otras fuentes. Se busca con la entrevista comprender al directivo en su propio lenguaje, se procura partir del valor situacional del otro para pensar en sus propios términos y constatar, para describir en el objeto de la investigación, su universo subjetivo que influencia en sus intervenciones de gestión. Esta investigación esta fundamentalmente orientada a identificar conceptos y características propias de un fenómeno dado. Es decir, no se pretende ofrecer alternativas de acción y solución de ningún problema en especial. Sin embargo se sabe que es probable que, una vez finalizada la descripción del fenómeno, resulte más fácil encontrar perspectivas de trabajo con los directivos de escuelas secundarias en fuertes escenarios de cambio y respuestas adecuadas a los nuevos desafíos que se le demanda a la escuela secundaria. A partir de la información producida se definirán los criterios que orientarán la dinámica en el trabajo de formación de las categorías con las que se procederá al análisis del material recolectado. En el capítulo cuarto se concentra en el análisis de resultados del estudio y la interpretación de los datos. El aporte de la etnografía, en esta área, a la luz de los presupuestos teóricos expuestos por Goetz y LeCompte, (1988) radica en que tal perspectiva postula sistematizar los fenómenos observados y procura generar categorías conceptuales validando asociaciones entre fenómenos o comparando constructos. La relación teoría, práctica, investigación termina siendo parte de un ejercicio único. Finalmente en el capítulo cinco se exponen las conclusiones y las líneas de acción que se derivan de las implicancias de la investigación. Se presume que las mismas se abordan desde la validación de un conocimiento sistematizado sobre directivos de escuelas secundarias con un fuerte enfoque hacia un diseño de acción programática en términos de construcción de conocimiento sobre el campo, la formación y la capacitación de los directivos.

La vinculación entre conocimiento, innovación y competitividad en la economía y la empresa ha impulsado una importante actividad investigadora tendente a mejorar la comprensión del complejo proceso de la innovación y favorecer los resultados económicos y empresariales de una manera eficiente y sostenible en el marco actual de la economía global. El diseño de políticas de innovación requiere el desarrollo de instrumentos de medición y diagnostico de la situación económica, de los componentes que configuran el sistema de innovación y, especialmente, de la empresa innovadora como agente vertebrador del sistema. A pesar de ello, el estudio de este tipo de organizaciones carece aún de metodologías acordes con la complejidad y especificidad características del proceso innovador. El enfoque de investigación micro-nivel, o nivel empresa, es considerado como una esperanzadora vía de superación de las limitaciones existentes actualmente en la investigación empírica de la innovación a nivel agregado (Uyarra, 2010), en particular en contextos espaciales y sectoriales de menor intensidad tecnológica, donde la implantación de modelos únicos y las mejores prácticas contrastadas en contextos mas tecnológicos no conducen generalmente a los resultados deseados, como queda de manifiesto en la literatura (Todtling y Trippl, 2005). La Unión Europea ha realizado un notable esfuerzo en las últimas décadas para impulsar un nuevo modelo de desarrollo económico en la comunidad basado en la innovación y la competitividad. Esta orientación marcada inicialmente en la Estrategia de Lisboa (Council of the European Union, 2000) ha tenido su continuación en la Estrategia Europa 2020 (European Commission, 2010) que proyecta un crecimiento económico para la comunidad basado en el conocimiento y la innovación. Consecuencia de esta trayectoria política es el Programa Marco para la Competitividad y la Innovación 2007-2013 (European Commission, 2005), cuyos recursos han fomentado las actividades de innovacion, facilitando el acceso a la financiación e incentivado la implantación de nuevas TICs y la eficiencia energética en las empresas europeas, en particular entre las de pequeño y mediano tamaño. En el Séptimo Programa Marco 2014-2020, denominado Horizonte 2020 (Council of the European Union, 2013), se integran por primera vez todas las fases del proceso innovador, desde la investigación básica hasta las actividades mas próximas al mercado, ampliando la gama de actividades de apoyo para la innovación en las organizaciones. En esta misma línea se halla el Programa para la Competitividad de Empresas y PYMEs 2014- 2020 (European Commission, 2014a), cuyo propósito es reforzar la competitividad y favorecer el emprendimiento en la Unión Europea. Las diversas medidas de este completo programa abarcan el apoyo financiero para las pymes (capital riesgo, líneas de crédito, etc.), el asesoramiento para la expansión comercial de las empresas, dentro y fuera de la Unión Europea, otras iniciativas orientadas a facilitar las actividades de innovación y transferencia tecnológica en las empresas, así como la cooperación industrial internacional en I+D+i. Finalmente, el apoyo a emprendedores también es contemplado en este programa con actividades de apoyo a la creacion y el desarrollo de las empresas (European Commission, 2014a). En concreto, la mejora de políticas europeas para las pymes y el intercambio de buenas prácticas constituyen importantes desafíos de este capítulo del programa que requieren del impulso previo de la investigación empírica a nivel empresa en el ámbito europeo. Diversos programas internacionales de cooperación tecnológica bilateral y multilateral completan una amplia oferta dirigida a la generación y difusión del conocimiento tecnológico en el tejido empresarial a nivel europeo y nacional. Las diferencias de stock de capital tecnológico explican las divergencias en innovación tecnológica entre países (Chen y Guan, 2011; Guan y Chen, 2012), demostrándose que las zonas con mayores dotaciones tecnológicas obtienen normalmente mejores resultados innovadores que aquellas con menores infraestructuras de conocimiento al alcance de las empresas. La existencia de rendimientos crecientes en la generación y difusión del conocimiento tecnológico (Howells, 2005; Chen y Guan, 2011) explican estas diferencias en innovación y crecimiento económico entre economías y sustentan las políticas que buscan incrementar la dotación de capital tecnológico en las regiones europeas tecnológica y económicamente menos desarrolladas (Clarysse y Muldur, 2001; Rodriguez-Pose, 2001; Rodriguez-Pose y Crescenzi, 2008). Una amplia red de centros de investigación y transferencia tecnológica, así como múltiples incentivos y ayudas financieras, han sido creados en el ámbito nacional y regional con el fin de fomentar la innovación, facilitando el acceso a los recursos y capacidades necesarios para mejorar de procesos internos organizativos y la introducción sistemática de novedades en bienes y servicios en los mercados europeos e internacionales. Junto a esta red de infraestructuras de apoyo a la innovación, investigadores y autoridades destacan la importancia de la cooperación empresarial en el proceso de creación y difusión de conocimientos e innovaciones, especialmente entre las pymes que constituyen el armazón del tejido empresarial. Este cumulo de relaciones externas de carácter sistémico tienen el objetivo de apoyar la generación de las capacidades internas para innovar en las organizaciones, mostrando así la verdadera dimensión interactiva y compleja del fenómeno de la innovación en su concepción actual. Sin embargo, diversos informes comunitarios (European Commission, 2009 y 2014b) y otras investigaciones cientificas (Bilbao–Osorio y Rodriguez- Pose, 2004; Clarysse y Muldur, 2001; Fritsch, 2000) muestran divergencias en el crecimiento económico asociadas a las asimetrías en los resultados innovadores entre países europeos, así como la necesidad de comprender las fuentes y modalidades de actividad innovadora de las empresas para aumentar la eficacia de la acción política. Estas diferencias entre países han permitido clasificar a los estados miembros en cuatro categorías según sus resultados innovadores (innovadores modestos, moderados, seguidores y lideres), aunque con diferencias dentro de cada grupo (European Commission, 2015. Si bien la brecha entre los estados miembros se ha ido reduciendo lentamente en los últimos 8 años, la ultima Community Innovation Survey –CIS– muestra que los efectos de la crisis económica continúan afectando negativamente a las actividades de innovación de las empresas europeas (Comisión Europea, 2015). Así, España es un innovador moderado cuya brecha innovadora ha aumentado a pesar de haber mejorado sus resultados innovadores en 2006–2013, situándose por debajo de la media comunitaria en la mayoría de los indicadores en dicho periodo, siendo la caída en las actividades de innovación internas en las pymes uno de los factores cuyo descenso resulta más acusado y preocupante en nuestro país (Comisión Europea, 2015). El análisis de los resultados empíricos a nivel europeo deja de manifiesto las importantes implicaciones económicas que derivan del conocimiento del comportamiento innovador de las empresas y del diseño de políticas factibles y eficaces en la Unión Europea. "La comprensión de las fuentes y los patrones de la actividad innovadora en la economía es fundamental para desarrollar mejores políticas" (European Commission, 2009: 6), de forma que la eficacia de la acción política europea pasa por el diagnostico previo de la realidad a nivel empresa en el ámbito comunitario y nacional. La corriente evolucionista (Dosi y Nelson, 1994; Nelson y Winter, 1982) proporciona el enfoque necesario para el análisis cuantitativo del complejo fenómeno de la innovación. Una contribución fundamental del evolucionismo es el enfoque interactivo (Kline, 1985; Kline y Rosenberg, 1986; Lundvall, 1988), que concibe la generación de innovaciones como un complejo proceso de aprendizaje y difusión del conocimiento en todas las aéreas funcionales de la empresa, sujeto a decisiones especificas internas de la organización y dependiente de los factores contextuales (Martinez-Roman, Gamero y Tamayo, 2011). Estas premisas, contrarias a la visión clásica del enfoque lineal, analiza la innovación tecnológica y no tecnológica considerando las características institucionales, sectoriales y de las organizaciones cuya influencia en la actividad innovadora ha quedado patente en la literatura. La aplicación del modelo interactivo se convierte en una característica importante del enfoque evolucionista y, al mismo tiempo, constituye un reto importante su utilización en la investigación empírica a nivel agregado (Todtling y Trippl, 2005). A pesar del significativo avance logrado en el estudio empírico de la innovación, la literatura deja patente la existencia de importantes vacios de conocimiento en tres importantes bloques de la investigación: la generación de capacidad innovadora en las empresas, los determinantes y efectos de la cooperación entre los agentes del sistema de innovación y la influencia ambiental en los resultados innovadores. En primer lugar, hay que conocer el proceso innovador en las organizaciones del territorio para que las infraestructuras y medidas de soporte de la innovación contribuyan eficazmente a incrementar la capacidad innovadora de las empresas (Kaufmann y Todtling, 2002), especialmente entre las SMEs (Asheim, Isaksen, Nauwelaers y Todtling, 2003; Bougrain y Haudeville, 2002). Para avanzar en este campo, es preciso desarrollar nuevos modelos de carácter interactivo, más complejos y cercanos a la realidad (Howells, 2005), cuya capacidad explicativa permita la investigación incluso en contextos con menor intensidad tecnológica. A pesar del consenso suscitado en la literatura en torno a este objetivo, el avance logrado por la investigación empírica hasta el momento en este ámbito de estudio es calificado de insuficiente en la literatura (Romijn y Albaladejo, 2002; Todtling y Trippl, 2005; Martinez–Roman, Gamero y Tamayo, 2011). En segundo lugar, hay que seguir profundizando en el estudio de los vínculos de cooperación entre los diversos agentes del sistema de conocimiento para comprender los procesos de generación y difusión de conocimientos e innovaciones en el ámbito regional (Caloghirou, Kastelli y Tsakanikas, 2004; Lhuillery y Pfister, 2009; Yam, Lo, Tang y Lau, 2011), incluyendo las medidas de apoyo público a la innovación (Keizer, Dijkstra y Halman, 2002; Santamaría Barge- Gil y Modrego, 2010; Tassey, 2007). En este sentido, la literatura suele diferenciar la cooperación en el sistema de valor de la cooperación con Universidades, centros tecnológicos y de investigación y otros agentes del sistema de ciencia (Caniels y van den Bosch, H., 2011; Kaufmann y Todtling, 2000, 2001; Ronde y Hussler, 2005). A pesar de su influencia reciproca, ambos grupos mantienen intereses y comportamientos bien diferenciados, estableciéndose una relación entre la estructura de las redes de innovación y el nivel de innovación alcanzado por las empresas de un territorio (Kaufmann y Todtling, 2001). Así, los resultados muestran que la reducción del efecto spillover regional se produce cuando las SMEs no interactúan suficientemente con los agentes del sistema de ciencia local (Kaufmann y Todtling, 2002). Análogamente, puede ocurrir que las ayudas públicas de fomento a la innovación no cumplan su objetivo (Radas y Bozic, 2009) o que su utilidad este en función del tipo de proyecto de innovación que apoyen (Santamaría, Barge-Gil y Modrego, 2010) En tercer lugar, la investigación empírica ha centrado su atención en países y regiones industrializadas con alta actividad tecnológica dejando en un segundo plano a los países periféricos y a las regiones menos favorecidas, cuyas peculiares características estructurales requieren políticas de innovación especificas (Cooke, 2001; Fritsch, 2003). Los resultados empíricos demuestran que los modelos de innovación contrastados en aéreas geográficas y sectores con mayor intensidad tecnológica no tienen la misma eficacia en otro tipo de contextos económicos (Fritsch, 2000), mostrando la inexistencia de modelos únicos de innovación y mejores prácticas de carácter general (Asheim y Coenen, 2005; Todtling y Trippl, 2005) y generando un vacio de conocimiento en la literatura sobre el proceso innovador en estos casos (Doloreux, 2002; Fritsch, 2003). Para cubrir dicho gap hay que superar la limitación del enfoque centrado en las industrias más tecnológicas, ampliando la investigación a otros sectores como los servicios (Doloreux, 2002). En este sentido, recientes investigaciones demuestran la utilidad que ofrecen los modelos de innovación desarrollados en otros sectores para mejorar la comprensión de la innovación en los servicios (Clausen y Madsen, 2014; Gallouj y Savona, 2009; Martinez-Roman, Tamayo, Gamero y Romero, 2015), dando lugar a un enfoque de integración o de síntesis que facilitara la comprensión global del fenómeno de la innovación en la economía. Solo a través del desarrollo pleno del enfoque interactivo en la investigación empírica a nivel empresa podremos cubrir estos gaps y progresar en el conocimiento de la innovación. Sin embargo, la literatura señala la subsistencia del enfoque lineal de la innovación en la investigación empírica y la política económica por razones de orden práctico, lo que significa que una visión incompleta o simplificada del fenómeno vela la complejidad del proceso ante la mirada del científico y del responsable político, con graves consecuencias económicas (Howells, 2005). Ante estas evidencias, el desarrollo de nuevas técnicas cuantitativas que faciliten el análisis de la innovación en su complejidad adquieren sentido prioritario en la comunidad científica, destacando en este proceso tanto las singularidades del contexto que afectan al desempeño innovador como la especificidad interna de las organizaciones que innovan. El propósito que anima al presente proyecto de investigación es la posibilidad de contribuir en el orden práctico al desarrollo del enfoque interactivo de la innovación y mejorar el conocimiento de la empresa innovadora europea. Para ello, en este trabajo se modelizara el comportamiento innovador de las empresas con el fin de analizar las complementariedades entre elementos organizativos y factores del mercado e institucionales a nivel comunitario, nacional y sectorial. La aplicación de diversas técnicas de análisis cuantitativo sobre una amplia base de datos de empresas europeas permitirá detectar las singularidades y comunalidades de cada contexto y ofrecer una visión próxima a la realidad micro-nivel de la innovación, que favorezcan estudios analíticos para la investigación y las políticas de innovación en la Unión Europea. El impacto del nivel de innovación en los resultados empresariales también será analizado en el trabajo, estableciendo la relación entre la innovación y determinados resultados económicos de las empresas. Para alcanzar estos objetivos se ha elaborado un modelo explicativo bietapico, representado en la figura 1, a partir de la Community Innovation Survey –CIS– que coordina Eurostat en la U.E. En su primera etapa, el modelo propuesto explica el nivel de innovación en productos a partir de tres categorías básicas de variables explicativas de los apartados 1,5, 6,7 y 11 de dicha encuesta (ver Anexo). En la segunda etapa, el modelo describe el impacto de la innovación sobre la amplitud del mercado y el porcentaje de ventas por nuevos productos de las empresas, utilizando variables de los apartados 1 y 2 de la encuesta. El modelo ha demostrado su significatividad y capacidad explicativa global a nivel comunitario, por países y sectores productivos, facilitando en todos los casos los rasgos más relevantes de las empresas innovadoras. Estos resultados serán analizados para extraer información relevante para la toma de decisiones sobre la innovación por parte de los responsables políticos y los directivos de empresas europeas. Los factores internos relacionados con las actividades para la innovación, las fuentes internas de la innovación, la cooperación dentro del grupo empresarial y la orientación estratégica frente a la innovación aparecen reunidos en el modelo bajo una categoría común denominada "Empresa", en virtud del rasgo compartido de impulsar la innovación desde el interior de las organizaciones que poseen estas variables explicativas. Por otra parte, los factores externos de la innovación quedan agrupados en dos categorías del modelo propuesto. La primera es el "Mercado", formada por canales externos asociados al desempeño empresarial, como son la cooperación y la información obtenida de competidores y agentes de la cadena de valor. La segunda de ellas es el "Soporte Institucional", que reúne factores explicativos institucionales referidos a las fuentes de innovación y cooperación con el sistema de ciencia, los intermediarios del conocimiento y las administraciones públicas, incluyendo la financiación publica en concepto de incentivos a la innovación en las empresas. Estructurar los factores internos y externos del comportamiento innovador de las empresas en categorías conceptuales es una práctica que persigue aumentar la coherencia del análisis de datos y la interpretación de los resultados en la investigación empírica de la innovación, y así aparece en una abundante la literatura (e.g. Ar y Baki, 2011; Gamero, 2014; Martinez-Roman, Gamero y Tamayo, 2011; Radas y Bozic, 2009; Varis y Littunen, 2010; Yam, Lo, Tang y Lau, 2011). En nuestro caso, la categorización se ha realizado respetando la estructura original de la encuesta utilizada y la definicion de las variables contenidas en los diferentes apartados de la misma. En el caso de la variable a explicar en esta primera etapa, el nivel de innovación en productos, se ha elaborado un constructo para medir el grado de novedad de los productos introducidos en los mercados por las empresas. El resultado de la primera etapa será una colección de modelos explicativos del nivel de innovación en productos de las empresas a nivel global, por sectores y por países en un conjunto de estados miembros de la U.E. a partir de las encuestas comunitarias de innovación CIS IV, CIS 2006 y CIS 2008. La segunda etapa analizara el impacto del nivel de innovación en productos sobre el porcentaje de ventas por nuevos productos y la expansión comercial, con el fin de dar una respuesta parcial al modo en el que la intensidad innovadora puede añadir valor económico y ganar competitividad a las empresas que innovan. Esta importante cuestión señalada por la literatura (Crossan y Apaydin, 2010) ha sido abordada en diversos trabajos en los que se relaciona los resultados innovadores con la rentabilidad (Ar y Barki, 2011; Martínez - Román, Tamayo, Gamero y Romero, 2015), la extensión del mercado (Deshpande, Farley y Webster, 1993; Gamero, 2014) y las ventas, cuotas de mercado e internacionalización (Romjin y Albaladejo, 2002; Yan, Lo, Tang y Lau, 2011), entre otros resultados. Los resultados obtenidos en este trabajo de investigación señalan la mayor importancia de las variables explicativas que se refieren a factores que impulsan la innovación desde el interior de las organizaciones empresariales, de la categoría denominada empresa, frente a las correspondientes a los bloques mercado y soporte institucional. Asimismo, los modelos obtenidos de las encuestas comunitarias de innovación CIS IV, CIS 2006 y CIS 2008 muestran la fuerte variación experimentada por algunas variables a lo largo del tiempo, unas debidas probablemente a las primeras manifestaciones de la ralentización económica anterior a la crisis (aumento de la posición en los modelos de la variable financiación publica X7, caída del posicionamiento de la variable X13 consultores como fuente de información y de la variable X20 cooperación con consultores), otras debidas a la globalización de la economía (menor importancia en la explicación del nivel de innovación de las variables X2 pertenencia a grupo empresarial y X3 localización de la sede central del grupo) y otras a un cambio de comportamiento en las organizaciones empresariales (mejora del posicionamiento de la variable X18 cooperación con clientes). Al construir los modelos explicativos del nivel de innovación para países y sectores, se observan diferencias notables que permiten agrupar a las variables explicativas según su comportamiento en los diferentes modelos por sectores y países. Así como agrupar estos según el parecido o grado de similitud entre sus modelos. Por otro lado, al analizar el impacto del nivel de innovación en resultados empresariales, se manifiesta la importancia positiva de la misma tanto en la extensión geográfica del mercado donde la empresa ejerce su actividad, como en el porcentaje de ventas por nuevos productos, quedando patente la disminución de incertidumbre en la consecución de los resultados cuando se alcanzan los mayores niveles de innovación. En relación al perfil de las empresas innovadoras, destacar la gran diferencia entre las características de las empresas que innovan y las que no lo hacen, así como de su relación con el entorno. Finalmente, los factores o variables discriminatorios entre las empresas innovadoras y no innovadoras conciernen por un lado a las orientaciones estratégicas de las empresas y a las actividades realizadas por las mismas, es decir, se corresponden con acciones impulsadas desde el interior de las organizaciones empresariales, y por otro lado con la adquisición de información, ya sea a partir de las relaciones internas en la empresa, de sus relaciones con agentes de la cadena de valor o de canales externos al desarrollo empresarial, o desde el soporte institucional a partir de intermediarios de conocimiento. En este apartado se expone brevemente el contenido de los diferentes capítulos en los cuales se ha estructurado esta investigación sobre la innovación. El capitulo 1 corresponde a la introducción y en el se desarrolla la justificación teórica del trabajo, los objetivos perseguidos en el mismo, un breve resumen de resultados, la metodología general aplicada y la estructura del trabajo. Seguidamente, el capítulo 2 recoge el marco teórico en el cual se encuadra la investigación. Se presenta una breve introducción, para analizar inmediatamente el concepto de innovación y su naturaleza, así como diferentes teorías sobre la innovación. En el marco del enfoque interactivo se encuadran el modelo teórico general y el especifico adaptado a la encuesta comunitaria de innovación que se utilizara en el desarrollo empírico del trabajo. El capítulo 3 se dedica a la base de datos y a las variables. En el se incluye información sobre las encuestas comunitarias de innovación de las cuales se extraen los datos que se usan en el desarrollo empírico del trabajo. Se definen en base a las encuestas las 25 variables explicativas del modelo, que se contrastara empíricamente, así como las tres variables a explicar: nivel de innovación, extensión del mercado, porcentaje de ventas por nuevos productos. Y se señalan las operaciones que han sido necesarias para obtener la base de datos. Se clasifican dichas variables en base a las tres categorías de variables explicativas utilizadas en el modelo teórico. En el capítulo 4 se presenta la metodología especifica, ya que la metodología general está recogida en el capítulo 1. En primer lugar, se presenta la metodología aplicada en la construcción de los diferentes modelos representativos del nivel de innovación. Seguidamente se expone el procedimiento utilizado en la modelización del impacto de la innovación en resultados empresariales, para finalizar con la metodología utilizada para distinguir los factores explicativos que posibilitan la discriminación entre empresas innovadoras y no innovadoras. El capítulo 5 esta dedicado al análisis marginal de las variables, para conocer las formas distribucionales de las mismas y sus anomalías si existiesen. Se calculan la asimetría y curtosis como medidas de forma unidimensional y las correlaciones lineales bidimensionales en el marco del análisis marginal bidimensional, todo ello para los datos de las diferentes encuestas comunitarias de innovación CIS 2008, CIS 2006 y CIS IV. En el capítulo 6 se aborda la construcción y validación, dentro de la primera etapa del modelo conceptual bietapico, de los diferentes modelos explicativos del nivel de innovación de las empresas, para las diferentes encuestas manejadas en la base de datos, los diferentes modelos sectoriales y por países para los que la muestra CIS 2008 es representativa. En el también se procede a la comparación de los modelos globales, los modelos sectoriales y los modelos por países, identificando las variables con comportamientos similares y diferentes para los distintos sectores y países. Se construye un mapa por países para los datos de la encuesta CIS 2008, en el cual se presentan las agrupaciones obtenidas cuando se valoran las similitudes entre sus modelos explicativos. El capítulo 7 se dedica a la construcción y validación dentro de la segunda etapa del modelo conceptual bietapico del modelo explicativo del impacto del nivel de innovación sobre resultados económicos empresariales. Concretamente se modeliza la extensión geográfica del mercado de las empresas en función de sus niveles de innovación y el porcentaje de ventas por nuevos productos en función igualmente del nivel de innovación para la encuesta CIS 2008. El capítulo 8 se analiza a la caracterización del perfil de la empresa innovadora. Para ello se han considerado los 25 factores explicativos utilizados a lo largo de la investigación estableciendo su capacidad discriminadora respecto al carácter innovador o no de las empresas. Estos factores explicativos discriminantes determinan el perfil de las empresas innovadoras. Por último, en el capítulo 9 se recogen las principales conclusiones que pueden obtenerse de los resultados del estudio empírico, desglosándolas a partir de los diferentes análisis desarrollados a lo largo del trabajo.

<p class="MsoNormal">La presente obra tiene por objeto resolver una de las cuestiones que presenta mayor conflictividad, hoy, en torno a los derechos sucesorales del cónyuge o compañero permanente supérstite: la naturaleza jurídica de la porción conyugal. Concretamente, centraremos el estudio en la corriente clásica que se caracteriza por atribuir a la porción conyugal una naturaleza alimentaria, llegando hasta el punto de determinar mediante un análisis inductivo-deductivo que esta naturaleza no resulta aplicable a la porción conyugal, debido a la imposibilidad de encuadrar en esta última los caracteres y presupuestos imperativos de las obligaciones alimentarias. Por ende, ha de entenderse la porción conyugal como una institución de naturaleza sucesoral, consistente en la vocación, tanto testamentaria como ab intestato, al cónyuge o compañero como heredero a título singular, en todos los órdenes sucesorales. Responde la porción a la consideración de un legado ex lege con finalidad alimentaria constituido a favor del cónyuge o compañero en todos los órdenes.</p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; line-height: 200%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif';">La presente obra tiene por objeto resolver una de las cuestiones que presenta mayor conflictividad, hoy, en torno a los derechos sucesorales del cónyuge o compañero permanente <em>supérstite</em>: la naturaleza jurídica de la porción conyugal. Concretamente, centraremos el estudio en la corriente clásica que se caracteriza por atribuir a la porción conyugal una naturaleza alimentaria, llegando hasta el punto de determinar mediante un análisis inductivo-deductivo que esta naturaleza no resulta aplicable a la porción conyugal, debido a la imposibilidad de encuadrar en esta última los caracteres y presupuestos imperativos de las obligaciones alimentarias. Por ende, ha de <a>entenderse </a></span><span class="MsoCommentReference"><span style="font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 200%;"><!--[if !supportAnnotations]--><a id="_anchor_1" class="msocomanchor" name="_msoanchor_1" href="file:///D:/Computador%20Antiguo/publicacionesjuridicas/REVISTAS%20Y%20PUBLICACIONES%20SERIADAS%20F.C.J/VNIVERSITAS%20Revista%20de%20Derecho/Vniversitas%20131/Yadira%20Alarcon-Juan%20Jos%C3%A9%20G%C3%B3mez-Neira/CE-La%20naturaleza%20no%20alimentaria%20de%20la%20porci%C3%B3n%20conyugal%20o%20convivencial%20en%20Colombia.docx#_msocom_1"></a>[OLLG1]<!--[endif]--> </span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif';">la porción conyugal como una institución de naturaleza sucesoral, consistente en la vocación, tanto testamentaria como <em>ab intestato</em>, al cónyuge o compañero como heredero a título singular, en todos los órdenes sucesorales. Responde la porción a la consideración de un legado <em>ex lege</em> con finalidad alimentaria constituido a favor del cónyuge o compañero en todos los órdenes.</span></p><div><!--[if !supportAnnotations]--><hr class="msocomoff" align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><!--[endif]--><div><!--[if !supportAnnotations]--><div id="_com_1" class="msocomtxt"><!--[endif]--><!--[if !supportAnnotations]--><a name="_msocom_1"></a><!--[endif]--><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="MsoCommentReference"><span style="font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> <!--[if !supportAnnotations]--><a class="msocomoff" href="file:///D:/Computador%20Antiguo/publicacionesjuridicas/REVISTAS%20Y%20PUBLICACIONES%20SERIADAS%20F.C.J/VNIVERSITAS%20Revista%20de%20Derecho/Vniversitas%20131/Yadira%20Alarcon-Juan%20Jos%C3%A9%20G%C3%B3mez-Neira/CE-La%20naturaleza%20no%20alimentaria%20de%20la%20porci%C3%B3n%20conyugal%20o%20convivencial%20en%20Colombia.docx#_msoanchor_1">[OLLG1]</a><!--[endif]--></span></span>El verbo transitivo entender introduce los complementos directos persona con la preposición "a" y los complementos directos cosa sin preposición a: entender a alguien, entender algo: <span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">entender</span>^{<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">1</span>}<span style="font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-size: 13.0pt; font-family: 'Tinos','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; color: green; letter-spacing: .2pt;">Del lat. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13.0pt; font-family: 'inherit','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; color: green; letter-spacing: .2pt; border: none windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0cm; padding: 0cm;">intendĕre</span></em><span style="font-size: 13.0pt; font-family: 'Tinos','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS'; color: green; letter-spacing: .2pt;"> 'dirigir', 'tender a'.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">1. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Tener idea clara de las cosas.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">2. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Saber con perfección algo.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">3. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Conocer, penetrar.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">4. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Conocer el ánimo o la intención de alguien. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Ya te entiendo.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">5. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Discurrir, inferir, deducir.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">6. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Tener intención o mostrar voluntad de hacer algo.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">7. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">tr. Creer, pensar, juzgar. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Yo entiendo que sería mejor tal cosa.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">8. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">intr. Tener amplio conocimiento y experiencia en una materia determinada.</span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Entiende mucho </span></em><em><span style="font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">DE</span></em><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> vinos.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">9. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">intr. Ocuparse en algo. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Entiende </span></em><em><span style="font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">EN</span></em><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> mecánica.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">10. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">intr. Dicho de una autoridad: Tener facultad o jurisdicción para conocer demateria determinada. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">El juez federal entiende </span></em><em><span style="font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">EN</span></em><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> esa causa.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">11. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">intr. jerg. Ser homosexual.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">12. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Conocerse, comprenderse a sí mismo.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">13. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Tener un motivo o razón oculta para obrar de cierto modo.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">14. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Dicho de dos o más personas: Ir de conformidad en un negocio,especialmente cuando tienen entre sí motivos especiales de confianza, secreto yamistad.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">15. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Dicho de un hombre y una mujer: Tener alguna relación de carácteramoroso recatadamente, sin querer que aparezca en público.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">16. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Dicho especialmente de una ley o un mandato: Pertenecer, tocar, afectara uno o a muchos.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">17. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Saber manejar o disponer algo para algún fin. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Se entienden bien </span></em><em><span style="font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">CON</span></em><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> elnuevo proyecto.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 19.5pt; vertical-align: baseline; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">18. </span></strong><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: 0.2pt;">prnl. Avenirse con alguien para tratar determinados negocios. </span><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Se entiende muybien </span></em><em><span style="font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">CON</span></em><em><span style="font-size: 13pt; font-family: inherit, serif; color: #5e0d5e; letter-spacing: 0.2pt; border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0cm; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> el director.</span></em></p><p class="MsoCommentText"><em><span style="font-family: 'Arial Unicode MS', serif; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; background-image: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-size: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Real Academia Española © Todos los derechos reservados</span></em></p><!--[if !supportAnnotations]--></div><!--[endif]--></div></div>

1 IntroducciónEn el año 1971 apareció en Estados Unidos un libro titulado A Theory of Justice, cuyo autor era un profesor de Harvard que hasta el momento había publicado unos pocos artículos en revistas especializadas y su nombre era ciertamente desconocido en la primera plana del pensamiento filosófico de la época. A pesar de ello, nada impidió que esta obra se convirtiera en un best seller, vendiendo cuatrocientas mil copias tan sólo en inglés y siendo traducida a una treintena de idiomas (Pogge, 2007). Más aún, la obra de Rawls se ha convertido en una parada ineludible para cualquiera que desee trabajar en el ámbito de la filosofía política, manteniéndose vigente hasta nuestros días.A diferencia de muchos de sus colegas, Rawls dedicó su carrera al desarrollo y perfeccionamiento de un proyecto de investigación que, junto a la publicación de varios artículos, tuvo dos instancias decisivas entre 1971 y 1999. En 1993, el autor publicó Polítical Liberalism, texto en el que pretende "bajar a tierra" su teoría de la justicia y aplicarla en una democracia liberal, mientras que seis años después, en 1999, vio la luz su más polémica obra: The Law of Peoples. En ella, Rawls plantea su concepción de un sistema internacional justo, regido por principios universales que ofrecerían un marco de paz a las relaciones entre Estados e introduce una controvertida doctrina de los derechos humanos.Sin embargo, y como cabría esperar, la obra de Rawls no ha estado libre de críticas y polémicas. Por el contrario, su relevancia para la filosofía política le ha valido un sin fin de comentarios, suscitando encendidos debates y acaloradas discusiones. En el presente trabajo, se pretende realizar un aporte a la comprensión del pensamiento rawlsiano, identificando lo que podría calificarse como una ruptura de la concepción liberal a lo largo de su obra.Más concretamente, argumentaremos que así como A Theory of Justice y Political Liberaism representaron una redefinición del liberalismo desde el foco del igualitarismo, The Law of Peoples – donde se desarrolla una teoría normativa de las relaciones internacionales – no se corresponde con el universalismo moral kantiano que domina su teoría de la justicia. Por el contrario, Rawls muestra una faceta que, sin ser muy exigentes, deja mucho que desear si es vista desde una óptica liberal igualitaria. En este sentido, pondremos mayor foco en el concepto de "decencia" que Rawls deja entrever en su derecho de gentes y veremos cómo los individuos tomados como un fin en sí mismos dejan de ser el núcleo central, como lo eran en la Teoría de la Justicia, para ceder el lugar a los "pueblos" en el Derecho de Gentes.2 Rawls y su teoría de la justicia"De ahora en más los filósofos políticos deberán trabajar dentro de la teoría de Rawls, o bien explicar por qué no lo hacen"Robert Nozick (1974, 183)."No one concerned for social justice can afford not to study it closely"Thomas Pogge (2007, vii).Es ineludible, para la cabal comprensión de la obra que aquí pretendemos comentar y criticar, el desarrollo previo que tuvo la obra de Rawls. En este sentido, es importante destacar que la publicación de A Theory of Justice significó un antes y un después en la filosofía política contemporánea. Bajo un título aparentemente anodino, Rawls desarrolla una ambiciosa teoría de la justicia social mediante la cual pretende aportar una justificación sistemática a los que Michael Lessnoff ha denominado la síntesis sociopolítica contemporánea: una mezcla entre la democracia liberal, la economía de mercado y el Estadio distributivo del Bienestar (1999, 329). El aporte de la obra de Rawls a esta área del conocimiento ha sido muy importante desde varios puntos de vista, aunque es posible, sin ser exhaustivo, resaltar algunos de los más importantes como forma de comprender la relevancia de su pensamiento.En este sentido, la obra de Rawls se caracteriza por dos aspectos fundamentales. El primero de ellos es que retoma el contractualismo como estrategia para la fundamentación de su teoría de la justicia; y el segundo, que su argumentación se erige en respuesta al utilitarismo que hasta el momento había dominado la filosofía política anglosajona.2.1 El neocontractualismo rawlsianoQuizá el rasgo más distintivo de la obra de Rawls es el retorno a la teoría del contrato social, un dispositivo teórico largamente en desuso, con el cual echará las bases para la construcción de su teoría. Es posible afirmar que con A Theory of Justice, Rawls inaugura lo que se ha denominado como el neocontractualismo contemporáneo (Mejía, 1996), retomando así una tradición iniciada por Thomas Hobbes en el siglo XVII y continuada por John Locke, Jean-Jaques Rousseau e Immanuel Kant, aunque destinada al ostracismo durante el siglo XIX y parte del XX.Como bien lo establece Oscar Mejía (1996, 15-22), el contractualismo hobbesiano tiene su génesis en la interpretación que Santo Tomás de Aquino hizo de la obra de Aristóteles1. El giro tomista a la filosofía política aristotélica, dice el autor, radica en abandonar la idea de que la "la política [forma] parte de la filosofía práctica y [el Estado es] una comunidad que habilita a los ciudadanos para acciones virtuosas". Hobbes, que retoma esta concepción, logra diseñar una justificación tan innovadora como revolucionaria para la legitimidad del poder político y las instituciones que se crean para ejercerlo en una sociedad determinada (Da Silveira, 2000). Para este primer planteo del contrato social, la sociedad política es el producto de un acuerdo entre los hombres, que deciden depositar su derecho natural de gobernarse a sí mismos en una entidad superior, con el fin de abandonar el estado de naturaleza, en el cual la total libertad de cada individuo resulta un flagelo, dado que nadie está a salvo de la arbitrariedad en su utilización.Vale destacar que si bien Locke, Rousseau y Kant utilizan también esta herramienta conceptual para dar una justificación a la construcción del poder político, sus planteos no tienen mayores puntos en común. Sin embargo, lo que sí es cierto, es que todos exponen el acuerdo entre las partes como una ficción y no como un hecho histórico que haya sucedido en el pasado. El estado de naturaleza, del que los contratantes pretenden apartarse, no es entonces una realidad histórica, sino una construcción abstracta que nos permite "evaluar la legitimidad de las normas y los arreglos institucionales que nos hemos dado" (Da Silveira, 2000, 155). Es así que Locke, por ejemplo, plantea la situación anterior al contrato como un "estado de paz, buena voluntad, asistencia mutua y conservación", que luego deriva en un estado de guerra causado por la falta de un juez que dirima las controversias entre los individuos. Rousseau, por su parte, plantea una instancia pre-contractual definida como estado mutuo de inocencia, regido por la solidaridad y la mutua comprensión (Mejía, 1996), el cual se verá desvirtuado por el surgimiento de la propiedad privada, madre de todas las desigualdades.Este breve repaso nos sirve como guía cronológica para llegar a Kant, último eslabón clásico en la teoría del contrato social, cuya influencia en la Teoría de la Justicia de Rawls es explícita2. Advirtiendo las falencias de los teorías contractualistas que lo precedieron, el filósofo prusiano buscó una solución a una diversidad de problemas que tuvieron como resultado la fijación de la legitimidad del poder estatal en la autonomía moral de los individuos, que asumen autónomamente como propios los mandatos de la mayoría, siempre y cuando estos satisfagan las exigencias de racionalidad y universalidad necesarias para conciliar la voluntad general con la individual. Este no es un tema menor, dado que Rawls le otorga un papel central a la sentencia kantiana "obra de tal modo que uses la humanidad, tanto en tu persona como en la persona de cualquier otro, siempre como un fin al mismo tiempo y nunca solamente como un medio".Pero si bien Rawls recoge los frutos de toda la tradición contractualista, el filósofo se propone rediseñar este dispositivo teórico. Para ello, deberá subsanar varios inconvenientes presentes en los planteos antes mencionados y adaptar la teoría del contrato social para construir sobre ella su Teoría de la Justicia.Uno de los principales aspectos que Rawls busca superar es el iusnaturalismo subyacente al planteo de Hobbes, dado que liga moral y política a un nivel indeseable que el autor busca evitar. Si bien la sustitución del derecho divino como justificación del poder político fue un avance revolucionario en el siglo XVIII, la fijación de dicha justificación en el derecho natural, o sea, en un conjunto de normas y valores externos e independientes al individuo – y por ende pre-contractuales – no se ajusta a la solución que Rawls ofrecerá para el establecimiento de sus principios de justicia.Algo similar sucede con los planteos de Locke y Rousseau, que justifican el poder político en el consenso mayoritario, pues si bien este avance teórico es un hito central en la construcción histórica del liberalismo y la democracia liberal tal cual la conocemos hoy día, adolece de un problema de gran importancia, y es que no da lugar al disenso, dado que "la decisión de la mayoría se legitima por encima de los intereses del individuo" (Mejía, 1996, 27).Nuestro autor se inclinará, finalmente, por un planteo "altamente kantiano", como él mismo lo califica (1999, xviii). En este sentido, "Rawls retoma explícitamente la idea kantiana de autonomía, percibe a los individuos como fines en sí mismos y no como medios para la realización de fines ajenos, describe los principios de justicia como imperativos categóricos y la posición original como una situación ideal en la que agentes autónomos actúan siguiendo exclusivamente este tipo de imperativo" (Da Silveira, 1997, 71). Como bien lo define Da Silveira, el objetivo final del planteo contractualista de Rawls no es otro que establecer principios de justicia universalmente aplicables.Para tales objetivos, A Theory of Justice presenta un planteo sumamente innovador. Rawls no propone un estado de naturaleza del cual las partes busquen salir mediante la realización de un contrato, sino que ve en este último la mejor forma de solucionar lo que llamará el "problema de la justicia". Si la sociedad es una "empresa cooperativa para la ventaja mutua", dice Rawls, los integrantes de dicha sociedad tendrán intereses en común, pero también conflictos de intereses, y como ninguno es indiferente a cómo se distribuye la riqueza creada con su colaboración, cada uno – persiguiendo fines personales –buscará una mayor participación en la distribución de dichos beneficios. Entonces nos enfrentamos a un problema central: cómo llegar a principios de justicia universales, con los que cada integrante de la sociedad (cualquiera que esta sea) esté de acuerdo, y que al mismo tiempo eviten proyectar las desigualdades ya existentes. Si la solución fuese la negociación, el resultado estaría condenado al fracaso, pues las partes harían uso de un desigual poder de negociación, lo que terminaría por imponer los intereses de los grupos con mayor poder en la estructura social.La principal preocupación de nuestro autor pasará a encontrarse entonces en la estructura básica de la sociedad, que es definida como la forma en que las principales instituciones sociales distribuyen los derechos y obligaciones fundamentales, al tiempo que determinan la división de las ventajas resultantes de la cooperación social3. Rawls reconoce que en dicha estructura básica las desigualdades son inevitables pero, como bien lo resume Lessnoff, "la cuestión es definir sí y en qué medida las desigualdades pueden ser justas" (1999, 335). La posición original será, junto al velo de ignorancia, el primer paso de la teoría rawlsiana para echar luz sobre esta interrogante.Imaginemos, nos dice Rawls, una asamblea en la que todos los miembros de una sociedad se reúnen para elegir las instituciones básicas que organizarán su vida económica y política. Estas personas tienen conciencia de que las decisiones que tomen condicionarán no sólo su vida, sino además las de sus hijos y nietos, por lo que las decisiones que tomen no serán coyunturales, sino que deberán representar reglas de juego profundamente estables. Más aun, deberán comprender los intereses y preocupaciones de cada uno en base a un acuerdo generalizado.A esta "asamblea" es a lo que Rawls denominará la posición original, una construcción metodológica que le permitirá asegurarse que los principios de justicia sean elegidos por las partes de forma contractual y con todas las garantías necesarias para que dicho contrato sea realizado "por hombres racionales y morales que no contaminen con sus juicios egoístas la imparcialidad" de dichos principios (Mejía, 1996, 43).Puestas las partes en una situación inicial, en la que se caracterizan por ser mutuamente desinteresadas – persiguen su propio interés desconociendo el de los demás – al tiempo que razonables y racionales, aún hace falta eliminar cualquier factor de desigualdad entre ellas. Para esto, Rawls impondrá a las partes situadas en la posición original un velo de ignorancia que tendrá como consecuencia importantes restricciones de información4. A la hora de elegir los principios de justicia que determinarán la estructura básica de la sociedad, las partes carecerán de información sobre cuál será su posición en la sociedad e incluso sobre sus propias cualidades personales. La intención de Rawls es clara. Nadie debe tener ventajas o desventajas derivadas de las circunstancias sociales o incluso de la suerte a la hora de elegir los principios de justicia, lo que asegurará, en última instancia, que nadie intente conseguir beneficios para una determinada posición en detrimento de otra (Rawls, 1999, 16). Los individuos, por tanto, ignorarán cuáles son – o serían – sus intereses particulares y por lo tanto deben llegar a un acuerdo sin saber qué es los que los beneficia o los perjudica. En última instancia, lo que Rawls consigue mediante la imposición del velo de ignorancia es obligar a las partes a "negociar bajo la perspectiva del universalismo moral" (Da Silveira, 2003, 26)5.Teniendo en cuenta las condiciones de igualdad y restricción de la información planteadas anteriormente para la negociación de los principios de justicia, Rawls cree que los individuos en la posición original optarían por los siguientes:"First: each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others. Second: social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) reasonably expected to be to everyone's advantage, and (b) attached to positions and offices open to all."Es aquí donde se consagran los pilares de su teoría liberal igualitaria. Rawls complementa dichos principios con lo que denomina reglas de prioridad, estableciendo que la libertad siempre primará por sobre la igualdad y la justicia – el primer principio sobre el segundo –, y que la justicia primará en todo momento por sobre el bienestar –, anteponiendo la segunda parte del segundo principio sobre la primera. En otras palabras, la distribución sólo será posible mientras se produzca en total respeto de las libertades individuales, mientras que las desigualdades – bajo el entendido de que estas beneficien a los más desfavorecidos –, sólo serán aceptadas si antes se produjeron en un marco de igualdad de oportunidades para acceder a los cargos de responsabilidad de la sociedad en cuestión (Da Silveira, 2003, 38).Los principios de justicia a los que las partes en la posición original llegarían, pueden ser comprendidos si vemos la estrategia que seguirían teniendo en cuenta su racionalidad. El autor considera que ante las restricciones de información impuestas por el velo de ignorancia, maximizar los posibles beneficios sería un error, por lo que las partes se preocuparían por "maximizar el mínimo" (hacer que la peor situación sea lo mejor posible), un estrategia que ha sido denominada como maximin, y que consiste en reducir al máximo el riesgo que correríamos en caso de encontrarnos en la parte menos favorecida de la sociedad. De esta manera, argumenta Rawls,lo racional no sería tampoco eliminar toda forma de desigualdad en la estructura básica – dado que muchas de estas podrían ser beneficiosas – sino aceptar solamente aquellas que mejoren la situación de los menos aventajados.A los efectos del presente trabajo, es importante rescatar las pretensiones universalistas que se encuentran en A Theory of Justice, teniendo en cuenta que los principios de justicia podrían ser aplicados en cualquier momento en y en cualquier sociedad sin que su validez se vea erosionada. La posición original, como afirma el propio Rawls, nos obliga a contemplar la situación humana desde todos los puntos sociales y temporales posibles. A pesar de lo anterior, este "kantismo ortodoxo" se irá diluyendo con los años (Da Silveira, 2003, 87) dando lugar luego a un segundo y hasta un tercer Rawls, que perderá sus aspiraciones universalistas y sucumbirá en un relativismo que desconcertó hasta sus más fervorosos defensores. Diremos, en este sentido, que el Rawls universalista realizará un lento pero sostenido peregrinaje hacia las huestes del realismo político en el plano de las relaciones internacionales.2.2 Rechazo al utilitarismoEl segundo aspecto fundamental que debemos resaltar en A Theory of Justicie, es su respuesta al utilitarismo, una teoría de la justicia que, desde el liberalismo, había dominado en los últimos dos siglos la discusión en el ámbito de la filosofía política anglosajona. Rawls resume su propósito de la siguiente manera: "My aim is to work out a theory of justice that represents an alternative to utilitarian. (…) The main idea is that society is rightly ordered, and therefore just, when its major institutions are arranged so as to achieve the greatest net balance of satisfaction summed over all the individuals belonging to it." (1999, 20). Como bien nos dice el autor, es imposible negar el atractivo inicial que nos genera esta concepción de la justicia, por lo que, para combatirla, es necesario no sólo aportar sólidos argumentos en su contra, sino que al mismo tiempo presentar una alternativa viable.Una de las principales razones por las cuales el utilitarismo gozaba de tan amplia aceptación es su claridad frente a otras teorías que, aunque no menos interesantes, carecen de una ventaja fundamental: el utilitarismo ofrece un criterio general de decisión y al mismo tiempo permite una tecnificación de las decisiones morales y políticas. Si todos aceptáramos el criterio de maximizar el bienestar, sería relativamente fácil implementar mecanismos matemáticos para la toma de decisiones (Da Silveira, 2003). Kymlicka, por su parte, agrega otras dos ventajas importantes del utilitarismo frente a otras teorías. Por un lado, el autor reafirma su secularidad. Las metas que el utilitarismo persigue no dependen de la existencia de un Dios, un alma o cualquier otra entidad metafísica y, por lo tanto, no importa que tan seculares seamos, todos sufrimos y somos felices. De esta manera, no podemos negar que la felicidad (o el bienestar) es un valor que todos perseguimos en nuestras vidas. Además, y sumado a lo argüido por Da Silveira, el autor resalta lo que denomina como "consecuencialismo", y que puede ser resumido como la capacidad de contrastar el resultado de las políticas públicas aplicadas a una sociedad determinada con respecto al bienestar que generan. Si todos utilizáramos este mecanismo, entonces no nos enfrascaríamos en discusiones acerca de los aspectos morales de temas como la homosexualidad o el aborto, y se evitaría una infinidad de prohibiciones morales arbitrarias (Kymlicka, 1990, 10-11).Pero a pesar de sus bondades, muchas de ellas muy persuasivas como el mismo Rawls admite, el autor elabora una crítica demoledora de la teoría en cuestión, sobre la que erige una alternativa indiscutiblemente sólida. Rawls ataca al utilitarismo en sus puntos más débiles, valiéndose de una artillería que en su mayoría proviene desde el universalismo moral kantiano y pude ser resumida en una frase que ha pasado ya a la historia: "Utilitarianism does not take seriously the distinction between persons" (1999, 24). Esta crítica, en apariencia inofensiva, socava al utilitarismo desde su base más liberal. Como sentenciará Rawls, esta teoría no toma a las personas como fines en sí mismos, sino como meros medios para la consecución de ciertos fines, lo que da pie al viejo ejemplo de la esclavitud: si por alguna razón la esclavitud de una parte de la población maximizara el bienestar total de la sociedad, entonces no habría razones para no hacerlo6.Pero esta no es la única crítica que Rawls realiza al utilitarismo. Por el contrario, el autor arremete contra el mecanismo de "justicia social" que la teoría propone, afirmando que el hecho de buscar la maximización total del bienestar sólo permitirá que la sociedad reproduzca las más extremas formas de desigualdad, dado que, ver la justicia social como un promedio de bienestar, evita el hecho de preocuparse por la forma en que dicho bienestar es distribuido. En respuesta a estas dos críticas será que Rawls creará una alternativa que no sólo se preocupe por la distribución de los beneficios obtenidos de la cooperación social, sino que además respete a ultranza las libertades individuales de todos y cada uno de los integrantes de la sociedad. Veremos que, a pesar de todo lo anterior, en el Derecho de Gentes se priorizará la estabilidad por sobre la libertad y la igualdad, algo difícil de imaginar para los lectores que en 1971 revolucionaron su pensamiento con una Teoría de la Justicia. 1 - Según Mejía, "Hobbes rompe la concepción aristotélica en tres sentidos: primero, la política deja de ser derivación de la ética y se desliga de la moralidad y la legalidad; segundo, la política deja de referirse a la práctica y comienza a ser referida como técnica; y tercero, la política deja de ser sabia comprensión, phronesis, y se convierte en ciencia, episteme" (Mejía, 1996, 16).2 - "What I have attempted to do is to generalize and carry to a higher order of abstraction the traditional theory of the social contract as represented by Locke, Rousseau, and Kant. […] The theory that results is highly Kantian in nature. Indeed, I must disclaim any originality for the views I put forward. The leading ideas are classical and well known." (Rawls, 1999, xviii).3 - "For us the primary subject of justice is the basic structure of society, or more exactly, the way in which the major social institutions distribute fundamental rights and duties and determine the division of advantages from social cooperation" (Rawls, 1999, 6).4 - "It is assumed, then, that the parties do not know certain kinds of particular facts. First of all, no one knows his place in society, his class position or social status; nor does he know his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, his intelligence and strength, and the like. Nor, again, does anyone know his conception of the good, the particulars of his rational plan of life, or even the special features of his psychology such as his aversion to risk or liability to optimism or pessimism. More than this, I assume that the parties do not know the particular circumstances of their own society. That is, they do not know its economic or political situation, or the level of civilization and culture it has been able to achieve. The persons in the original position have no information as to which generation they belong. These broader restrictions on knowledge are appropriate in part because questions of social justice arise between generations as well as within them (…)" (Rawls, 1999, 118).5 - Es importante recodar en este punto la relevancia que Rawls otorga a lo que él llama el "merecimiento moral". De forma resumida, el autor argumenta que en última instancia, nadie puede aducir que su situación en la sociedad pueda ser justificada desde un punto de vista moral. Nadie merece moralmente las ventajas o desventajas que le hayan tocado en suerte, ya sea desde una inteligencia prodigiosa o una deformidad física hasta una habilidad deportiva o artística. De esta manera, el velo de ignorancia eliminará este tipo de diferencias, por lo que nadie es capaz de saber cuáles serán sus ventajas o desventajas (1999, 273-277).6 - "Si lo que cuenta es la utilidad total o promedio, la satisfacción o el sufrimiento de cada individuo no tiene otro valor del que agrega o quita al conjunto. Y esto supone de instrumentalizar una parte de la sociedad" (DA SILVEIRA, 2003, 53) *Este artículo fue presentado en la 4° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2014, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay.Andrés Riva Casas es estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales.

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Ann Tickner on Feminist
Philosophy of Science, Engaging the Mainstream, and (still) Remaining Critical
in/of IR







Feminist IR is still often
side-lined as a particularistic agenda or limited issue area, appearing as one
of the last chapters of introductory volumes to the field, despite the
limitless efforts of people such as Cynthia Enloe (Theory Talk #48)
and J. Ann Tickner. She has laboured to point out and provincialize the
parochialism that haunts mainstream IR, without, however, herself retreating
and disengaging from some of its core concerns. In this Talk, Tickner elaborates—amongst others—on the specifics of a
feminist approach to the philosophical underpinnings of IR; discusses how
feminism relates to the distinction between mainstream and critical theory; and
addresses the challenges of navigating such divides.







Print version of this Talk (pdf)



What is, according to
you, the central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And
what is your position regarding this challenge/in this debate?



I think the biggest challenge for IR is
that it is relevant and helps us understand important issues in our globalized world.
I realize this is not a conventional answer, but too often we academics get
caught up in substantive and methodological debates where we end up talking only
to each other or to a very small audience. We tend to get too concerned with
the issue of scientific respectability rather than thinking about how to try to
understand and remedy the massive problems that exist in the world today. Steve
Smith's presidential address to the ISA in 2002 (read it here),
shortly after 9/11, reminded us of this. Smith chastised the profession for
having nothing to say about such a catastrophic event.





How
did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?



I've gone through quite a few transformations
in my academic career. My original identity was as an International Political
Economy (IPE) scholar; my first academic position was at a small liberal arts
college (College of the Holy Cross) where I taught a variety of IPE courses. In
graduate school I was interested in what, in the 1970s, we called 'North-South'
issues, specifically issues of global justice, which were not the most popular
subjects in the field. So I always felt a little out of place in my choice of
subject matter. In the 1980s when I started teaching, IR was mostly populated
by men. As a woman, one felt somewhat uncomfortable at professional meetings;
and there were very few texts by women that I could assign to my students. I
also found that many of the female students in my introductory IR classes were
somewhat uncomfortable and unmotivated by the emphasis placed on strategic
issues and nuclear weapons.



It was at about the time when I first
started thinking about these issues, I happened to read Evelyn Fox Keller's book Gender and Science,
a book that offers a gendered critique of the natural sciences (read an
'update' of the argument by Keller here, pdf).
It struck me that her feminist critique of science could equally be applied to
IR theory. My first feminist publication, a feminist critique of Hans Morgenthau's
principles of political realism, expanded on this theme (read full text here,
pdf).




Teaching at a small liberal arts college
where one was judged by the quality of one's work rather than the type of
research one was doing was very helpful—because I could follow my own, rather
non-conventional, inclinations. So I think my turn to feminism, after ten years
in the field, was a combination of my own consciousness-raising and feeling
that there was something about IR that didn't speak to me. Later, I was fortunate
to be hired by the University of Southern California, a large research
institution, with an interdisciplinary School of International Relations,
separate from the political science department. When I arrived in 1995, the
School had a reputation for teaching a broad array of IR theoretical approaches.
The support of these institutional settings and of a network of feminist
scholars and students, some of whom I discovered were thinking along similar
lines in the late 1980s, were important for getting me to where I am today.





What
would a student need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or
understand the world in a global way?



It depends on the level of the student:
at the undergraduate level, a broad array of courses in global politics including
some economics and history. Language training is very important too, and ideally,
an overseas experience. We need to encourage our students to be curious and
have an open mind about our world.



At the graduate level, this is a more complicated
question. The way you phrased the question 'to understand the world in a global
way,' can be very different from training to become an IR scholar, especially in
the United States. I would emphasize the importance of a broad theoretical and
methodological training, including some exposure to the philosophy of science,
and to non-Western IR if possible, or at least at a minimum, to try to get
beyond the dominance of American IR, which still exists even in places outside
the US.





Why should IR scholars incorporate
gender in the study of world politics? What are the epistemological and
ontological implications of adopting a feminist perspective in IR?



Feminists would argue that incorporating
feminist perspectives into IR would fundamentally transform the discipline.
Feminists claim that IR is already gendered, and gendered masculine, in the
types of questions it asks and the ways it goes about answering them. The
questions we ask in our research are never neutral - they are a choice,
depending on the researcher's identity and location. Over history, the
knowledge that we have accumulated has generally been knowledge about men's
lives. It's usually been men who do the asking and consequently, it is often
the case that women's lives and women's knowledge are absent from what is
deemed 'reliable' knowledge. This historical legacy has had, and continues to
have, an effect on the way we build knowledge. Sandra Harding,
a feminist philosopher of science, has suggested that if were to build
knowledge from women's lives as well, we would broaden the base from which we
construct knowledge, and would therefore get a richer and more complex picture
of reality.



One IR example of how we limit our research
questions and concerns is how we calculate national income, or wealth—the kind
of data states choose to collect and on which they base their public policy. We
have no way of measuring the vast of amount of non-remunerated reproductive and
caring labour, much of which is done by women. Without this labour we would not
have a functioning global capitalist economy. To me this is one example as to
why putting on our gender lenses helps us gain a more complete picture of
global politics and the workings of the global economy.



Feminists have also argued that the
epistemological foundations of Western knowledge are gendered. When we use
terms such as rationality, objectivity and public, they are paired with terms
such as emotional, subjective and private, terms that are seen as carrying less
weight. By privileging the first of these terms when we construct knowledge we
are valuing knowledge that we typically associate with masculinity and the
public sphere, historically associated with men. Rationality and objectivity
are not terms that are overtly gendered, but, when asked, women and men alike
associate them with masculinity. They are terms we value when we do our
research.





In one of the foundational texts of
Feminist IR, 'You Just Don't Understand: Troubled Engagements between Feminists
and IR Theorists' (1997, full text here, pdf),
you highlighted three particular (gendered) misunderstandings that continue to
divide Feminists and mainstream IR theorists. To what extent do these
misunderstandings continue to inform mainstream perceptions of Feminist
approaches to the study of international politics?




I think probably they still do, although
it's always hard to tell, because the mainstream has not engaged much with
feminist approaches. I've been one who's always calling for conversations with
the mainstream but, apart from the forum responding to the article you mention,
there have been very few. In a 2010 article, published in the Australian Feminist Law Journal, I looked
back to see if I could find responses to my 1997 article to which you refer. I
found that most of the responses had come from other feminists. The lack of
engagement, which other feminists have experienced also, makes it hard to know about
the misunderstandings that still exist but my guess would be that they remain. However
I do think there has been progress in accepting feminism's legitimacy in the
field. It is now included in many introductory texts.



The first misunderstanding that I
identified is the meaning of gender. I would hope that the introduction of
constructivist approaches would help with understanding that gender is social
construction - a very important point for feminists. But I think that gender is
still largely equated with women. Feminists have tried to stress that gender is
also about men and about masculinity, something that seems to be rather hard to
accept for those unfamiliar with feminist work. I think it's also hard for the
discipline to accept that both international politics as practice and IR as a
discipline are not gender neutral. Feminists claim that IR as a discipline is
gendered in its concepts, its subject matter, the questions it asks and the way
it goes about answering them. This is a radical assertion for those unfamiliar
with feminist approaches and it is not very well understood.



Now to answer the second misunderstanding
as to whether feminists are doing IR. I think there has been some progress here,
because IR has broadened its subject matter. And there has been quite a bit of
attention lately to gender issues in the 'real world' - issues such as sexual violence,
trafficking, and human rights. Of course these issues relate not only to women
but they are issues with which feminists have been concerned. Something I
continue to find curious is that the policy and activist communities are
generally ahead of the academy in taking up gender issues. Most international
organizations, and some national governments are under mandates for gender
mainstreaming. Yet, the academy has been slow to catch up and give students the
necessary training and skills to go out in the world and deal with such issues.




The third misunderstanding to which I
referred in the 1997 article is the question of epistemology. While, as I
indicated, there has been some acceptance of the subject matter, with which
feminists are concerned, it is a more fundamental and contentious question as
to whether feminists are recognized as 'doing IR' in the methodological sense. As
the field broadens its concerns, IR may see issues that feminists raise as
legitimate, but how we study them still evokes the same responses that I
brought up fifteen years ago. Many of the questions that feminists ask are not
amenable to being answered using the social scientific methodologies popular in
the field, particularly in the US. (I should add that there is a branch of IR
feminism that does use quantitative methods and it has gained much wider
acceptance by the mainstream.) The feminist assumption that Western knowledge
is gendered and based on men's lives is a challenging claim. And feminists
often prefer to start knowledge from the lives of people who are on the margins
– those who are subordinated or oppressed, and of course, this is very
different from IR which tends toward a top-down look at the international
system. One of the big problems that have become more evident to me over time
is that feminism is fundamentally sociological – it's about people and social
relations, whereas much of IR is about structures and states operating in an
anarchic, rather than a social, environment. I find that historians and
sociologists are more comfortable with gender analysis, perhaps for this reason.
I'm not sure that these misunderstanding are ever going to be solved or that
they need to be solved.





Although Feminist methodology is
often conflated with ethnographic approaches, 
in 'What Is Your Research Program? Some Feminist Answers
to International Relations Methodological Questions' (2005, pdf here),
you argued that there is no unique Feminist research methodology. Nonetheless,
Feminist IR is well known for using an autoethnographic approach. What does this approach add to
the study of gender in IR? What might account for the relative dearth of
autoethnography in other IR paradigms?



I think it is important to remember that
feminists use many different approaches coming out of very different
theoretical traditions, such as Marxism, socialism, constructivism, postpositivism,
postcolonialism and empiricism. So there are many different kinds of feminisms.
If you look specifically at what has been called 'second-generation feminist IR,'
the empirical work that followed the so-called 'first generation' that
challenged and critiqued the concepts and theoretical foundations of the field,
much of it, but not all, (discourse analysis is quite prevalent too), uses
ethnographic methods which seem well suited to researching some of the issues I
described earlier. Questions about violence against women, domestic servants,
women in the military, violent women, women in peace movements– these are the
sorts of research questions that demand fieldwork and an ethnographic approach.
Because as I stated earlier, IR asks rather different kinds of questions, it
does not generally adopt ethnographic methods. Feminists who do this type of
ethnographic research tell me that their work is often more readily received
and understood by those who do comparative politics, because they are more comfortable
with field research. And since women are not usually found in the halls of
power – as decision-makers. IR feminists are particularly concerned with issues
having to do with marginalized and disempowered peoples' lives. Ethnography is
useful for this type of research.



I see autoethnography as a different issue.
While the reflexive tradition is not unique to feminists, feminism tends to be
reflectivist. As I said earlier, feminists are sensitive to issues about who the
creators of knowledge have been and whose knowledge is claimed to be universal.
Most feminists believe that there is no such thing as universal knowledge. Consequently,
feminists believe that being explicit about one's positionality as a researcher
is very important because none of us can achieve objectivity, often called 'the
view from nowhere'. So while striving to get as accurate and as useful
knowledge as we can, we should be willing to state our own positionality. One's
privilege as a researcher must be acknowledged too; one must always be
sensitive to the unequal power relations between a researcher and their
research subject – something that anthropology recognized some time ago. Feminists
who do fieldwork often try to make their research useful to their subjects or do
participatory research so that they can give something back to the community. All
these concerns lead to autoethnographic disclosures. They demand a reflexive
attitude and a willingness to describe and reassess your research journey as
you go along. This autoethnographic style is hard for researchers in the positivist
tradition to understand. While we all strive to produce accurate and useful
knowledge, positivists' striving for objectivity requires keeping subjectivity
out of their research.





Robert W. Cox (Theory Talk #37)
famously distinguished two approaches to the study of international politics:
problem-solving theory and critical theory. How does the emancipatory project
of the latter inform your perspective of IR and its normative goals? And is
this distinction as valid today as it was when Cox first formulated it, over 3
decades ago?



Yes
I think it's still an important distinction. It's still cited very often which
suggests it's still valid, although postmodern scholars (and certain feminists)
have problems with Western liberal notions of emancipation. I see my own work
as being largely compatible with Cox's definition of critical theory. Like many
feminists, I view my work as explicitly normative; I say explicitly because I
believe all knowledge is normative although not all scholars would admit it. What
Cox calls problem-solving theory is also normative in the conservative sense of
not aiming to changing the world. A normative goal to which feminists are
generally committed is understanding the reasons for women's subordination and
seeking ways to end it. It's also important to note that the IR discipline was borne
with the intention of serving the interests of the state whereas academic feminism
was borne out of social movements for women's emancipation. The normative goals
of my work are to demonstrate how the theory and practice of IR is gendered and
what might be the implications of this, both for how we construct knowledge and
how we go about solving global problems.





Much of your work addresses the
parochial scope and neopositivist inclination of International Relations (IR) scholarship, especially in the United
States. What distinguishes other
'Western' institutional and political contexts (in the UK, Europe, Canada and Oceania) from the American
study of IR?  How and why is
critical/reflectivist IR marginalized in the American context? What is the
status of these 'debates' in non-Western
institutional contexts?



With respect to the parochial scope of US
IR, I refer you to a recent book, edited by Arlene Tickner and Ole Wæver,
International
Relations Scholarship Around the World. It contains chapters by authors from around the world, some of whom
suggest IR in their country imitates the US and some who see very different IRs.
The chapter by Thomas J. Biersteker, ('The Parochialism of Hegemony:
Challenges for 'American' International Relations', read it here in pdf)
reports on his examination of the required reading lists for IR Ph.D.
candidates in the top ten US academic institutions. His findings suggest that
constructivism accounts for only about 10% of readings and anything more
radical even less. Over 90% of assigned works are written by US scholars. The dominance
of quantitative and rational choice approaches in the US may have something to
do with IR generally being a subfield of political science. Critical approaches
often have different epistemological roots. And I stress 'science' because
while IR is also subsumed in certain politics departments in other countries,
the commitment to science, in the neopositivist sense, is something that seems
to be peculiarly American. Stanley Hoffman's famous observation, made over
thirty years ago, that Americans see problems as solvable by the scientific
method is still largely correct I believe (read article here, pdf).
I find it striking that so many formerly US based and/or educated critical
scholars have left the US and are now based elsewhere – in Canada, Australasia,
or Europe.



Biersteker
sees the hegemony of American IR extending well beyond the US. But there is
generally less commitment to quantification elsewhere. This may be due to IR's historical
legacy emerging out of different knowledge traditions or being housed in
separate departments. In France, IR emerged from sociological and legal traditions
and, in the UK, history and political theory, including the Marxist tradition,
have been influential in IR. And European IR scholars do not move as freely
between the academy and the policy world as in the US. All these factors might encourage
more openness to critical approaches. I am afraid I don't know enough about
non-Western traditions to make an informed comment. But we must recognize the
enormous power differentials that exist with respect to engaging IR's debates. Language
barriers are one problem; having access to research funds is an enormous
privilege. Scholars in many parts of the world do not have the resources or the
time to engage in esoteric academic debates, nor do they have the resources to
attend professional meetings or access certain materials. The production of
knowledge is a very unequal process, dominated by those with power and resources;
hence the hegemonic position of the US that Biersteker and others still see.





As methodological pluralism now
retains the status of a norm in the field, John M. Hobson (Theory Talk #71) recently argued that the question
facing IR scholars no longer revolves around the debate between positivist
and postpositivist approaches. Rather, the primary meta-theoretical question
relates to Eurocentrism, that is, 'To be or not to be a Eurocentric, that is the
question.' To what extent do you agree with this statement? Why or why not?



Given
my answer to the last question, I am not sure that methodological pluralism has
reached an accepted status in the US yet. However, John M. Hobson has produced
a very thoughtful and engaging book that asks very provocative questions. Unfortunately,
I doubt many IR scholars in the US have read it and would be rather puzzled by
Hobson's claim. But certainly the Eurocentrism of the discipline is something
to which we should be paying attention. I find it curious how little IR has
recognized its imperial roots or engaged in any discussion of imperialism. As
Brian Schmidt and other historical revisionists have told us, when IR was borne
at the beginning of the twentieth century, imperialism was a central preoccupation
in the discipline. Race also has been ignored almost entirely by IR scholars.  



To
Hobson's specific claim that the important question for IR now is about being
or not being Eurocentric rather than about being positivist or postpositivist, I
do have some problems with this. I am concerned with Hobson's painting
positivism and postpostivism with the same Eurocentric brush. Yes, they are
both Eurocentric; but postpositivists or critical theorists – to use Cox's term
– are at least open to being reflective about how they produce knowledge and
where it comes from. If one can be reflective about one's knowledge it does
allow space to be aware of one's own biases. Those of us on the critical side
of Cox's divide can at least be reflective about the problems of Eurocentrism,
whereas positivists don't consider reflexivity to be part of producing good
research. Nevertheless, Hobson has made an important statement. He has written
a masterful and insightful book and I recommend it all IR scholars.





Last question. Your recent work is
part of an emergent collective dialogue that aims to 'provincialize' the
Western European heritage of IR. In a recent article
entitled 'Dealing with Difference: Problems and Possibilities
for Dialogue in International Relations' you highlight the need for
non-Eurocentric approach to the study of IR. In IR,
what are the prospects for genuine dialogue across methodological and geographical borders?
Where do you see this dialogue taking place?



This is a very tough issue. There are
scholars like Hobson who talk about a non-Eurocentric approach, but given what
I said about resources, about language barriers, and about inequalities in the
ability to produce knowledge, this is difficult. As I've said at many times and
in many places, the power difference is an inhibitor to any genuine dialogue.
So, where is dialogue taking place? Among those, such as Hobson, who advocate a
hybrid approach that takes other knowledge traditions seriously and sees them
as equally valid as one's own. And mostly on the margins of what we call 'IR', where
some very exciting work is being produced. Feminism is one such site. Feminist
approaches are dedicated to dialogic knowledge production, or what they call
knowledge that emerges through conversation. Feminists believe that theory can
emerge from practice, listening to ordinary people and how they make sense of
their lives. I also think that projects like the one undertaken by Wæver and
Tickner (which is still ongoing) that is publishing contributions from scholars
from very different parts of the world is crucial.





J. Ann Tickner is
Distinguished Scholar in Residence at the American University. She is also a
Professor Emerita at the University of Southern California where she taught for
fifteen years before coming to American University. Her principle areas of
teaching and research include international theory, peace and security, and
feminist approaches to international relations. She served as President of the
International Studies Association from 2006-2007. Her books include Gendering
World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War Era (Columbia
University Press, 2001), Gender in International Relations: Feminist
Perspectives on Achieving International Security (Columbia University
Press, 1992), and Self-Reliance Versus
Power Politics: American and Indian Experiences in Building Nation-States
(Columbia University Press, 1987).







Related links





Faculty Profile at American University
Read
Tickner's Hans Morgenthau's Principles of
Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation (Millennium, 1988) here (pdf)
Read Tickner's You Just Don't Understand: Troubled Engagements between Feminists and
IR Theorists (1997 International Studies Quarterly) here (pdf) 
Read Tickner's What Is Your
Research Program? Some Feminist Answers to International Relations
Methodological Questions (2005, International Studies Quarterly) here (pdf) 


Print version of this Talk (pdf)

LaPriel Loney, July 1, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with LaPriel Loney. The interview was conducted on July 1, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Loney discusses memories of 25th Street as well as memories of the Ogden canteen during World War II. ; 19p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program LaPriel Loney Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 1 July 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah LaPriel Loney Interviewed by Lorrie Rands 1 July 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Loney, LaPriel, an oral history by Lorrie Rands, 1 July 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii LaPriel Loney July 1, 2013 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with LaPriel Loney. The interview was conducted on July 1, 2013, by Lorrie Rands. Loney discusses memories of 25th Street as well as memories of the Ogden canteen during World War II. LR: Today is July 1, 2013. We are in the home of LaPriel Loney talking about her memories of the Ogden canteen during World War II and her memories of Hill Field, Depot, Bushnell Hospital and 25th Street. Where were you born and where did you grow up? LL: I was born in Brigham City. That city was kind of settled by my great grandparents. They were sent up there to help settle that area. So, that city goes back a long ways in my family. LR: What were their names? LL: Jonah and Abigail Mathias. LR: Where were they born? LL: He was born in Wales, and she was born in England. LR: What year were you born? LL: 1921. LR: Where did you grow up? LL: We moved several times. My father worked for Utah Power and Light and we lived in Morgan for a while and then in Winnemucca, Nevada, then Lovelock, Nevada. I went to first, second and third grade in Winnemucca and fourth grade in Lovelock. About that time, the depression hit and my father lost his job. In fact, the company went broke, so we were without a home and at that time there were 1 no safety nets. There were no food stamps or welfare or anything. We went to live with my aunt, my dad's sister, in Salt Lake for a while and then returned to Brigham City to wait until he found work. My dad was doing farm work, which he hadn't done for years and it was very difficult for him. It was a very sad situation because we were in my great grandmother's home and we had no indoor plumbing, so we had an outhouse. We had a pump outside that we'd have to go out and fill a pitcher of water to use for the household cooking and so on. LR: When did you move to Ogden? LL: I was in the seventh grade. So, that would have been in 1934. LR: Do you remember where you lived in Ogden? LL: Yes. We lived at 1019 22nd Street. I went to Lorin Farr School on 22nd and Harrison for the seventh grade, then in eighth grade I went to junior high school and then went to Ogden High School. They had just finished Ogden High School. There was a lot of commotion and it was a beautiful school, but it cost a million dollars and it was practically out of town on 28th and Harrison. That was kind of on the edge of town. So, there was a lot of commotion about it, but it was a beautiful, beautiful school and we were fortunate to go there. LR: You were the first graduating class from that school, correct? LL: We went to the eleventh and twelfth grade there and there was another class that was there just for their twelfth grade. LR: So you graduated in 1939? LL: Yes. LR: Was that was the first graduating class? 2 LL: Yes. LR: Fast forwarding a little bit. How did you become involved in the canteen at the Union Station? LL: Well, I'm not really sure. I know that I was called upon to go down there and work a few times and whenever they needed me I went down, but I was also working to raise money to go to college. I think going to Weber at that time was something like $75.00, but my wages were something like 25 cents an hour. I remember working at Kress' for eight hours and getting two dollars. So, I had three little jobs and when they called me to work at the canteen, I'd work there when they needed me. LR: Did you take any of the nutrition or canteen classes that were required? LL: No. LR: What are some of your memories of working there? LL: Well, it was very exciting because Ogden was a railroad center at the time and the trains were going through very frequently carrying materials or transporting troops. When the troops would get off the train and come into the depot, they were just happy to get off the train and surprised to see that we had some refreshments there for them. I think they wanted to visit just as much as they wanted a cup of coffee and a donut or cookies. They had the counter on the south end of the big lobby and sometimes that lobby would be filled with people coming and going. It was always interesting to talk to these people. A lot of them weren't sure where they were going and if they did, they weren't supposed to tell us where they were going, so it was just a matter of visiting with them. They were 3 fascinated with 25th Street. They had heard a lot about 25th Street, so they wanted to know how far it was and we'd say, "It's across the street." They'd walk up and walk back. There wasn't a great deal of time that they had. LR: Do you remember visiting with any soldiers in particular? LL: No, I was just overwhelmed with all of them that got off the train because there were so many. It made you realize how deep into the war we were. We weren't familiar with war. It was all new to us. Ogden suddenly became very busy because of Hill Field and the Navy Depot. All of a sudden, we were overwhelmed with people that weren't as religious perhaps as our population was, but we were certainly willing to learn. We had taken the civil service test and I didn't even know what a civil service test was, but evidently passed it because as soon as Pearl Harbor was hit I got called to come to work immediately. I was one of the first people at Hill Field I think. LR: So I bet that's how you started working at Hill Field, just passing the civil service exam. What were some of your duties there? LL: I had the lowest rating there was. I was under the mail file and record clerk and I made about $1,680 a year, but, it was a step up from the job I had at 25 cents an hour, so I felt like I was really making money. I was willing to do any type of work that they wanted me to do and they immediately got assignments. They had technical orders, which were detailed instructions on the different jobs at Hill Field. There was a big banner across the hangar that said, "If all else fails, read the tech order." When I was working there they said, "File these tech orders in order." I thought, "What order?" I wasn't familiar with tech orders, but they 4 explained it to me, so I was filing like crazy to get the tech orders in an arrangement that they would know how to find them. Then, we got Army regulations and they said, "The Army regulations have just arrived, so file these army regulations in order." I thought, "What order?" They said, "Find the index and then file them according to the index." So, I had a lot of experience with that and was also doing secretarial work for the officer in charge there. He was very knowledgeable and we were working 24 hours a day. One night, I was working swing shift and the lady that was supposed to take my place didn't show up, so I stayed for another shift. About two in the morning, I got sleepy and put my head down and when I woke up the Colonel was sitting at his desk and said, "What are you still doing here?" I said, "Well, she didn't show up, so I stayed." He said, "Well, go back to sleep. I'll wake you up when I'm finished." So, I did. It was so important to do all that we could for the war effort because all of the fellows were gone. When the men in our high school graduated, they were primed to go to war. There was an ROTC program at Ogden High School, so they were used to wearing uniforms and they had officers and enlisted personnel in the ROTC. They were just what the Army was looking for and they just took them all. It was strange, but we just didn't have any men unless they were ill or didn't meet the physical requirements for the Army. Most of the fellows did and they immediately went to war. LR: You mentioned that you eventually received a Top Secret Clearance working at the Hill Field depot. What are some of you stories about that and the Atomic Energy Clearance? 5 LL: I came home from work one day and there were several people that called me and said, "The FBI was here checking on you. What's going on?" I said, "I don't know." Finally, I was given a Top Secret and Atomic Energy Clearance. I didn't know what atomic energy was and we never had any dealings with atomic energy, so I was assigned to work on that project in addition to my regular work, but it took priority over my regular work. I was authorized to receive all of the top secret and atomic energy paperwork that came into the depot. It was more of a bookkeeping job keeping track of how many copies came in and how many pages they had. I was given a certain list of people authorized to see them and that sort of thing. It had a code name and I just did the paperwork on the classified documents. After we dropped the atomic bomb on Japan, I knew that we had a special plane in Wendover that we were modifying for the atomic energy, but I had no idea what it was. When they used that plane to drop atom bombs on Japan, it all began to make sense and I knew what it was all about. It was a big project. LR: Do you have any experiences where you had to use your clearance? LL: Yes. Everything that came in on that particular project came to me to pick up. Did you want me to tell you about the major? LR: Absolutely. LL: One day, there was a major that showed up at my counter and he knew exactly what documents he wanted. He said, "We're in a meeting and I need this document right now. The colonel sent me down to get it." So, I looked at my list and I said, "I don't have you authorized to receive it, I can't give it to you." He 6 really dressed me down on it. He said, "Do you see my rank? You're just a clerk here and I've got a major rank here. I want it right now and I don't want any more sass about it." I said, "I'll get it right down. I promise I'll get it there, I'll probably beat you down there." So, I got out the document and dashed down to the colonel's office and there was no meeting going on. I said to the colonel's secretary, "I've got the document that the colonel asked for." She said, "What document?" I said, "Well, he sent someone down for a document." He said, "I didn't send anybody down for a document." He called security on the base and they closed the base trying to locate this person that was trying to get this document from me. We decided that it was a spy or something. It amazed me that he knew as much about that document to know that he had to have it. He didn't get it. LR: So you felt like they had a lot of faith and trust in your abilities? LL: I think that was the reason I had that clearance. LR: You also volunteered at the Bushnell Hospital in Brigham City. How did you come about doing that? LL: I really don't know how I got all these nice jobs, but every once in a while, I belonged to Beta Sigma Phi at that time and I think that sometimes they would contact the sorority to go there. When we went to Bushnell Hospital, it was a hospital for amputees. It was a sad situation to see all these young men that had come back from service and were missing arms and legs. Sometimes they would dictate a letter to us and we would write it for them because they were unable to write or sometimes they wanted to play cards and we were there to play cards 7 with them. Sometimes they just wanted to visit. I went there maybe half a dozen times because that was something that I could help with. We were all trying to do everything we could because my brother was in the service and all my classmates were in the service and it was very frightening. LR: When did rationing start taking effect and how did it affect your family life? LL: We always got rationing books that depended upon the number of people in the household. I remember one time, we were out of paper goods like paper towels and Kleenex and one of the men in the office said that he had a supply of them. I said, "Please sell me some." He said, "Oh no. I wouldn't do that." So, we just had to wait until it came time for us to finally get a rationing book that would give us more paper goods. Because my brother was in the service, my mother tried to adopt every service personnel that she saw. If we were driving to Salt Lake and there was a serviceman walking, she always picked him up. We had no idea who they were. Sometimes they'd stay at the house even though we didn't know them. We'd go to work and they'd still be in the house. We never locked our house, so they'd be there as a house guest while we went to work. We came home from work and this one serviceman had cooked dinner and used a lot of our rationed goods. He'd used a lot more than we intended for him to use, but we ate well for a day or two. LR: Was rationing really different? LL: Oh yes. We had to ration gasoline for the cars, food, paper goods and everything. We really learned to be very careful with everything. 8 LR: When did you start going to Weber College? LL: I started to go right out of high school and I finished one year there before civil service called me to come to work. I only got another half year in, but they gave me credit for the year because I was going to work at Hill Field. That's why we were going to school anyway for the ability to hold a job, so with the work experience I was getting, they just gave me the credit. LR: What did you major in? LL: Business Administration. LR: How many women were doing that at the time? LL: Not very many of us. When I first went in to register, they said, "Are you going to register as a nurse or a school teacher or a secretary?" I said, "I want business administration." They said, "You want business administration? You're just a girl. How come you want business administration?" Anyway, the business mathematics was very difficult for me and there were five of us women that went into business mathematics and the teacher said, "Oh, I notice I've got some women in this class. I've never yet had a woman pass this class, so if you want to leave and change your registration, you may be excused." It just kind of shocked us and three of them got up and left. That left two of us girls in the class. He was right. It was difficult. It was logorithms and annuities and interest rates and there were no calculators, we had to do it all from our knowledge. There was one student there that was a really smart man with mathematics and after school we would meet him at the library and he would re-teach us what the teacher discussed that day. We had been very careful to get 9 our work in on time, and we passed our tests well. When I finally left his class I said, "Well, if you get more girls in the class next year you can tell them that 100 percent of the girls that took the class passed it." My brother became a college professor and I told him this and he said, "We wouldn't dare talk to students that way now." LR: When did you graduate from Weber College? LL: I'm not sure. It seemed to me I was going to school and work and so many other things that I don't know exactly. It would have been about two years later in 1941. LR: Did you graduate before you started working at Hill Field? LL: No. They gave me credit for that work. I had been working at Wheelwright Lumber Company as an assistant bookkeeper during the summer months. I had three little jobs. I was an usher at the Egyptian Theater; I worked at the ten cent store and I sold tickets at the American Legion dance hall. I needed the money. LR: What do you remember about 25th Street besides the soldiers? Do you have a lot of memories about 25th Street? LL: Yes. It was a fun adventure. Sometimes on dates we would drive down to 25th Street, park the car, and watch the traffic. We knew that the ladies in the upstairs room were prostitutes. They were very prominent and everybody knew about it. It was no secret. Everybody knew that's what was going on down there. They were trying to clean up 25th Street. There was one detective that was very adamant about cleaning it up and he finally did a good job. LR: Do you have any other memories of the street? 10 LL: There was one theater down on Grant and 25th Street called the Lyceum Theater and once in a while we'd go to a movie there, but most of the time we never had an occasion to go down there. LR: Do you have any other memories during the World War II time period that you'd like to share? LL: It's been interesting and I'm glad that I did work at Hill Field. I enjoyed the work and I felt good about them giving me the responsibility of doing jobs I didn't know how to do because I really knuckled down and learned how to do them. It was really good for me because I started out as an under mail file and record clerk and ended up as an administrative officer. That's why I wanted to be in a higher grade of education, because there weren't that many women that were doing it. Most of the women at Hill Field were taking whatever jobs that were needed. A lot of them had no knowledge of what was going on, but they learned and they worked hard. It changed the way women were accepted in the workforce. Before the war, women were never allowed to go into a higher job, but when it became necessary and they found out that women could do it that really made a difference for women everywhere to get better jobs. LR: After you graduated and after Hill Field, what type of work did you do? LL: I stayed at Hill Field until I retired. LR: Doing the same administrative position? LL: No, but I was always in some kind of administrative work there. I worked in personnel for a while and in security for a while. I worked on many projects, but I enjoyed every one of them. 11 LR: One question about the canteen, do you remember if they served more than just donuts and coffee? LL: It seemed to me it was just coffee and donuts. Once in a while, we would make cookies or people would bring homemade cookies. LR: Did you ever make any coffee? LL: No, I didn't. I don't know who made it, but they were big containers of coffee. LR: Do you remember where in the depot the canteen was located? LL: It was in the main lobby on the south end. LR: Okay. That is all of my questions, so thank you. I appreciate your time. This was great. LL: You bet. 12

NOTA DEL EDITOR (A.C.)Este artículo inicia la revisión de las obras cinematográficas de un documentalista excepcional: el argentino Enrique Piñeyro. En esta ocasión toca el turno a Fuerza Aérea S.A. (2006). En próximas entregas, otros colaboradores abordarán su film de ficción Whisky, Romeo, Zulú (2004) y esa pieza magistral del periodismo de investigación que es el documental El Rati Horror Show(2010). La peculiaridad de esta serie que hoy inauguramos reside en que no ha de involucrar necesariamente comentarios propios del periodismo cultural, o de la crítica cinematográfica convencional, sino la puesta en juego de insumos provenientes de diversas ciencias sociales. A vía de ejemplo, sin pretender ser exhaustivos, la sociología (Paul Lazarsfeld, Robert Merton), la antropología (Malinowski), la psicología social (Elliot Aronson) y las teorías de la comunicación (Jerry Mander).Lo de Enrique Piñeyro ha sido una cruzada. Y una cruzada que, pacientemente y bajo condiciones que se analizarán, ha dado sus frutos. Su investigación, exposición y denuncia de la mala situación de la aviación civil argentina causada por la corrupción y negligencia de la Fuerza Aérea ha logrado impactar en la opinión pública rioplatense y mundial y así presionar, no sin obstáculos, a las autoridades competentes. Menos de dos días luego de estrenada Fuerza Aérea Sociedad Anónima en 2006 (en adelante FASA), desde el gobierno argentino presidido entonces por Néstor Kirchner se decidió quitar la tutoría de la aviación civil a la autoridad militar. Hoy la ANAC (Administración Nacional de Aviación Civil Argentina) depende de la Secretaría de Transporte.Pocas veces se ve tan claro el poder de denuncia de los medios de comunicación. Sin embargo, no siempre funciona con el mismo éxito. Algunas denuncias, como la de Piñeyro, de alguna manera prosperan; otras, quedan en el olvido. No obstante, esto no es arbitrario. A continuación se analizarán los factores que han hecho que un producto que podría catalogarse como periodístico (el mismo Piñeyro identificó esa condición) cumpla con la función de "reafirmación de normas sociales" que Paul Lazarsfeld y Robert Merton definieron para los medios.Es posible que los medios masivos de comunicación estimulen la acción social organizada "denunciando" situaciones que contradicen la moralidad pública. (…) La publicidad ejerce presión para una moralidad única y no dual impidiendo que se eluda la cuestión de modo permanente. Suscita reafirmación pública y aplicación (aún esporádica) de la norma.1En este caso, el producto configurado por Piñeyro logró la reafirmación de normas desvirtuadas por la corrupción y la indiferencia. Convirtió esas falencias que podían ser relativamente toleradas por la moralidad privada (como lo demuestran las cámaras ocultas de personas que conocían la situación pero por diversas razones no se oponían a ella) en moralidad pública, obligando a la opinión pública y, con ésta, a las autoridades, a actuar en consecuencia. A este respecto tenemos algo que aprender de las observaciones de Malinowski entre sus queridos habitantes de las Islas Trobriand. Allí, según informa, no se efectúa ninguna acción social organizada con respecto a una conducta desviada de una norma social a menos que haya un anuncio público de esa desviación. No se trata simplemente de poner a los individuos del grupo al corriente de los hechos en cuestión. Es posible que muchos hayan estado privadamente al tanto de esas desviaciones, pero que no hayan reclamando acción pública. Pero cuando las desviaciones de conducta se hacen simultáneamente públicas para todos, esto pone en movimiento tensiones entre lo "privadamente tolerable" y lo "públicamente reconocible".2Las tensiones entre lo privadamente tolerable y lo públicamente reconocible son materializadas en Enrique Piñeyro quien, habiendo trabajado once años como piloto en LAPA (Líneas Aéreas Privadas Argentinas), pudo superar la tolerancia privada de las desviaciones. Sin embargo, al denunciarlas en el mismo registro privado en que se mantenían, no logró ninguna repercusión. A la vista está cómo todas las falencias denunciadas privadamente por Piñeyro confluyeron en el accidente aéreo de LAPA en 1999 en el que fallecieron 65 personas. Sin embargo, aprovechando sus antecedentes como actor, Piñeyro logró llevar a la esfera pública lo privadamente tolerado. Haciéndolo reconocible, la moralidad, entes dual, logró unificarse, obligando así la toma de posición de la opinión pública e inmediatas acciones de los responsables. Piñeyro consiguió entender así la fuerza de la publicidad en la denuncia; haciendo salir del ámbito privado sus objeciones rompió con la tolerancia fatídica de la desviación no iluminada. "La publicidad cierra la brecha entre ´actitudes privadas´ y ´moralidad pública´" (Lazarsfeld y Merton; Op. Cit.), y así lo entendió y aprovechó Enrique Piñeyro. Sin embargo, no basta con la exposición pública masiva de una desviación para provocar repercusiones. En FASA confluyen además varios aspectos que Lazarsfeld y Merton identificaron como condiciones que hacen posible la denuncia e imposición de normas sociales. "A veces los medios masivos de comunicación pueden organizar las actividades de denuncia convirtiéndolas en una cruzada",3destacaron los reconocidos sociólogos. Las acciones de denuncia de Piñeyro podrían identificarse claramente como una cruzada: la organización de los discursos, la exposición de las pruebas a la opinión pública y a la justicia, la elaboración de los productos audiovisuales a través de una productora propia (desde Whisky Romeo Zulú hasta Fuerza Aérea Sociedad Anónima transitando por la aparición y difusión en programas televisivos y otros medios de comunicación). Enrique Piñeyro tomó las irregularidades que él mismo presenció en la aviación civil como causa propia y las organizó racionalmente como denuncia pública para llegar a las consecuencias deseadas. Estudiando las cruzadas emprendidas por los medios masivos de comunicación se podría avanzar mucho en el sentido de dar respuesta a interrogantes fundamentales acerca de la relación de dichos medios con la acción social organizada. Es esencial saber, por ejemplo, en qué medida la cruzada proporciona un centro organizativo para individuos que, en otros aspectos, no están organizados. (…) En algunos casos, quizá su efecto fundamental no sea tanto suscitar una ciudadanía indiferente como alarmar a los acusados, conduciéndolos a medidas extremas que, a su vez, los malquistan con el electorado. Es posible también que los principales culpables de la corrupción teman la cruzada debido solamente al efecto que prevén sobre el electorado.4En este caso, la cruzada de Piñeyro logró informar e impactar a la opinión pública de tal manera que las autoridades, temiendo por la pérdida de electorado, debieron acelerar al máximo la toma de decisiones. Así, 24 horas después de estrenada FASA el gobierno se apuró en decidir la separación de la Fuerza Aérea de la aviación civil. Sin embargo, nunca se admitió, ni se hará, que eso se resolvió como resultado de la cruzada de Piñeyro. Como forma de mantener y quedar bien ante el indignado electorado, siempre se optó por declarar que la decisión ya había sido tomada. Tal vez la cruzada influya en el público de manera indirecta. Es posible que centre la atención de una ciudadanía hasta entonces aletargada –que se ha vuelto indiferente a través de la familiaridad con la corrupción reinante- en algunas cuestiones simplificadas dramáticamente. Como señaló una vez Lawrence Lowell refiriéndose en general a estos problemas, las complejidades suelen inhibir la acción de masas. Las disyuntivas públicas deben ser definidas en alternativas sencillas, en términos bien contrastados, para que sea posible la acción pública organizada. Y esta presentación de alternativas sencillas es una de las principales funciones de la cruzada.5Y definitivamente Piñeyro se ha esforzado por simplificar su denuncia en sus productos audiovisuales, fundamentalmente en FASA. La utilización de reconstrucciones, gráficos y maquetas fácilmente entendibles hacen que un tema complejo, inherentemente técnico, sea muy aprehensible para el público. A su vez, las responsabilidades se ubican, como Lazarsfeld y Merton identificaban, en términos bien contrastados: por un lado la Fuerza Aérea, incapaz de administrar correctamente los servicios de aviación civil, corrupta y negligente; y del otro lado las víctimas: toda la población que hace uso del servicio, cuyo vocero y representante es el mismo Piñeyro.Siendo el protagonista, materialización de los intereses de la población, Enrique Piñeyro debe hacer confluir en su persona características que hagan aumentar su credibilidad y, con ésta, el éxito de la denuncia. Ya hacía énfasis el psicólogo Elliot Aronson, a través de su libro Introducción a la psicología social, en la importancia de la credibilidad como factor que hace más viable el éxito de la comunicación. Así, aquellas personas fidedignas y confiables sobre cierto tema serán más creíbles en lo que respecta a esa área específica.Aristóteles dijo que creemos en los hombres "buenos", queriendo decir con ese término hombres de gran fibra moral. Hovland y Weiss utilizan el término "creíbles", que elimina las connotaciones morales presentes en la definición aristotélica. Oppenheimer, un juez del tribunal de menores y el ministro de Sanidad son todos creíbles –lo cual no implica decir que son todos necesariamente "buenos", sino que son expertos y fidedignos-. Es sensato dejarse influir por alguien que es fidedigno y sabe del asunto; es razonable que las personas sean influidas por J. Robert Oppenheimer cuando expresa una opinión sobre la energía atómica, y es razonable que las personas sean influidas por el ministro de Sanidad cuando habla sobre seguros médicos. Son hombres expertos, fidedignos.6Sin duda Piñeyro tiene varios motivos para ser creíble en el tema que está tratando: fue por once años piloto de LAPA y, a su vez, es médico aeronáutico e investigó el accidente de Austral en 1997. Su experiencia justifica ampliamente su derecho a hablar del tema y, por lo tanto, le confiere credibilidad ante el público. Sus conocimientos también le permiten simplificar los elementos más técnicos, acercando a la gente aquello que podría, por su complejidad, ser inaccesible para ella. ¿Cómo no va a ser creíble y fiable un especialista en el tema que trabajó más de una década en la institución sobre la que está hablando? A su vez, Piñeyro utiliza hábilmente esa experiencia para explotarla al máximo en términos persuasivos: la saca a relucir en encuentros mano a mano con integrantes de la Fuerza Aérea para hacer mayor énfasis en la falta de profesionalismo e instrucción de los militares en el ámbito de la aviación civil. Su premisa de que la aviación debe estar en manos de los que saben cobra así mucho más fuerza. Y su experiencia contrapuesta a la ignorancia de los militares a los que interpela aumenta radicalmente su credibilidad y confianza.Sin embargo, existe otro factor identificado por Aronson que contribuye también a enfatizar la credibilidad del director de FASA: la argumentación contra su propio interés.¿Cómo puede ganarse una persona nuestra confianza a pesar de no agradarnos? Uno de los modos es que esa persona argumente contra su propio interés. Si una persona nada tiene que ganar (y quizá sí algo que perder) convenciéndonos, confiaremos en ella y será más eficaz.7En el caso de Piñeyro, claro que existen aspectos a favor de su interés, como los monetarios por la venta y difusión de sus productos audiovisuales y el prestigio como director. Sin embargo, hay un gran factor que es consecuencia de su argumentación y atenta de gran manera contra su interés, pudiendo generar en el público un aumento de la credibilidad: el peligro de su denuncia. Fue de público conocimiento que, durante la investigación y difusión de FASA, Piñeyro fue amenazado de muerte. Un hecho como ese puede generar un aumento de la confianza en el público proclive a admirar la valentía del investigador al seguir con su objetivo. Esto se relaciona con dos elementos fundamentales desde la perspectiva ética que, advertidos desde el público, elevan la credibilidad y admiración por el emisor y el mensaje: la honestidad y el coraje. Ya enfatizaba Agustín Courtoisie que "es menester evaluar la presencia o ausencia de dos virtudes fundamentales en el periodismo: la honestidad y el coraje"8. A la vista está el coraje de Piñeyro: pese a las amenazas y las intimidaciones, no detuvo su denuncia contra la institución que, precisamente, ostenta una parte del monopolio legal de las armas. En el caso de la honestidad, flaquea un poco con la utilización de cámaras ocultas como recursos argumentativos, sin embargo, esto queda compensado a través de la prolija documentación y evidencias que presenta Piñeyro como prueba a sus aserciones. A su vez, el hecho de haber luchado internamente contra las irregularidades siendo piloto de LAPA y el haber renunciado a su cargo por ética, aumentan varios puntos en su honestidad y, correlativamente, en su credibilidad ante el público. Haber renunciado a su trabajo y el riesgo de perder la vida sin duda son factores que atentan fuertemente contra su interés y, por lo tanto, de acuerdo a los postulados de Elliot Aronson, lo hacen un emisor más creíble.Es de destacar que el primer recurso que Piñeyro eligió para difundir sus denuncias fue el de película de ficción Whisky, Romeo, Zulú. Sin embargo, no arbitrariamente seleccionó el género documental en su segundo producto de denuncia. Tal vez se percató de que esa forma le daría la oportunidad de explotarse de mejor manera como emisor y aumentar su potencial credibilidad. Hablando a cámara y dirigiéndose directamente al público, sin "diégesis" de por medio, el mensaje llega más personalmente y aumenta su eficacia. Aunque las funciones y las formas sean autónomas, y determinadas funciones puedan cumplirse a través de más de una forma; hay ciertas formas que favorecen en determinadas circunstancias la eficacia de la función. Las repercusiones evidencian de qué manera el género documental fue más eficiente que el de ficción, y esto porque posee otras cualidades persuasivas que Piñeyro explotó. La credibilidad, como ya se vio, fue una de ellas. Vale aclarar que la credibilidad esbozada en FASA, relacionada íntimamente a la experiencia de Piñeyro como piloto y especialista en aeronáutica, fue potenciada para posteriores proyectos a través de las repercusiones favorables de ese primer documental. Así lo destacaban también Lazarsfeld y Merton al identificar las consecuencias de las cruzadas exitosas.Es muy posible que una cruzada victoriosa ejemplifique un proceso circular, autosostenido, en el cual la preocupación de los medios masivos de comunicación por el interés público coincide con su propio interés. Quizá la cruzada triunfante aumente el poderío y prestigio del medio masivo de comunicación, volviéndolo con ello, a su vez, más formidable en posteriores cruzadas, que si logran éxito, pueden impulsar más aún su poderío y prestigio.9En este caso no es el medio sino el emisor cuyo poderío (entendido en términos de fama y credibilidad) aumenta. Así, cuatro años luego del éxito de FASA, Piñeyro estrena El Rati Horror Show (2010), esta vez sobre un impactante caso de corrupción en la policía bonaerense. No sin razón desde la producción se eligió difundir el nuevo documental bajo la acotación de "Una película de Enrique Piñeyro"; es que se traslada de esa manera la credibilidad ya acumulada y, aunque la película ya no trate de aviones, su área de especialidad, el público le va a creer como si lo hiciera.Además de afianzar su credibilidad, Piñeyro utilizó varias estrategias persuasivas identificadas por Aronson. La argumentación bilateral, recomendada por el psicólogo social ante determinados públicos, fue una de ellas. El que un comunicante mencione los argumentos de la oposición puede indicar que es una persona objetiva y ecuánime, lo cual podría incrementar su eficacia. Por otra parte, si un comunicante menciona los argumentos de la otra parte, quizá sugiera al público que la cuestión no está muy clara; lo cual puede producir confusión en el público, crear un equívoco y, en última instancia, reducir quizá la capacidad persuasiva de la comunicación. Teniendo en cuenta esas posibilidades, no debe sorprender al lector la falta de una relación simple entre argumentos unilaterales y eficacia de la comunicación. Depende en cierta medida de la inteligencia del público; cuanto más inteligentes son los miembros del público, menos tienden a verse persuadidos por un argumento unilateral y más por un argumento que invoca las razones fundamentales en contrario y que luego procede a rebatirlas.10Piñeyro opta con razón en integrar una argumentación bilateral a FASA. Mediante partes de archivo de programas televisivos se incluyen ciertas defensas desde las Fuerzas Armadas. Esto se estima correcto debido a que, por un lado, no dejar entrar "la otra campana" hubiese faltado a una obligada ecuanimidad y resultado sospechoso. A su vez, dada la contundencia de las pruebas de Piñeyro, no sólo no implicaba ninguna amenaza incluir la voz de los brigadieres, sino que daba pie para una victoria argumentativa cuasi humillante de Piñeyro sobre ellos. Ante público entendido o no, la argumentación bilateral resultó sumamente adecuada.Es también la apelación a lo emocional otro de los recursos que se destaca en los productos de Piñeyro. "¿Persuade más una comunicación que va dirigida a la capacidad razonante del público, o si tiende a excitar sus emociones?",11 se preguntaba Elliot Aronson para mostrar luego cómo el miedo, la apelación emocional, es muy eficaz en la persuasión, más incluso que la argumentación puramente racional. Así lo explicaba el psicólogo social a través de una sencilla anécdota:Hace varios años vivía yo en una comunidad que estaba a punto de votar la conveniencia de fluorar o no la reserva de agua como medio de combatir la caries dental. Los partidarios de la fluoración estaban llevando una campaña de información que parecía bastante lógica y razonable. Se basaba sobre todo en declaraciones de conocidos dentistas describiendo los efectos del flúor y analizando las pruebas de reducción de la caries dental en áreas de agua fluorada, y también se apoyaba en declaraciones de médicos y otras autoridades sanitarias afirmando que la fluoración carecía de efectos perniciosos. Los oponentes utilizaban incitaciones de aroma mucho más emocional. Por ejemplo, un panfleto consistía en un gran retrato de una rata bastante fea con la inscripción: "No permitáis que pongan matarratas en el agua de beber". La votación dio como resultado un no rotundo.12En el caso de FASA, al igual que en esta anécdota, se utilizan preceptos racionales (como que el flúor se utiliza en dosis masivas para matar ratas) y se los expone bajo formas lo más emocionalmente impactante posibles. Es el caso, por ejemplo, de la afirmación inicial del documental: "En los dos años transcurridos durante 1997 y 1999 murió más gente en accidentes aéreos que en los 27 años precedentes". Siendo esta una aserción real, es la forma de oposición de la oración la que resalta los datos, buscando generar, más que una captación racional de lo que se dice, un impacto emocional: miedo. Lo mismo se busca durante todo el documental, las reconstrucciones gráficas (o simulaciones digitales) de los accidentes, por ejemplo, infunden el mismo temor. Ese impacto intenta Piñeyro también cuando vuelca sobre una mesa una bolsa de avioncitos de juguete representando los aviones rotos. El apoyo de lo racional mediante formas de impacto que apunten a lo emocional persuade más eficientemente que una argumentación puramente racional, y Piñeyro lo supo aprovechar en FASA. Sin embargo, es en El Rati Horror Show en el que se encuentra un ejemplo más claro aún de búsqueda de apelar a lo emocional: cuando Piñeyro se propone a filmar y grabar el sonido, a través de una reconstrucción, de los impactos de bala entrando en un cuerpo, como le sucedió 8 veces a Ariel Carrera en ese fatídico día en que fue víctima de la negligencia y corrupción de la policía bonaerense. El sonido y las imágenes al detalle de las balas penetrando ese trozo de carne que colgaba en medio de una zona descampada tenían una función puramente de impacto emocional. Nada podía agregar ese esfuerzo de reconstrucción a la argumentación racional, nada se buscaba probar, ni testear, ni evidenciar; fue única y puramente para generar un mensaje totalmente emocional. "A mí me parece que tendríamos que ir y pegar un par de tiros porque viste que el cine termina banalizando lo que es recibir un tiro, siempre toma el sonido a la salida del tiro. Pero yo digo filmarlo con los micrófonos pegados al cacho de carne que sea para el impacto. Y me parece que es muy distinto sentir el impacto de la bala contra el cuerpo, el daño que eso te hace", expresaba Piñeyro en El Rati Horror Show dejando en evidencia cómo las justificaciones del experimento eran puramente de impacto emocional, un acercamiento del público a la víctima mediante una reconstrucción de su sufrimiento. Apreciaciones finalesSe ha analizado de qué manera y bajo cuáles condiciones el documental de Enrique Piñeyro Fuerza Aérea Sociedad Anónima, protagonista de su cruzada contra la tutoría de la aviación civil por la autoridad militar, ha logrado la función que identificaban Lazarsfeld y Merton de reafirmación de las normas sociales. Su carácter de cruzada; su simpleza y recursos contrastantes; la explotación de la credibilidad del emisor mediante su experiencia, honestidad y coraje; la utilización de argumentación bilateral y la apelación a lo emocional fueron algunas de las razones que impulsaron la eficacia de las denuncias y, por lo tanto, favorecieron las rápidas repercusiones. Sin embargo, haciendo énfasis ahora en la forma de materialización de las denuncias debe recordarse algo que parece obvio: es forma es televisiva. Apelando brevemente a Jerry Mander se puede poner de relieve de qué manera no fue solamente el tratamiento de la información lo que determino su éxito sino también las características inherentes a la misma.Mander titula su libro Cuatro buenas razones para eliminar la televisiónadelantando así claramente su tesis principal. Bajo esta postura se podría aventurar que los supuestos de Mander no aplican para el caso de FASA, un producto televisivo ampliamente favorable a la sociedad. Sin embargo, los temas que Piñeyro decide explotar cumplen justamente con la excepción que formula Mander en su decimosexto capítulo. Luego de introducir "Treinta y tres desviaciones intrínsecas misceláneas" de la televisión entre las que destaca que "cuando hay que elegir entre sucesos objetivos (incidentes, datos) e información subjetiva (perspectivas, pensamientos, sentimientos) serán elegidos los hechos objetivos. Es más fácil darles forma visual",13 Mander aclara:¿Estoy diciendo acaso que la televisión es totalmente inútil? Están los viejos ejemplos de la destrucción de Joseph McCarthy, las revelaciones de la guerra de Vietnam, la dimisión de Richard Nixon, el movimiento de los derechos civiles. No podemos negar que la televisión ha servido ocasionalmente a los que parecen ser, incluso a mí, propósitos progresistas. Así y todo, lo que estas cuestiones tuvieron en común es hasta qué punto estuvieron encuadradas en la clase de términos objetivos que la televisión puede manipular. McCarthy, Vietnam y Nixon quedaron al descubierto porque los puntos en cuestión fueron mentiras, engaños y actos de corrupción, es decir, cuestiones objetivas. 14Sin desmerecer todo el esfuerzo de Piñeyro, ya analizado, para garantizar el progreso y éxito de su denuncia, no se puede dejar de lado la apreciación de Mander y destacar así que, además de la forma que se le dio y los tipos de argumentos que se utilizaron para mostrar la degradación de la cultura corporativa de la navegación aérea, también fueron las características del hecho las que propiciaron su difusión: su carácter concreto, tangible y visualmente representable. Se podría concluir entonces que el hecho de que FASA cumpliera con la función de reafirmación de normas sociales se debe tanto al tratamiento dado de la información como a las características inherentes a la misma que se acoplaban a lo que el sistema de medios identifica como material televisivo.Notas1. Lazarsfeld, Paul; Merton, Robert. "Comunicación de masas, gusto popular y acción social organizada". Publicado en Muraro, Heriberto (1977) La comunicación de masas. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Página 32.2. Ídem. Página 32.3. Lazarsfeld, Paul; Merton, Robert. "Comunicación de masas, gusto popular y acción social organizada". Publicado en Muraro, Heriberto (1977) La comunicación de masas. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Página 33.4. Ídem. Página 33.5. Ídem. Página 34.6 Aronson, Elliot (1975) Introducción a la psicología social. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Página 77 y 78.7. Ídem. Página 80.8. Courtoisie, Agustín (2006) "Construir modelos, analizar productos" en revista Inmediaciones de la comunicación. Vol. 5 – N°5. Página 154.9. Lazarsfeld, Paul; Merton, Robert. "Comunicación de masas, gusto popular y acción social organizada". Publicado en Muraro, Heriberto (1977) La comunicación de masas. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Página 33.10. Aronson, Elliot (1975) Introducción a la psicología social. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Página 89.11. Ídem. Página 83.12. Ídem. Página 84.13. Mander, Jerry (2004) Cuatro buenas razones para eliminar la televisión. Barcelona: Gedisa. Página 319.14. Ídem. Página 331 y 332.* Estudiante de la Licenciatura en ComunicaciónPeriodística, Facultad de Comunicación y DiseñoUniversidad ORT – Uruguay.Referencias BibliográficasAronson, Elliot (1975) Introducción a la psicología social. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Courtoisie, Agustín (2006) "Construir modelos, analizar productos" en revista Inmediaciones de la comunicación. Vol. 5 – N°5. Lazarsfeld, Paul; Merton, Robert. "Comunicación de masas, gusto popular y acción social organizada". Publicado en Muraro, Heriberto (1977) La comunicación de masas. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Mander, Jerry (2004) Cuatro buenas razones para eliminar la televisión. Barcelona: Gedisa. Referencias FilmográficasPiñeyro, Enrique (2006) Fuerza Aérea Sociedad Anónima [Película documental] Aquafilms.Piñeyro, Enrique (2010) El Rati Horror Show [Película documental] Aquafilms.Piñeyro, Enrique (2004) Whisky Romeo Zulú [Película] Aquafilms.

The dissertation focuses on multiple (or parallel) proceedings in private international litigation. In international civil disputes it is not unusual that jurisdiction for a particular dispute exists in several countries. In that case, each party may be tempted to start litigation in the forum most favorable to it, for example to take advantage of the forum's more generous recovery rules or the extended possibilities of discovery. Similarly, one party can also choose to initiate proceedings in different countries for the same dispute. The question arises how the legal systems involved will and should deal with such 'multi-fora' disputes. The first question addressed is whether and to what extent the international legal community should strive to prevent and/or eliminate such duplicate proceedings. It is undubitable that multiple proceedings could lead to undesirable consequences, such as conflicting judgments. Concurrent jurisdiction also brings about a waste of (scarce) judicial resources, and unnecessary expenses for the litigants. To prevent altogether parallel proceedings from happening however, seems at best utopic or even dangerous. Even if the international community were to achieve a global agreement on a comprehensive set of jurisdiction rules, one cannot imagine that there rules would designate one and only one court for each particular dispute. The desire to concentrate jurisdiction for all related disputes in the hands of one court is indeed but one of the numerous factors influencing the allocation of jurisdiction in international matters. The dissertation therefore undertakes to study the rules and instruments that can be used to resolve parallel litigation once multiple proceedings have been issued. The study learns that courts can adopt a variety of attitudes when faced with parallel litigation. A legal system can decide to ignore altogether the fact that a foreign court is seised of parallel proceedings, relying on the res judicata effect of the first decision to be rendered. It can also decide to abstain from taking up the case in deference to the foreign proceedings. Finally it can try to put an end to the parallel proceedings, by enjoining a party from further proceeding before the foreign court. After an in-depth analysis of these different policies and of the various rules and instruments in which they are embodied, my conclusion is that the preference should be given to mechanisms whereby one court voluntarily declines jurisdiction in favor of the other. The preference I express for a mechanism of 'international abstention' is however qualified. Whether or not a court declines jurisdiction in favor of a foreign court, will depend inter alia on the confidence it has that justice will be done in the foreign forum. Even with a minimum level of trust and confidence between jurisdictions, the abstention rule can follow different models, from the continental lis alibi pendens rule, which offers almost automatic priority to the court first seised, to the common law doctrine of 'forum non conveniens', where priority goes to the more appropriate forum. Between these two extremes lies a world of nuances. The dissertation therefore attempts to formulate an abstention rule which will reconcile these seemingly opposed visions and explain in which circumstances and under which conditions a court should or can decline jurisdiction in deference to litigation pending before a foreign court. ; Het onderzoek handelt over parallelle procedures in het internationaal rechtsverkeer. Met parallelle procedures - in de Engelse terminologie bekend als multi fora litigation - worden procedures bedoeld die éénzelfde geheel van feiten betreffen en tegelijkertijd - of opeenvolgend - voor twee (of uitzonderlijk meer dan twee) gerechtelijke instanties in verschillende landen gevoerd worden. Spaakgelopen huwelijken tussen echtgenoten van verschillende nationaliteiten vormen vaak de voedingsbodem voor het voeren van parallelle procedures : dikwijls zal een echtgenoot de echtscheiding voor de rechter van de echtelijke verblijfplaats vorderen, terwijl de andere, die naar zijn/haar thuisland teruggekeerd is, daar eveneens gerechtelijke stappen zal ondernemen met het oog op de ontbinding van het huwelijk. Beide echtgenoten zullen vanzelfsprekend de fout in elkaars schoenen schuiven en de echtscheiding ten laste van de partner vorderen. Hierdoor worden twee gerechtelijke instanties gevraagd om zich parallel, en in concurrentie met elkaar, over hetzelfde geschil uit te spreken. Parallelle procedures komen ook in de internationale handel voor, bijv. wanneer een kooptransactie tussen ondernemingen gevestigd in verschillende landen fout loopt : indien de koper beweert dat de geleverde goederen gebrekkig zijn, heeft hij vaak de mogelijkheid om schadevergoeding te vorderen van de rechter van het land waar de levering plaatsvond, terwijl de verkoper anderzijds de rechter van zijn eigen land kan vragen te verklaren dat de goederen conform zijn of nog betaling van de koopprijs eisen. 2 Het is onmogelijk gebleken om precieze statistieke gegevens te vinden over parallelle procedures in het internationaal rechtsverkeer. Aldus kan niet met zekerheid worden gesteld dat dergelijke procedures meer en meer voorkomen – zoals nochtans vaak beweerd wordt. Wel kan worden vastgesteld dat concurrerende procedures géén recent fenomeen zijn. Reeds in 1895 heeft het Institut de Droit International zich over dit probleem gebogen. De eindresolutie van het Instituut bevatte een sterke aanbeveling naar de Staten toe om de exceptie van internationale aanhangigheid te aanvaarden. De belangstelling voor dit fenomeen is sedertdien niet verdwenen, getuige hiervan de keuze van de Internationale Academie voor Rechtsvergelijking om het onderwerp in 1994 te bestuderen. Ook in de schoot van de Haagse Conferentie voor het internationaal privaatrecht heeft het onderwerp de nodige aandacht gekregen, met name in het kader van de lopende onderhandelingen die tot een nieuw Haags Executieverdrag (zouden) moeten leiden. De litispendentieregel en de forum non conveniens-leer – twee instrumenten die een belangrijke rol in de oplossing van parallelle procedures spelen, waarover meer infra – werden tijdens deze onderhandelingen het voorwerp van lange besprekingen, die tot een bijzonder vruchtbaar compromis geleid hebben. 3 Binnen één rechtssysteem kan de pluraliteit van procedures op een vrij eenvoudige manier aangepakt worden. Het Belgisch recht voorziet bijv. in een (gesofistikeerde) litispendentieregeling, waardoor parallelle procedures voor één enkele rechtbank geconcentreerd (kunnen) worden (artt. 29 en 565 Ger.W.). Daarnaast belet de exceptie van gezag van gewijsde (artt. 23 t.e.m. 28 Ger.W.) dat een reeds beslecht geschil opnieuw aan de rechter voorgelegd wordt. Het Belgisch recht bevat tenslotte een opvangbepaling voor de uitzonderlijke hypothese waarin, ondanks de twee reeds aangehaalde rechtsfiguren, onverenigbare uitspraken het licht zouden zien (bijzonder rechtsmiddel van de herroeping van het gewijsde - art. 1133, 3° Ger.W.). Op internationaal vlak ontbreekt vooralsnog een sluitende regeling voor parallelle procedures. De meeste Staten beschikken wel over specifieke regels waarmee hun rechtbanken op conflicterende procedures kunnen reageren; tevens bestaan er op regionaal niveau, en in het bijzonder binnen de Europese Unie, afspraken over het lot van parallelle procedures. De coördinatie tussen deze verschillende regelingen is evenwel zoek. Het onderzoek had precies tot doel de bestaande regels kritisch door te lichten en voorstellen voor verbetering te formuleren. Daarbij werd vooral aandacht besteed aan de formulering van algemene beginselen, die niet louter tot één rechtsstelsel of juridische traditie beperkt zijn. It takes two to tango : conflicterende procedures zijn ex hypothesis niet tot één land beperkt. Bij het uitwerken van mogelijke oplossingen moest derhalve rekening worden gehouden met de bruikbaarheid en de aanvaardbaarheid ervan voor meerdere rechtssystemen. Het doel zelf van het onderzoek, beginselen formuleren die de overtuiging van een groot deel van de internationale gemeenschap kunnen wegdragen, heeft op een bijna natuurlijke manier geleid tot het bestuderen van meerdere rechtssystemen. Het internationaal privaatrecht, dat gericht is op de coördinatie van het door rechtsverscheidenheid geplaagde internationale rechtsverkeer, is trouwens op een natuurlijke wijze aangewezen op rechtsvergelijking als bron van internationale rechtsvorming. Bovendien ben ik snel tot de conclusie gekomen dat het rechtsdenken over internationale parallelle procedures, en in het algemeen over internationaal procesrechtelijke vragen, in België nog steeds te weinig ontwikkeld is.1 4 Uitgangspunt van het onderzoek was dat de pluraliteit van procedures in het internationaal rechtsverkeer niet wenselijk is. Parallelle procedures kunnen immers tot tegenstrijdige uitspraken leiden, bijv. omdat beide rechtbanken op basis van verschillende rechtsregels oordelen, of hetzelfde feitelijke begrip - het 'belang' van het kind - anders benaderen. Onverenigbare beslissingen zijn niet alleen schadelijk voor het ideaalbeeld van de rechtspraak; ze kunnen ook aanleiding geven tot netelige problemen bij de concrete uitvoering van de uitspraken. Parallelle procedures leiden weliswaar niet automatisch tot tegenstrijdige uitspraken, doch dit gevaar kan niet genegeerd worden. Bovendien brengt het voeren van parallelle procedures een niet te verwaarlozen verspilling van tijd en geld voor de procespartijen met zich mee, alsook voor de rechtbanken die ze hiervoor aanspreken – dit terwijl het gerechtelijk apparaat van de meeste landen reeds overbevraagd is en over onvoldoende middelen beschikt om aan de minimale vereisten van een snelle en efficiënte rechtsbehandeling te voldoen. Daarom werd het onderzoek opgevat met als doel een oplossingsmodel voor te stellen waarmee parallelle procedures tot een minimum beperkt kunnen worden. Hiervoor werden twee denksporen onderzocht. In eerste instantie werd de mogelijkheid onderzocht om het ontstaan van dergelijke procedures van meetaf aan te vermijden. Naast dit preventief luik werd ook gewerkt rond de mogelijkheid om een einde te maken aan reeds ontstane conflicterende procedures. 5 Parallelle procedures kunnen alleen verklaard worden doordat het forum voor de uitkomst van het geschil geen neutraal gegeven is. Ook m.b.t. de keuze van de rechter staan de belangen van de procespartijen immers tegenover elkaar.2 Het belang van het forum voor de uitkomst van het geschil is slechts de eerste oorzaak van conflicterende procedures. Parallelle procedures zijn verder slechts mogelijk omdat partijen voor een zelfde of aanverwante geschillen verschillende rechterlijke instanties kunnen aanspreken. Voor een groot aantal grensoverschrijdende geschillen zijn meerdere Staten immers vaak bereid de deuren van hun gerechten tegelijkertijd te openen. Hierbij moet niet alleen aan het eenzijdig karakter van de nationale bevoegdheidsregelingen gedacht worden – in beginsel bepaalt elke Staat eenzijdig onder welke omstandigheden zijn gerechten bevoegd zijn om van een internationaal geschil kennis te nemen, hetgeen betekent dat de hierdoor resulterende bevoegdheidsgronden niet noodzakelijk op elkaar afgestemd zijn. Zelfs wanneer de Staten d.m.v. verdragen over de internationale rechtsmachtsverdeling afspraken maken, verdwijnt de ruimte voor parallelle procedures niet automatisch – getuige hiervan het belangrijke contentieux binnen de Europese gerechtelijke ruimte over conflicterende procedures. Een verder bewijs is het feit dat deze verdragen vaak ook regels bevatten die specifiek toegespitst zijn op parallelle procedures, zoals bijv. een prioriteitsregel ten gunste van de als eerste gevatte rechter of bijzondere weigeringsgronden in geval van conflicterende beslissingen. In eerste instantie werd daarom de mogelijkheid onderzocht om de pluraliteit van bevoegdheidsgronden, die aan de grondslag van parallelle procedures ligt, in te dijken. Hiervoor werd een beroep gedaan op het internationaal recht en de rechten van de mens, en in het bijzonder op het recht op een eerlijk proces. De vraag luidde of deze normen concrete aanknopingspunten bieden waarmee een scheidingslijn getrokken kan worden tussen aanvaardbare en onaanvaardbare aanspraken op rechtsmacht door nationale Staten. Vastgesteld moest worden dat de grenzen van de vrijheid waarover Staten beschikken om hun internationale bevoegdheid af te bakenen, bijzonder vaag zijn en geen concrete houvast bieden – behalve dan om zeer algemene beginselen te distilleren. Daarna werd aandacht besteed aan de mogelijkheid om bevoegdheidsaanspraken te coördineren. Hierbij werd stilgestaan bij het forum connexitatis, als instrument bij uitstek om de verschillende facetten van een geschil voor één rechtbank te brengen. Vastgesteld moest evenwel worden dat deze 'catch all' bevoegdheidsregel noodzakelijkerwijze ook aan bijzondere grenzen onderworpen dient te worden, om het evenwicht tussen de overige bevoegdheidsregel niet te verstoren. Dit verklaart trouwens ook waarom deze techniek, hoewel voor de coördinatie van geschillen zeer bevorderlijk, rechtsvergelijkend geen succes is. Uiteindelijk kan de pluraliteit van fora waarschijnlijk worden verklaard door het feit dat bevoegdheidsregels aan verschillende, soms tegenstrijdige beleidsdoelstellingen dienen te beantwoorden, zoals de wens om enerzijds zwakke partijen te beschermen en anderzijds contractuele afspraken aan te moedigen. Hierdoor is het moeilijk of soms zelfs onmogelijk om op voorhand voor elk geschil slechts één enkele (zgn. natuurlijke) rechter aan te wijzen. Het besluit luidde aldus dat bevoegdheidsregels, hoe geperfectioneerd ook, waarschijnlijk steeds de mogelijkheid zullen bieden om voor een zelfde geschil verscheidene rechters aan te spreken. 6 Naast de theoretische onderbouwing van de internationale rechtsmachtsafbakening werd ook aandacht besteed aan de wilsautonomie van partijen als mogelijke remedie tegen het ontstaan van parallelle procedures. Voorafgaandelijke akkoorden over de bevoegdheid kunnen immers bijdragen tot een vermindering van het aantal gevallen van conflicterende procedures. Vastgesteld werd dat de preventieve werking van bevoegdheidsafspraken, hoewel groot, nooit sluitend is, gelet op de versplintering van de controle op dergelijke afspraken en het ontbreken van een algemeen aanvaard kader voor de wilsautonomie. Daarom werden een aantal denksporen aangereikt met als doel de werking van de wil der partijen te versterken. Belangrijk is het voorstel om de verhouding tussen gederogeerde en prorogeerde fora te herschikken, zodanig dat aan die laatste een (voorlopige of definitieve) monopolie zou worden toegekend om de geldigheid en de werking van het bevoegdheidsakkoord te toetsen. 7 Sluitende afspraken over de bevoegdheidsverdeling zullen het ontstaan van conflicterende procedures niet beletten. Daarom steunt het onderzoek ook in een belangrijke mate op een curatief oplossingsmodel. Hiervoor werd in twee fasen gewerkt. In een eerste fase werden twee technieken bestudeerd, waarvan gebleken is dat ze geen voldoening geven en aldus niet tot model-oplossingen uitgeroepen kunnen worden. Het gaat in de eerste plaats om de mogelijkheid voor een rechtbank om een partij, die een procedure voor een buitenlandse rechter instelt, een verbod op te leggen deze procedure verder te zetten. Met een dergelijk verbod – anti-suit injunction in de Engelse terminologie – kan een rechtbank rechtstreeks – of ten minste via de persoon van de verweerder, eiser voor de buitenlandse rechter - een einde aan de buitenlandse procedure maken. Het rechterlijk verbod is een bijzonder krachtig instrument, dat d.m.v. de contempt of court gesanctioneerd wordt. Het procedureverbod biedt het voordeel dat op de buitenlandse procedure zelf een (al dan niet) beslissend invloed uitgeoefend werd, zonder evenwel enige druk op de buitenlandse rechter rechtstreeks uit te oefenen. De sancties waarmee het overtreden van het verbod gepaard gaan, viseren immers slechts de persoon van de verweerder, eiser in het buitenland. Uit het onderzoek is echter gebleken dat de anti suit injunction bezwaarlijk een algemene oplossing voor conflicterende procedures kan bieden. Dit is in eerste instantie te wijten aan het feit dat de voorwaarden waaronder een dergelijke injunction toegekend wordt, bijzonder restrictief zijn. In wezen zal een Engelse of een Amerikaanse rechter slechts naar de injunction grijpen wanneer hij of zij overtuigd is dat de buitenlandse procedure een misbruik uitmaakt, bijv. doordat de eiser in het buitenland op de tegenpartij druk probeert uit te oefenen, of nog door het instellen van een procedure voor een buitenlandse rechter de erkenning resp. tenuitvoerlegging van de toekomstige Engelse beslissing tracht te dwarsbomen. Hierdoor ontsnapt een groot deel van de parallelle procedures aan deze sanctie. Daarnaast is ook gebleken dat anti suit injunctions vaak meer moeilijkheden creëren dan ze oplossingen bieden. Dit heeft te maken met het agressief karakter van het procedureverbod, dat de indruk kan wekken dat een rechter zich het recht toeëigent om te beslissen over het lot van een voor een buitenlandse rechter ingestelde procedure. Dit wordt de Engelse of Amerikaanse rechter niet in dank genomen. In de praktijk wordt op dergelijke procedureverboden soms hevig gereageerd, en wanneer de buitenlandse rechter zelf het instituut van de injunction kent, is een reactie 'in natura' niet uitgesloten (zgn. anti anti suit injunction), waardoor de kans op een ware juridische guerrilla ontstaat. Tenslotte moet vastgesteld worden dat het gebruik van anti suit injunctions fundamenteel onverzoenbaar is met het vertrouwensidee waarop internationale akkoorden tussen Staten gebaseerd zijn. Zijn de betrokken Staten gebonden door een verdrag, dat hun respectieve bevoegdheden nauwkeurig vastlegt en voor het vrij verkeer van hun beslissingen zorgt, dan kan niet aanvaard worden dat een bepaalde rechter 'politieman' speelt en eenzijdig beslist wanneer een andere zich niet aan de afspraken houdt. In dit verband moet vastgesteld worden dat afspraken tussen Staten hoe langer hoe gebruikelijker worden in het internationaal privaatrechtelijk contentieux - niet alleen binnen Europa, maar ook daarbuiten. Hierdoor verdwijnt elke ruimte voor eenzijdige initiatieven zoals de anti suit injunctions. 8 In plaats van zich (on)rechtstreeks in de buitenlandse procedure te mengen, kan een rechter ook beslissen om een afwachtende houding t.a.v. het conflict tussen procedures te nemen en de oplossing tot een later stadium uit te stellen. De gedachte is dan dat het conflict tussen twee procedures wel opgelost zal worden wanneer een van de twee rechtbanken zich uitspreekt, vermits zijn beslissing in de andere procedure ingeroepen kan worden, op grond van de exceptie van gezag van gewijsde of een equivalent hiervan. Deze methode kenmerkt een deel van de Amerikaanse rechtspraak. Onder invloed van interne precedenten hebben Amerikaanse rechtbanken immers als algemene regel geponeerd dat parallelle procedures getolereerd dienen te worden en slechts een einde zullen nemen wanneer de eerste beslissing in de andere procedure ter staving van een exceptie van gezag van gewijsde ingeroepen wordt. In andere landen wordt de exceptie van gezag van gewijsde eerder als een vervangende oplossing beschouwd, waarvan slechts toepassing gemaakt wordt wanneer andere technieken ontoereikend blijken. De exceptie van gezag van gewijsde biedt geen voldoening bij het oplossen van conflicterende procedures. Door de oplossing tot op het stadium van de erkenning uit te stellen, blijven de twee procedures parallel verlopen, hetgeen een onduldbare verspilling van gerechtelijke krachten en tijd met zich meebrengt. Het risico is ook groot dat beide partijen zullen trachten om 'hun' procedure zo snel mogelijk tot een einde te laten komen ('race to judgment'). Bovendien blijft het gevaar bestaan dat tegenstrijdige uitspraken het licht zien. De werking van de exceptie van gezag van gewijsde is immers aan talrijke voorwaarden onderworpen : naast de weigeringsgronden vormt het procedureel statuut van de exceptie ook een obstakel voor de beslechting van parallelle procedures. Het is aldus niet uitgesloten dat de eerste beslissing in het ander land geen uitwerking krijgt. Dit zal met name het geval zijn wanneer de procedure die tot de eerste beslissing geleid heeft, nà de concurrerende procedure ingeleid is geweest. In vele landen is de schending van de eerdere aanhangigheid van het forum immers een weigeringsgrond. 9 Het procedure-verbod en het gezag van het eerste rechterlijke gewijsde kunnen hoogstens als marginale oplossingen getolereerd worden. Voor de oplossing van procedureconflicten biedt de voorrangsregel meer voldoening. Hiermee wordt bedoeld dat een rechtbank die volgens zijn eigen regels bevoegd is, een geschil uit handen geeft t.v.v. een andere rechtbank zodat slechts één instantie zich over het geschil uitspreekt. Voorrang geven aan de concurrerende rechter is zeker geen evidentie, nu het betekent dat het geschil geheel volgens de buitenlandse normen – ten gronde doch ook voor de procedure - beslecht zal worden. Dit verklaart waarom de voorrangsmethode in de verschillende rechtsstelsels slechts zeer geleidelijk ingang gevonden heeft. Tegenwoordig is deze methode echter tot dé oplossing bij uitstek voor parallelle procedures uitgegroeid : zowel in nationale codificaties als in internationale verdragen wordt de 'hoffelijkheid' terecht als de oplossing voor procedureconflicten naar voren geschoven. Deze methode blijkt het best in staat om het uitgangspunt van de studie te helpen verwezenlijken, en wordt daarom geprivilegieerd. 10 Onthoudingsregels komen in verschillende vormen voor, gaande van een automatische litispendentieregel, gebaseerd op de strikte chronologie van de procedures, tot een zeer gesofistikeerde forum non conveniens-regel waarbij een afweging van zowel privé- als van publieke belangen gemaakt wordt. Bij de analyse werden drie verschillende vormen van de voorrangsregel onderscheiden, die aan talrijke modaliteiten onderworpen kunnen worden. De opdracht bestond er daarom in om een keuze te maken tussen de verschillende vormen. De hoffelijkheid kan in de eerste plaats aan het idee van misbruik van procedure onderworpen worden. In deze eerste, beperkte vorm is er slechts plaats voor onthouding door een rechtbank ten voordele van een buitenlandse procedure wanneer vastgesteld wordt dat het instellen van de forumprocedure een misbruik vormt. Deze beperkte opvatting van de onthouding heeft in de 19de eeuw lange tijd de bovenhand gehad. In Engeland stemt ze overeen met de eerste versie van wat later tot de forum non conveniens-theorie zou uitgroeien. De misbruiktheorie biedt geen voldoening om als grondslag voor de hoffelijkheid te fungeren. Door de onthouding tot die gevallen voor te behouden waar er van misbruik sprake is, blijft een groot deel van de parallelle procedures buiten schoot. In vele gevallen worden conflicterende procedures immers zonder (al te veel) bijbedoelingen ingesteld. Bovendien dwingt de misbruiktheorie de rechter tot een moeilijk onderzoek van de bedoelingen van procespartijen. De grens tussen 'gewone' forum shopping en misbruik kan moeilijk worden getrokken. Het recht van rechtsonderhorigen om toegang tot de rechter te krijgen moet centraal blijven en het misbruik mag slechts uitzonderlijk aanvaard worden. 11 De hoffelijkheid kan ook aan het idee worden aangeknoopt dat een bepaalde rechter beter geplaatst is dan een andere om het geschil te beslechten. Deze idee heeft in de common law landen ingang gevonden onder de vorm van de forum non conveniens leer : een Engelse rechter zal aan een buitenlandse rechter voorrang geven indien het oordeelt dat deze laatste, gelet op de bijzondere omstandigheden van het geval, beter in staat is om van het geschil kennis te nemen. De beslissing om zich te onthouden gebeurt in deze hypothese op basis van een erg ruim geformuleerde algemene regel, na een grondig onderzoek van de bijzondere omstandigheden van het geschil, met als doel na te gaan of het geschil tot de natuurlijke bevoegdheidsfeer van de Engelse rechter thuishoort. De leer van het forum non conveniens werd in Engeland en andere common law landen ook ten dienste gesteld van de beslechting van parallelle procedures. Deze bijzonder gesofistikeerde methode overtuigt echter niet als grondslag voor de hoffelijkheid. Het probleem met het forum non conveniens is dat het om een uitzonderingsclausule gaat : in wezen dient de doctrine om de ongewenste resultaten van ruim geformuleerde bevoegdheidsregels ongedaan te maken. Het forum non conveniens werkt aldus best wanneer er een sterk onevenwicht tussen de twee rechtbanken en hun aanspraken op bevoegdheid bestaat. Wanneer de twee rechtbanken integendeel redelijkerwijze op bevoegdheid aanspraak kunnen maken, is het forum non conveniens niet bij machte om de voorrangsvraag te beslechten. Het begrip van 'natural forum' waarop de doctrine gebaseerd is, kan derhalve niet als onderscheidingscriterium weerhouden worden. 12 Tenslotte werd een derde vorm van hoffelijkheid grondig bestudeerd : in deze vorm, geeft een rechtbank voorrang aan een andere omdat deze laatste als éérste geadieerd werd. Het tijdstip van aanhangigheid fungeert dan als onderscheidingscriterium tussen de twee procedures. Deze benadering van de hoffelijkheid kan in de continentaal-europese landen op een lange traditie steunen. Binnen de Europese gerechtelijke ruimte werd dit criterium zelfs tot de enige oplossing gepromoveerd voor procedureconflicten. De chronologische benadering contrasteert met het forum non conveniens door zijn eenvoud en zijn duidelijkheid. In de meeste gevallen zal zonder al te veel moeilijkheden kunnen worden vastgesteld welke rechter als eerste van het geschil gevat werd. Anderzijds kan het chronologisch criterium zich op het idee van proceseconomie beroepen : de eerste procedure krijgt voorrang, niet louter omwille van een arbitraire keuze, doch wel omdat partijen in de regel in de eerste procedure reeds bepaalde steppen zullen genomen hebben. Deze inspanningen zouden op de helling worden gezet indien aan de tweede procedure systematisch voorrang zou worden gegeven. De chronologische methode is echter niet zonder moeilijkheden. De bepaling van het tijdstip waarop een rechter van een geschil gevat wordt, kan bijzonder moeilijk uitvallen. Bovendien is het chronologische criterium waardeloos wanneer de twee procedures gelijktijdig ingeleid worden. In dit geval verliest het tijdscriterium bovendien een groot deel van zijn rechtvaardiging, nu beide procedures ongeveer even ver gevorderd zullen zijn. Tenslotte kan de chronologische benadering tot ongewenste resultaten leiden, in het bijzonder doordat procespartijen a.h.w. tot het instellen van een procedure aangemoedigd worden ('race to the court'). 13 Daarom wordt de voorkeur voor de chronologische benadering van de internationale hoffelijkheid in het laatste deel sterk genuanceerd. Nuances worden in twee richtingen gezocht. Ten eerste wordt aan de grondslag zelf van de hoffelijkheid gesleuteld. Voorgesteld wordt met name om de chronologische methode af te zwakken, door een uitzondering op de voorrang van de eerste rechter in te voeren. Deze uitzondering zou de eerste gevatte rechter de kans geven om de voorrang die hij geniet, te weigeren indien hij oordeelt dat het geschil manifest beter bij de andere rechter thuishoort. Daarnaast wordt ook aandacht besteed aan de randvoorwaarden van de chronologische regel. Daaronder vallen o.a. het bepalen van het tijdstip van de aanhangigheid en van de grenzen van de identiteit van de geschillen, de mogelijkheid om de chronologische voorrang aan een wederkerigheidsvoorwaarde te onderwerpen of aan een voorwaarde afgeleid uit de erkenning van de toekomstige beslissing. Tenslotte wordt ook onderzocht welke weerslag de exceptie van openbare orde op de internationale hoffelijkheid kan hebben. 14 Conclusie - De studie biedt een (hopelijk) objectieve weergave van de manier waarop een aantal landen parallelle procedures behandelen, en tracht opmerkelijke gelijkenissen en verschillen tussen deze behandelingen aan te tonen. Daarnaast, en niet in mindere mate, werd getracht om een verklarend kader te schetsen, dat kan bijdragen tot een beter begrip voor de verschillende wijzen waarop de betrokken rechtssystemen parallelle procedures behandelen. Tegelijkertijd heeft dit kader de mogelijkheid geboden om de bestaande oplossingen te evalueren en te bekritiseren. De rode draad doorheen deze kritiek was de vaststelling dat de eenzijdigheid en de daarmee samenhangende soevereiniteitsgedachte in het internationaal procesrecht nog altijd de bovenhand hebben op het streven naar harmonieuse, door samenwerking gekenmerkte oplossingen. Het onderzoek naar conflicterende procedures is de aanleiding geweest om een doorsnede van het internationaal procesrecht te maken. Parallelle procedures, die slechts één van de talrijke problemen zijn waarmee het internationaal procesrecht geconfronteerd wordt, vormen een mooie illustratie van het onvoltooid karakter van deze rechtstak. Hoewel het onderzoek ook geleid heeft tot het formuleren van een paar punctuele voorstellen tot verbetering van de thans geldende of aangekondigde regels, ligt het belang ervan vooral in het aanreiken van een aantal bouwstenen waarop de evolutie van het internationaal procesrecht naar meer samenwerking en minder eenzijdigheid kan steunen.

Part five of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Food in Saudi Arabia. His feelings about "the good old days." His feelings about life in the U.S. ; 1 SPEAKER1: So he told the judge how… eh, I told my wife 1A, the judge he say, "By gosh, even myself I bought 1A from my pocket to make it hundred. Sonny, go home." See my point the bigger, you make something just a little small before they gone around and turn come back to you, you find biggest story. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: See? Then when you mix with bad people, you keep your mouth shut and if anyone say, if the person is bad even, say he's good. Then that person, he can't repeat and think about you. He says, "How is girl?" "Girl is the best." He can't say, "Mo says girl is bad girl." Because I said she's good. I don't care what you are. See? That's the best thing: never talk about any person in his back. See? This is my life and I'm gonna die the same thing, to all do it, to change. This my life and this my way. And my family the same. I will sometime go to Boston with my brother, 188 Mass. Ave., Boston, Leominster – same idea, same thing like me. SPEAKER2: Yeah, right. SPEAKER1: We don't believe talk about anybody. We love everybody. And nobody is small for us, nobody too big for us. SPEAKER2: You… you have more freedom, though, don't you think in this country to say what you feel? SPEAKER1: You say down there the same thing in Arabia. SPEAKER2: You do? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: You say anything what you want. SPEAKER2: Some of the things you told me, though, like you can't even talk to a… say you couldn't talk to another woman, things like that. SPEAKER1: Yes, the girls, I mean, because the girls you have to respect. SPEAKER2: That's totally out of respect, don't you…?2 SPEAKER1: See, because in order to self, male and female, like a gas and match, you can't put match and gas together. Isn't it? It's natural. It's in nature. Look to our father Adam. When God bring Adam, you know that story from the dirt, right? SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: When you bring him, where you bring him? In Arabia, Jeddah. Adam. He started from mountain to mountain, right? When God make him sleep, He make Eve coming from his ribs. That's what we believe, isn't it? SPEAKER2: Yes. SPEAKER1: When he look he find female next to him. He don't wanna move no more. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Isn't it? SPEAKER2: True. SPEAKER1: All right. It is the first person in the world, he like female, okay? All right, how about we are? We see TV, sex, love story, a lot of acting, we human being. We have feeling just like anyone. See? And I think you have idea. I live in hot country and hot blooded. If something, you look at it [speaking in Italian] to prove to yourself, because a lot of thing you don't believe it till you see yourself. I'm going to talk a little deeper with you but you're old enough to know. The girls in this country, when she have like a lady, monthly, you know, she will be 10, 14, 15 years old, right? SPEAKER2: Mm-hmm. SPEAKER1: In India, you know how much? SPEAKER2: Eight? SPEAKER1: Eight or nine. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Why? Because hot country. All right, when she have her period, she could have a baby, right?3 SPEAKER2: Mm-hmm. SPEAKER1: Here is… sometime like it, I don't know what's English. Like impossible. Girls, 10 years old have a baby? It's impossible here. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: But when you're going to India, it's not impossible. All right, number two: here if the snake bites you, you die. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: In India, no, because they have poison. When the baby born, give her with the milk with the poison, see? In Arabia hot blooded. We can put the Arabian girl with the boy together. Like if you are engaged, you have to go with your mother or your brother or your sister with you when you go with your boyfriend. After you engaged you can, see, afraid, because nature automatic. When you go together, maybe one of them get weak. See? But when you keep both far away from each other, they can. They want but they can't. See? SPEAKER2: So you think that's a better custom… SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: Than what we have here. SPEAKER1: Because like I say when they get married, they have to be the same and you can't go your life and not worth nothing. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Alas, you're gonna spoil her mother, father name. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Number three, the person who was with her can get killed, too. You're going to bring from his mother… from his mother, father. Come on, mister. You're the boss, you both get killed. And local man can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: No? SPEAKER1: No, siree. Local man can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: I find that so hard to believe.4 SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: They will let that happen. SPEAKER1: Maybe you read even what the Arabs that years and years always Arabian girls cover her face. Why? Because when a person can see the face, you get a feeling. SPEAKER2: Yeah, true. I guess, yeah, that's right. SPEAKER1: See? SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Here, you can wear like here. SPEAKER2: Mini-skirts, yeah. Yeah, you got feeling. SPEAKER1: You can't say nothing. SPEAKER2: Right. SPEAKER1: See? SPEAKER2: Do you think that your children, because they came to this country, had a better chance here than they would've back home or…? SPEAKER1: When they grow up… when they grow old, they wanna go back. SPEAKER2: They all wanna go back? SPEAKER1: Yeah, they're born here but will take a vacation once in a while. See? And they love it down there, because even the farm, every house you have a farm from the village. You have figs, grapes, apple, orange… SPEAKER2: Do you think the people have a lot to do with it because the people make you feel welcome that you naturally just love to go back there? SPEAKER1: Yes, anywhere. Even everything what you eat, you taste it, honey. SPEAKER2: You don't like… American food is so bland. Yeah. SPEAKER1: You eat the apple; you don't know what you eat. Eat orange; you don't know what you eat. No taste. But you go down there, when you take the orange from the tree, you take the lemon from the tree, you take the apple from the tree, difference smell, different taste.5 SPEAKER2: Yeah, everything is fresh. SPEAKER1: Fresh, honey, from the farm. See? Down there, like I say, it's hard to believe it but when you see it with your eyes… I have one man, going hometown, his name Joseph Solomon, Sulaiman. He married a girl from Texas. She have two brother, one lawyer, one doctor, her name Aida. See? She live not far from my property. She have one baby boy by him. He's bashful; he can't work. See? Shortcut, he told her he like her. He told her, "Honey, I'm going to see my cousin. Try to borrow a few dollars." She say, "Okay," but she have feeling he gonna leave her, run away. [Speaking in Italian] He went to Arabian club, we call coffee house. He told stories, "I wanna go and I have no money." Have one fellow took his hat and try to collect money for him, buy his ticket. Actually, when she had feeling she said but my husband ran away, she went to New York, she went after him. She took her baby and she asked the policeman, "Please, take me to the Arabian coffee house." Policeman knew where the coffee house they went straight ahead. When she walked in, the man took the hat and he picked up the money to collect for her husband ticket. When she walked in, she started crying; he grabbed and he started kissing and he cried, too. The boy, they cried, each other because they love each other – but no money. He ran away because he can't support her. When he say that to people, they don't know the story, he lied to them. He say, "I can't make money, I can't make my living, please let me go home." When they see the story, anyone who paid $10, he start to pay 50; anyone who paid 50, he pay 200. They paid two tickets to them and the baby ticket and over $2,000 in the pocket. SPEAKER2: Wow. SPEAKER1: That's why the Arab is good with that, like I say they help each other. He went back home. I met that girl, the Aida. She say, "Mo, honest to God, I love this country." I say, "Why?" She say, 6 "A lot of thing different." On that day she swear to me, three months, because his father he met, while he fool that girl. I don't how he married her, nobody know, he won't tell nobody. He say, "I fall in love with her, I married her." Shortcut, his father give him one house, old-fashioned house, you know, not like rooms, like here, you know, not what you call apartment, one floor belong to you, no. You know, one house, old-fashioned house. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He give to them. That girl she told me, "Mo, honest to God, in three weeks, three months, I don't eat nothing except bread and olive oil like soup," you bring olive oil and she cut piece of bread with olive oil and eat it. Three months. And now, she live in farm, cow farm and chicken farm. We didn't have chicken farm in old country house. We have eight house, you have two chicken; each house we have two chicken. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: The reason, not we chicken lover because we didn't have any stalls like here so market, you can just take car, drive to market, pick up the eggs. We didn't have that. All right, whole town, small town, like I say, Westminster, we have only one store. And if you all live in old mill, you can walk down there. But you have two chicken. I'm your guest, I walk into your home; you have to give me something to eat. We didn't have any meat, cold cut like what you have in this country – everything fresh. When you buy meat, we didn't have any freeze meat either. One man, the meat man, he kill two lamb, three lamb a day and whole town coming to buy two pound, three pound, four pound, two pound, three pound, four pound. SPEAKER2: Just for that day. SPEAKER1: For that day. And you cook it. Next day you didn't have any. SPEAKER2: Right.7 SPEAKER1: We didn't have any salami, bologna, freezing ham, canned ham, we didn't have that. All right, what you have, eggs. SPEAKER2: Yup. SPEAKER1: The two chicken, they lay eggs. You pick up two eggs, drop them, drop in olive oil. You know, fried eggs. Down there they have no lard like here. SPEAKER2: No butter, I think? SPEAKER1: It got to be olive oil. SPEAKER2: Yes. SPEAKER1: You put olive oil, drop the eggs and give you loaf of bread, just to lunch, you eat. Then you are sport; you're not cheat, you give your guest something to eat. See? Every house you have two chicken. Every house. This woman she have over 2,000 chickens and start sell eggs to the stores. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: And she made good living. She have five boys and two girls after that, and they come here for vacation and she… but she doesn't live here, no. SPEAKER2: She likes it better there. SPEAKER1: And she go in taxis. See? I wish someday you're going to our country. Honest to God. SPEAKER2: I think it sounds so beautiful. The way the people are, it's just… everybody says that American people aren't as friendly and as warm as any other foreigners. Foreigners are always… they're just far more friendly; they're far more human when they treat you. SPEAKER1: That's right. Here, honey, like I say… SPEAKER2: Down south, there you get hospitality. SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: They say down in American south, you do. SPEAKER1: Yes. 8 SPEAKER2: But the rest of the country is… New England is known for its coldness. SPEAKER1: That's right. I don't know why. I'll tell you there's something, in tape two. One day when [Moe] was doing walked by the chief police, Mr. Joseph sent me to lawyer Dulan. I went to his home because I don't know where he live. When you don't know a place, you have to take taxi. I took the taxi, "You take me to this house." He say, "This is his house." I ring the bell, he say, "Come in." I walk in. I find him eating on the table at five o'clock at night. You know, all the family, him, his wife and his son. He's a lawyer now and call it Dulan Dulan Lawyer, I didn't know that. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Sit down in the table, eating. And I walked in. I said, "Good afternoon." He said, "Good afternoon." "Mo?" I said, "Yes?" He said, "You wanna have a cup of coffee? You're welcome if you do want it. If you don't want it, there's living room, they have magazine and read." He didn't wait for me, I say, yes or no. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He said, "You wanna have a cup of coffee with us. Okay, if you don't want it, there's living room, have… they have magazine, make yourself at home." Okay. I stand in the living room over an hour and a half. I never feel cheap in my life till that day. All right, can you go to Arabian house, it's time to eat and they tell you, "If you want it, okay; if you don't want it, go to living room?" Absolutely not. Sit down in my table. If you don't want to eat have a cup of tea, have a cup of coffee, have a glass of milk." SPEAKER2: But at least… SPEAKER1: Not, "If you want a cup of coffee, if you don't want it, this is the living room." Give me a chance to say yes or no. I never received that in my life. I never feel cheap in my life till that day. And 9 since that time, I never go to American house till he take me with the hand. SPEAKER2: That's true. SPEAKER1: See? Down there, it's different, here different in a lot of way. See? When you go even to American house, honest to God, you feel like a stranger, you get lost. See, I wish every American people go to our country. Maybe they change their custom. SPEAKER2: We could use a little improvement, I think. Are there any plans that you made when you came to this country? Is there anything that you regret that you haven't achieved yet? Is there anything that you planned to do when you came here that you haven't done yet? SPEAKER1: No. SPEAKER2: Everything you wanted to do you've done? SPEAKER1: I've done everything what I want. SPEAKER2: And probably more even, right? SPEAKER1: Yes, because I didn't… SPEAKER2: You didn't expect to do all… SPEAKER1: I didn't expect all things. See? SPEAKER2: So you're pretty satisfied with your life then? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah, that's good. Do you feel there's any one important advantage you have as a citizen of this country? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: What? SPEAKER1: I got anything I want. I mixed with a lot of people in this country. We had visited Roosevelt. I told you we had dinner with him in White House, and I was in White House in the table and I was between Roosevelt, George Simon the staff and Admiral Max. SPEAKER2: I bet not everybody can do that. SPEAKER1: Not every person.10 SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: See? And Swiss land. I'll show you the picture. Let's stop it. SPEAKER2: A lot of time people say that they long for like the good old days. Do you hear that expression a lot? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: And when you think back to what the good old days were like for you, do you think they were really that good? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: You do? SPEAKER1: Yes, yes. SPEAKER2: You think…? SPEAKER1: When you're young, you're not worried about nothing, see, you don't care, you want just… just like fun. When you get old, you're past 40, see, you wanna do something, people talk behind you something good, not bad. That's why good days when that passed you're young, you don't worry about nothing. Like the kid in a school in this country they say he's not worried about his dinner because if he just cry everybody will, "Don't cry, sonny. Don't cry, sonny." SPEAKER2: Cater to him, yeah. SPEAKER1: See? But when you're past 25, 30 in this country you cry? Go ahead, cry more. Quiet world. Nobody force you. And old country, too, number one make me think that, here after you're past 80 you have to be border room for your mother, father. SPEAKER2: In this country? SPEAKER1: In this country; in our country, no. Sometime you're married like… SPEAKER2: You live to eat. SPEAKER1: My nephew, now his son married, right? They have a baby now. His father still support them. SPEAKER2: Really?11 SPEAKER1: That's right. SPEAKER2: And sometimes in your country, they probably will live with the parents, too. SPEAKER1: Oh, yes. Yes. SPEAKER2: Sometimes that happens in America but it doesn't happen that often. SPEAKER1: But it's very hard. SPEAKER2: I don't have to pay board, things like that, you know. SPEAKER1: Well, because you go to the college. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: Well, honey, when you go to the college your mother, father they supposed to be support you because you have no income. But if you were not go to college… SPEAKER2: If you're working, yeah. SPEAKER1: You have to work. You have to pay your mother, father board or… SPEAKER2: Get out on your own. SPEAKER1: You're gonna rent apartment, you start support yourself. See? In our country, no, the girls never work. You never let her work either. SPEAKER2: Just at home. Does she do most of the work at home? SPEAKER1: No, her mother help her. SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: But most of the time, just sit down with her mother. If you want mother she go out, you go with her and her mother see you want something, help each other. Cooking, crochet, you know, knit. I don't know what's called in English. SPEAKER2: Knit or crochet. SPEAKER1: All silk. I'm talking about dress from Jerusalem. I'm going to sell them with sample to see if I could sell it.12 SPEAKER2: I'm sure you will. Something like that would go very well, I guess. SPEAKER1: You want to see sample? SPEAKER2: You have a sample? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah, sure. So you think that all in all your life has been good here? SPEAKER1: Yes, thank God. SPEAKER2: Yeah, you possibly you will go back to the old country? SPEAKER1: Yes. SPEAKER2: But you're satisfied with things in… SPEAKER1: Yes. At least, over there, your life is safe, your life. SPEAKER2: You still feel danger here? SPEAKER1: Danger here, honey. SPEAKER2: More so than when you first came. SPEAKER1: Maybe you read about it yesterday. This morning one policeman got shot in Boston, in his stomach, 2:30 in the morning and his brother, I think brother-in law… SPEAKER2: The two… his two brothers-in law get killed. SPEAKER1: Gets killed years ago – same thing, with stealing thieves. See? This country was a beautiful law, constitution, before; now, the law getting loose and weak and weak. Someday… maybe you understand that even if you are over five years in jail they give you parole. Yeah, more than. Why they give you parole? There's no law. It's weak. Why he's not in jail then? And now maybe you read about it or you know my worry is that in jail they try to make union. They get… they wanna be retirement. If you're not bad, why are you gonna retirement? Where are you gonna get retirement? You kill me, you kill my mother, you kill my brother, you kill my wife and you give retirement, too, beside? See? There's no law in this country anymore.13 SPEAKER2: Everything is at such a state of shame. SPEAKER1: It's weak, honey. SPEAKER2: Everything is being challenged. SPEAKER1: Yeah, it's weak. See? It's hard to call it modern but it's not modern. When the law split from teeth by teeth, eyes by eyes, that's a law. Now even look at the Catholic, maybe you know that more than me. We don't talk about religion because too deep for us. The Pope, number one, you can't divorce; now you divorce. Number two, you can't eat meat on Friday; now you can eat meat on Friday. See? What the law? What you get… how you came to arrive here? [Unintelligible - 00:20:46] Jesus came in nineteen hundred seventy-four, 2,000 years, why you change it now? The [Bible] weak, naturally weak; don't make them all weak. It's not truth? SPEAKER2: True, yes. SPEAKER1: See? Now, they allow them now man and woman live together, no married, no nothing. You never see that before. SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: You never hear that before. See? There's no law in this country anymore. The law is weak. We have a law in this country. We have but nobody force it. SPEAKER2: No. SPEAKER1: You can buy the law by you money. If you have good lawyers they take away, I don't care if you killed two people. There's not law? See? Who you know not how much you know, see? This is really bad. You call big city, every single day somebody get killed. See? I know when I went sometime in Station 4 or 9 or 12, or had got onboard because I don't know, maybe… one fellow's name John, surname I forget it, he's a policeman at Abraham Lincoln School. Do you know of Abraham Lincoln School? SPEAKER2: I've heard of it, I don't know…14 SPEAKER1: One fellow drive in the car, come from work, he killed a dog. He killed a dog. Not dead but he crippled him, break his leg, break his arm, I don't know what you call that. He stopped, he opened the door, he want to pick up the dog, put him in the car, take him to the hospital. One black man come in, when the man, he put his head down, you know, you know how he is… SPEAKER2: Yeah. SPEAKER1: He tried to pick up the dog, he hit him… he killed the man. All right. The dog is not yours, the man he don't kill you, he don't bother you, he don't talk to you. Okay? Why you kill him? This man, by the law, should be get killed. They don't do nothing for him. SPEAKER2: In other words we have a lot of weaknesses and a lot more things we got to improve. SPEAKER1: That's right. I hope like the… our Mohammad, our prophet, he say, "If something you can't fight it," like he say, I'll try to make him Muslim. I'll try. I'll talk to you. I know but I say anything nice to you to be turned to be Muslim but I can't. You say no, no, no, but I love you. I want you be Muslim because if I don't love you, I don't care what you be. It's right? But if I love you, I'd like to see everything is good to you. All right, I can't make you. Your weak things to me, what can you say? I have to stand in God and say, "Please, God, help me. Help my dear friend to be Muslim." That weak spots for me just to pray, isn't it? Now, our weakness, let me we pray to God to change our government, to put force the law. Somebody murder, murder him. Because we have to sacrifice, we have to sacrifice. It's something to teach the people because we went too far overhead. This is really bad, honey. See? But we can't say nothing, like I say, only the weakened spot, nothing only pray to God and pray as weak. Like Hitler say, "No justice in this world except with the power. If you're strong,15 everybody with you; if you're weak, everybody walk on you." Absolutely is the truth. We can't deny it. See? That's the only thing, honey. SPEAKER2: I appreciate you for giving me the time and helping me with this. SPEAKER1: It's my pleasure. SPEAKER2: It means a lot to me, and you've been very helpful. SPEAKER1: It's my pleasure. SPEAKER2: So I just want to thank you./AT/jf/jc/ee

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Dr. Frank K. Bartlett. Dr. Bartlett discusses 50 years of medical practice in Ogden, including practice during the Depression and starting the first laboratory in the basement of the Dee Hospital. He also talks about the stock market before, during, and after the Depression, and building a house during those years. ; 16p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Dr. Frank K. Bartlett Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Dr. Frank K. Bartlett Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Bartlett, Dr. Frank K., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Dr. Frank K. Bartlett. Dr. Bartlett discusses 50 years of medical practice in Ogden, including practice during the Depression and starting the first laboratory in the basement of the Dee Hospital. He also talks about the stock market before, during, and after the Depression, and building a house during those years. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Where did you live during the Depression years? FB: In Ogden. MT: And what was your profession? FB: I was a physician. I was a physician here for fifty years, from 1915 until I quit. I'm now eighty-four. MT: What do you remember about the Depression years that might set them apart from other years? FB: Well, I was a comparatively young man. I had been in practice for fifteen or eighteen years. I had been in the war, the First World War, in France for a year and a half and come back. I didn't have any money to speak of. What money we had in those days, we didn't invest in the stocks because the stock market wasn't very popular with people at all. But we almost invariably invested in bonds, 3 percent or 3½ percent bonds, buying them at $100. When they'd go up to $102, we'd sell them. There was no income tax to pay, and so we just kept that $200 or $300 we made as pure gold. But then along in the early 1920s, people began to invest in the stock market. I remember that distinctly, and I would put some money in Continental Oil, or New Jersey, or something like that. The oils were just coming into their own and they were doing well. Westinghouse, I remember, 2 it was selling around $100. It went down to $17. Gosh, we were just about broke. Everybody's investments in the stock market went down to just about nothing. You know, it hit us in two big waves, if you remember. It piled down, and they said, "Well, it won't go any further." And then it was down again as far. And so people were very, very skeptical about stocks. There were some good buys if you had the money, but you couldn't get the money. Even government bonds were way down under $65. I remember Gus Becker over here, who was a beer maker. He was buying government bonds at $65, 3 percent bonds, or 4 percent bonds, and they would come back if anything would. I had a little money in the bank that I had saved. There wasn't a house being built in Ogden at that time, not one house. The architects were starving, the contractors, bricklayers, plasterers, carpenters. There wasn't a house going up. I bought this lot up here from Kelly Goddard for $2,500. It was paved. It had the sewer into it, and water into it, and I bought it from him for $2,500 and built this nice home here for practically nothing. In fact, I think I paid for this home - McClanahan was the architect - and this was the only house going up in Ogden. I think he was glad to get it and a chance to make a little money. He charged me $1,000, and you see that it's a nice home. You know what it cost me to build it? You couldn't build it for $75,000 or much under $100,000 today. It cost me $17,000 to build this home. Everybody wanted to dig the basement. Everybody wanted to plaster. I carpeted the whole house - and here's the same carpet that I put in over 40 years ago - for $1,000, the whole house. I showed you how things had depreciated in 3 value. Nobody was selling anything. Nobody was doing any business at all because, as I say, all the value of your equities in business and industry just simply dropped to nothing. I'm not sure, but during the Hoover administration, or following the Hoover administration, when we hit bottom - and there was no better president, no more honest president than he was that ever lived - but it wasn't that. The opposite party, the Democrats, blamed it onto Hoover. But it was a worldwide Depression, not only here, and I think I have a book on the stocks that I had at that time just to show you how things dropped down. Anaconda Copper dropped from the $50's down to $3, and Westinghouse from $100 down to $17. You can see [how] a man's worth was sliced to practically nothing. We were even afraid to keep our money in the banks. And you couldn't borrow money; you couldn't get it. The banks wouldn't loan it. People were taking their money out of the banks for fear that they would go broke. As far as industry was concerned in this town, this was the only house being built in Ogden in 1931 - the only one. Now look at them, hundreds and hundreds of them because Ogden is just beginning to expand. The railroads at that time carried passengers more than they do now, and passengers were a big part of their revenue. Trains were elaborate. People who were traveling wore great big diamonds, and the service on the trains was immaculate and luxurious just as it is in Africa today on the train that goes from Kimberly to Cape Town. I was on that a few years ago, and that train reminded me of the trains that we had here a few years ago. It was just beautiful and elaborate, with every convenience that you wanted and the finest food and 4 waiters and all the rest. But now you go in the depot, and it's flea-bitten, dirty, unoccupied, and all business is in freight. And they're getting rid of a lot of their tracks to sell them into iron mills, steel mills. But there was a time when Ogden's depot was a bustling place, and people were going in and out, and that was during that time. Red-caps by the dozen. Now, as far as the medical business was concerned, people were sick then just like they are now, and we had to take care of them. And I did. I was a young man, anxious to build up my business. And if anyone called me at three in the morning, if he lived across the tracks, I went. Whether I got my money or not. A lot of people I didn't get anything from because they didn't have it, but that didn't make a difference. But you won't get a doctor now to go out at three in the morning. He'd say, "Get him to the hospital. I'll see him in the morning." It's a different attitude entirely. Since the government has interfered so much in the practice of medicine, we have had a great change in the attitude of the doctors toward their practice. It was a doctor-patient relationship all up until the last ten years. Since then it's gradually been a function of the government to take care of everybody's illness almost. If you don't have any money, you don't have to pay anything. But not then. MT: What were some of the major problems that you had in your business at that time, Doctor? FB: Well, medicine is always the same. I had an office in the old First National Bank, where the ZCMI building is at present. It was an awful, old, rundown building when I was in it. But I went into practice with our old family doctor, who was a 5 homeopath. They believed in practicing medicine by giving little tiny pills about as big as a pinhead. If you had a fever, you got achinaide [sic]. It helped to knock the fever down. It didn't have any effect on the illness itself. In fact, in the days when I came to Ogden, there were no antibiotics at all. I discovered an epidemic of typhoid in Ogden, in about 1917, before I went into the First World War. I think that was the year I went to France. I found a case in west Ogden, and it looked to me like it was typhoid. He had rose spots on the belly and a big spleen, and the fellow was running a fever and diarrhea. He had all the symptoms of typhoid although I had never seen one before. It was following the severe rain that we had, and people were going up into the Coldwater Canyon - we got some of our city water from Coldwater Canyon - and it wasn't protected against people defecating around the streams, you know the watershed. It got in our watershed. Before we got through, there were seventeen cases of typhoid in Ogden after I had reported this to the Health Department. Well, we had to take care of people then just like we do now except that there was a more personal relationship between the patient and the doctor. You went out to his home. Babies we delivered for $25, and we included the pre-birth care and usually two or three house calls after. But now it's $200 for a woman to have the baby, and then she usually has to be in the hospital. So the practice of medicine was very primitive. As I say, we had no antibiotics. I remember so many cases of healthy men, as healthy as you are sitting right there. A pain in their sides come on, which meant, of course, the pneumonia extending out into their pleura. And in two days, they would be dead. And so medicine was tough, and 6 you had to pay pretty good attention to your early colds. Now, it doesn't make any difference. Mastoids were plentiful. Many people were operated on for mastoids on the face and middle ear. You very seldom ever see a mastoid any more. The drugs kill the bug. But the new things, you have the viruses now prevailing, and there is nothing known right now to stop a virus infection so far, no medicine at all. MT: Did you have more difficulty collecting your fees during the Depression than other times? FB: Oh, sure. There were so many people out of work. As I say, when I was building this house, I was met on every corner by some fellow - contractor wanted to shingle the house, another wanted to dig the basement, and another one wanted to lay the brick. They were all out of work, and had been out of work for a couple of years. This Depression didn't cease for two years, didn't begin to recover, and. MT: What was your reaction during the stock crash? Did you hang on tight to what you had, or what did you do? FB: You couldn't sell them because you'd practically give them away if you did. I say I paid $20 something for Anaconda, and when it got down to the bottom, it was $3, and you couldn't sell it for that loss. Westinghouse was $100 down to $17. I just happen to remember those two, but I didn't have very much in the stock market. I was soon back from the World War, and when I was over there, I didn't think for a minute that the franc - which was equivalent to our dollar - would ever be down. It was silver, but before long, the francs were selling down for three or four 7 pennies. And the marc, the German marc, we thought surely if you bought them for practically nothing, you could put them on your wall for wallpaper, it was that cheap. I bought quite a few of those. I was young and inexperienced, of course, and foolish. Before long, I had a lot of worthless marcs on my hands. I didn't keep them. It would have been interesting to have kept them just to look at them. But I think I have a book of the stocks that I had at that time, but I have most of these even now. MT: Then you had your stock outright, rather than having bought it on the margin? FB: That's right. I wouldn't buy anything on the margin. If I had the money, I bought it. That's why I built this house. I had the $12,000 in the bank, cash, and with it, along with what I could earn in the next year or two, I paid for it, the whole thing. But just the carpets alone, which you couldn't replace today for $5,000, I bought for $1,000 over the whole house. It goes to show you the difference in the price, that the dollar has slipped. MT: It also shows me what you can do when you are prepared. If you have the money and things are down, then you can take advantage of the situation. FB: You would take advantage of the situation, you would, anybody would. I know of patients that stayed with me all my life. I didn't charge them anything; they didn't have it. I carried them, or I put it down so low that they could just sneeze at it. We had to do that. Every doctor had to do that. And the rooms in the hospital at the Dee, which was built about 1910, I think, when I started practicing medicine, you could get a good, private room for $3.50 a day. Now look at it. Now, I don't know what more I can tell you. 8 MT: Were there any special things that you did at that time either to build your practice or to help your patients out in paying their bills? FB: Well, I was a young, enthusiastic doctor just coming in, like they are today, except that we did a lot more sacrificing. We had an old Ford with the flaps on it. That was my first car. I built my own shanty on the back of a house that I paid $3,000 for when we first moved here. It was an old, sand-rolled brick house, and I thought that we had a mansion when we had it stuccoed, put in a fireplace, and built a tin garage for it. In those days automobiles weren't very good, and you had to drain them at night because you either used kerosene in them as an antifreeze, or you drained them out and brought out two kettles of warm water in the morning to put in before you could get it started. The roads were terrible. The people wore dusters when I started to practice here. If you went out of the city, you had to put on your duster because the dust was so thick. By the time you got out a few miles, you didn't know who you were. I remember crossing - going fishing up on the Lost Creek out of Blackfoot - and I remember getting on that dirt road and going a little ways, and you'd hit a hole and broke a spring or two. We always carried extra springs. I met a farmer coming this way, and I said, "How's the road from here on over to Lost Creek?" "Oh," he says, "this is good road that you're on here." That's the way things were. You had to put up with a lot of inconveniences. I remember the first operation I performed was out on the hillside going up from Pleasant View in a little, old, unpainted two-room house. The farmer had a daughter. I went in with an old family doctor here, and this old doctor had 9 misdiagnosed this case. They didn't know anything about surgery anyway in those days, to speak of. Surgery was just being developed, as you well know. There were a few good surgeons in the big cities but out in the country . Dr. Rich himself told me that for a pain in the belly, put chicken entrails on the belly and fresh manure, hoping that some miracle would occur. You can't believe that, can you? And they didn't believe in vaccination when I first came to Ogden very much. It was against the religion - let God take care of things, just like they do in Central Africa. There's been more changes in medicine, more advancement in medicine than ever in the world before, and so much so that there's a prevention for almost any disease except the virus. They still haven't come up with anything for the virus. But everything else. But you asked me what we would do with these poor patients. We'd just let them alone. We just went to take care of them. Sometimes I was paid in chickens. I had chickens in the kitchen, which my wife objected to. One fellow gave me a goat to pay for what we had. But as far as homes were concerned, in 1914 and 1915 I bought a home for $3,000. You can't even get through the front gate for that. It was an old house in the bottoms, and I had it stuccoed and had a fireplace put in, and I built a shanty behind. The fellow who left it had left a garden of frozen parsnips, which we lived off practically. So we were all poor when we started out. Now, I didn't know any rich people in those days, when I was a boy. In fact, I didn't get acquainted with them. We had a family of five, my father did, and when we didn't have work here in Ogden on the railroad, he was a cabinetmaker, 10 and a very good one. He went to Heber City and built a Mormon church there, and a school, and he came back after two or three weeks with a sack with flour, or five pounds of butter that he had been paid by, and a wagon. So those days, they were kind of rough, and they were kind of tough, just like they were in medicine. But things kept improving, and one of the first antibiotics we used - I can't remember the name of it. It wasn't an antibiotic, really; it was a medicine which you took, and it turned you pink all over. I can't remember what it was called now, it slips my mind. I remember Jack Goodly, here in Ogden, was on the police force, and he had an abscess on his face. I gave him this medicine, and he was as pink as a painting. He got over it anyway, and whether he ascribed his getting better to the medicine or me was immaterial because I don't think either of us had much to do with it, really. It was just an act of God. But I will tell you that during those early days, and it was near the time of the Depression, we had nothing for acute infection to help them out, not any more than they did ten years before. We knew appendicitis and how to diagnose better, but our x-ray machines were very poor. I started the first laboratory in Dee Hospital. They had no microscope, no nothing, no Petri dishes, no nothing. I brought them up from my office because I was primarily trained as a pathologist in Rush Medical, and I started the first laboratory up there in the basement. That was in 1915. Today, if a man has a slight pain today, they go through all sorts of expensive maneuvers to find out what it is. People died like flies of acute infection. I remember one fellow in particular that I was very fond of. He was tall, 11 slightly ruddy-faced, red-haired druggist. He worked in what was then called Ballkins Drugstore, fine, big strong fellow. He got a little cold and had a pleural pain, and old Dr. Camahan, who took care of him and who liked to discuss the Japanese-Russian War.gave him a bottle of medicine or something, and he was dead in two days. You think a young man with a family, a pain in his side, we watched very closely because we knew that meant the beginning of a lobar pneumonia, and we didn't have a darn thing for it. Don't think that the practice of medicine and the people who have gone before, don't think they haven't gone through an awful lot of tough sicknesses without anything to do. Do you know that during the plague in the twelfth century, there were over 25 million people that died in Europe? And we have had a little of that lately. We have a vaccine for it. We give it to them, and they don't get it. The medical schools, when I went to study medicine in 1906, I went to the University of Caldwell. We had a combined course of six years to get our bachelor's degree and our medical degree, and on top of that, I took a master's degree. You could work. I worked waiting tables, cutting meat, in the library, and our tuition was $45 a quarter, which I usually paid for by working for it. Now you can't get into medical school today unless you can prove to them that you have adequate funds of at least $1,000 a year to pay for your upkeep. Because you cannot work and go to medical school, so tough are they, and so tense are the requirements on studying. That's the difference.

Alexander Dugin on
Eurasianism, the Geopolitics of Land and Sea, and a Russian Theory of
Multipolarity







IR has long been regarded as an
Anglo-American social science. Recently, the discipline has started to look
beyond America and England, to China (Theory Talk
#51, Theory Talk
#45), India (Theory Talk
#63, Theory Talk
#42), Africa (Theory Talk #57, Theory Talk
#10) and elsewhere for non-Western
perspectives on international affairs and IR theory. However, IR theorists have
paid little attention to Russian perspectives on the discipline and practice of
international relations. We offer an exciting peek into Russian geopolitical
theory through an interview with the controversial Russian geopolitical thinker
Alexander Dugin, founder of the International
Eurasian Movement and allegedly an important
influence on Putin's foreign policy. In this Talk, Dugin—among others—discusses his Theory of a Multipolar
World, offers a staunch critique of western and liberal IR, and lays out
Russia's unique contribution to the landscape of IR theory.




Print version of this Talk (pdf) Russian version




What, according to you, is
the central challenge or principle debate within IR and what would be your
position within this debate or towards that challenge?



The field of IR is extremely interesting and multidimensional.
In general, the discipline is much more promising than many think. I think that
there is a stereometry today in IR, in which we can distinguish a few axes
right away.



The first, most traditional axis is realism – the English school
– liberalism.



If the debates here are exhausted on an academic level, then on
the level of politicians, the media, and journalists, all the arguments and
methods appear new and unprecedented each time. Today, liberalism in IR
dominates mass consciousness, and realist arguments, already partially
forgotten on the level of mass discourse, could seem rather novel. On the other
hand, the nuanced English school, researched thoroughly in academic circles,
might look like a "revelation" to the general public. But for this to happen, a
broad illumination of the symmetry between liberals and realists is needed for
the English school to acquire significance and disclose its full potential.
This is impossible under the radical domination of liberalism in IR. For that
reason, I predict a new wave of realists and neorealists in this sphere, who,
being pretty much forgotten and almost marginalized, can full well make
themselves and their agenda known. This would, it seems to me, produce a
vitalizing effect and diversify the palette of mass and social debates, which
are today becoming monotone and auto-referential.



The second axis is bourgeois versions of IR (realism, the
English school, and liberalism all together) vs. Marxism in IR. In popular and
even academic discourse, this theme is entirely discarded, although the
popularity of Wallerstein (Theory
Talk #13) and other
versions of world-systems theory shows a degree of interest in this critical
version of classical, positivistic IR theories.



The third axis is post-positivism in all its varieties vs.
positivism in all its varieties (including Marxism). IR scholars might have
gotten the impression that postmodern attacks came to an end, having been
successfully repelled by 'critical realism', but in my opinion it is not at all
so. From moderate constructivism and normativism to extreme post-structuralism,
post-positivistic theories carry a colossal deconstructive and correspondingly
scientific potential, which has not yet even begun to be understood. It seemed
to some that postmodernism is a cheerful game. It isn't. It is a new
post-ontology, and it fundamentally affects the entire epistemological
structure of IR. In my opinion, this axis remains very important and
fundamental.



The fourth axis is the challenge of the sociology of international
relations, which we can call 'Hobson's challenge'. In my opinion, in his
critique of euro-centrism in IR, John M. Hobson laid the foundation for an
entirely new approach to the whole problematic by proposing to consider the
structural significance of the "euro-centric" factor as dominant and clarifying
its racist element. Once we make euro-centrism a variable and move away from
the universalistic racism of the West, on which all systems of IR are built,
including the majority of post-positivistic systems (after all, postmodernity
is an exclusively Western phenomenon!), we get, theoretically for now, an
entirely different discipline—and not just one, it seems. If we take into
account differences among cultures, there can be as many systems of IR as there
are cultures. I consider this axis extremely important.



The fifth axis, outlined in less detail than the previous one,
is the Theory of a Multipolar World vs. everything else. The Theory of a
Multipolar World was developed in Russia,
a country that no one ever took seriously during the entire establishment of IR
as a discipline—hence the fully explainable skepticism toward the Theory of a
Multipolar World.



The sixth axis is IR vs. geopolitics. Geopolitics is usually
regarded as secondary in the context of IR. But gradually, the epistemological
potential of geopolitics is becoming more and more obvious, despite or perhaps
partially because of the criticism against it. We have only to ask ourselves
about the structure of any geopolitical concept to discover the huge potential
contained in its methodology, which takes us to the very complex and
semantically saturated theme of the philosophy and ontology of space.



If we now superimpose these axes onto one another, we get an
extremely complex and highly interesting theoretical field. At the same time,
only one axis, the first one, is considered normative among the public, and
that with the almost total and uni-dimensional dominance of IR liberalism. All
the wealth, 'scientific democracy', and gnoseological pluralism of
the other axes are inaccessible to the broad public, robbing and partly
deceiving it. I call this domination of liberalism among the public the 'third
totalitarianism', but that is a separate issue.





How did you arrive at where
you currently are in your thinking about IR?    




I began with Eurasianism, from which I
came to geopolitics (the Eurasianist Petr Savitskii quoted the
British geopolitician Halford Mackinder) and remained for a long
time in that framework, developing the theme of the dualism of Land and Sea and
applying it to the actual situation That is how the Eurasian school of
geopolitics arose, which became not simply the dominant, but the only school in
contemporary Russia. As a professor at Moscow State University, for six years I
was head of the department of the Sociology of International Relations, which
forced me to become professionally familiar with the classical theories of IR,
the main authors, approaches, and schools. Because I have long been interested
in postmodernism in philosophy (I wrote the book Post-philosophy on the subject), I paid special attention to
post-positivism in IR. That is how I came to IR critical theory,
neo-Gramscianism, and the sociology of IR (John Hobson, Steve Hobden, etc.). I came
to the Theory of a Multipolar World, which I eventually developed myself,
precisely through superimposing geopolitical dualism, Carl Schmitt's theory of the Grossraum, and John Hobson's critique of
Western racism and the euro-centrism of IR.





In your opinion, what would
a student need in order to become a specialist in IR?



In
our interdisciplinary time, I think that what is most important is familiarity
with philosophy and sociology, led by a paradigmatic method: the analysis of
the types of societies, cultures, and structures of thought along the line
Pre-Modernity – Modernity – Post-Modernity. If one learns to trace semantic
shifts in these three epistemological and ontological domains, it will help one
to become familiar with any popular theories of IR today. Barry Buzan's (Theory
Talk #35)
theory of international systems is an example of such a generalizing and very
useful schematization. Today an IR specialist must certainly be familiar with
deconstruction and use it at least in its elementary form. Otherwise, there is
a great danger of overlooking what is most important.



Another very important competence is
history and political science. Political science provides generalizing,
simplifying material, and history puts schemas in their context. I would only
put competence in the domain of economics and political economy in third place,
although today no problem in IR can be considered without reference to the
economic significance of processes and interactions. Finally, I would earnestly
recommend to students of IR to become familiar, as a priority, with geopolitics
and its methods. These methods are much simpler than theories of IR, but their
significance is much deeper. At first, geopolitical simplifications produce an
instantaneous effect: complex and entangled processes of world politics are
rendered transparent and comprehensible in the blink of an eye. But to sort out
how this effect is achieved, a long and serious study of geopolitics is
required, exceeding by far the superficiality that limits critical geopolitics
(Ó Tuathail et. al.): they stand at the beginning of
the decipherment of geopolitics and its full-fledged deconstruction, but they
regard themselves as its champions. They do so prematurely.





What
does it entail to think of global power relations through a spatial lens ('Myslit prostranstvom')?  



This is the most important thing. The
entire philosophical theme of Modernity is built on the dominance of time. Kant
already puts time on the side of the subject (and space on the side of the
body, continuing the ideas of Descartes and even Plato), while Husserl and Heidegger
identify the subject with time altogether. Modernity thinks with time, with
becoming. But since the past and future are rejected as ontological entities,
thought of time is transformed into thought of the instant, of that which is
here and now. This is the basis for the ephemeral understanding of being. To
think spatially means to locate Being outside the present, to arrange it in
space, to give space an ontological status. Whatever was impressed in space is
preserved in it. Whatever will ripen in space is already contained in it. This
is the basis for the political geography of Friedrich Ratzel and subsequent geopoliticians. Wagner's Parsifal ends with the words of
Gurnemanz: 'now time has become space'. This is a proclamation of the triumph
of geopolitics. To think spatially means to think in an entirely different way
[topika]. I think that postmodernity has already partly arrived at this
perspective, but has stopped at the threshold, whereas to cross the line it is
necessary to break radically with the entire axiomatic of Modernity, to really
step over Modernity, and not to imitate this passage while remaining in
Modernity and its tempolatry. Russian people are spaces [Russkie lyudi prostranstva],
which is why we have so much of it. The secret of Russian identity is concealed
in space. To think spatially means to think 'Russian-ly', in Russian.





Geopolitics
is argued to be very popular in Russia nowadays. Is geopolitics a new thing,
from the post-Cold War period, or not? And if not, how does current
geopolitical thinking differ from earlier Soviet (or even pre-soviet)
geopolitics?



It is an entirely new form
of political thought. I introduced geopolitics to Russia at the end of the 80s,
and since then it has become extremely popular. I tried to find some traces of
geopolitics in Russian history, but besides Vandam, Semyonov-Tyan-Shansky, and a few
short articles by Savitskii, there was nothing. In the USSR, any allusion to
geopolitics was punished in the harshest way (see the 'affair of the
geopoliticians' of the economic geographer Vladimir Eduardovich Den and his group).
At the start of the 90s, my efforts and the efforts of my followers and
associates in geopolitics (=Eurasianism) filled the worldview vacuum that
formed after the end of Soviet ideology. At first, this was adopted without
reserve by the military (The Military Academy of the General Staff
of the Armed Forces of Russia), especially under Igor Rodionov. Then,
geopolitics began to penetrate into all social strata. Today, this discipline
is taught in the majority of Russian universities. So, there was no Soviet or
pre-Soviet geopolitics. There is only the contemporary Eurasian school, which
took shape at the end of the 80s. Foundations
of Geopolitics was the first programmatic text of this school, although I had
published most of texts in that book earlier, and some of them were circulated
as texts in government circles. Recently, in 2012, I released two new
textbooks: Geopolitics and The Geopolitics of Russia, which
together with The War of Continents
are the results of work in this field, along four axes. 





In
your book International Relations, not
yet published in English, you set out your Theory of a Multipolar World as a
distinct IR theory. What are the basic components of the Theory of a Multipolar
World—and how is it different from classical realism?



In order to be understood
and not get into the details, I can say that the Theory of a Multipolar World
seriously and axiomatically adopts Samuel Huntington's thesis about the
plurality of civilizations. Russia has its own author, who claimed the same
thing more than a hundred years ago: Nikolay Danilevsky, and then the Eurasianists.
However, everything starts from precisely this point: civilization is not one,
but many. Western civilization's pretension to universalism is a form of the
will to domination and an authoritarian discourse. It can be taken into account
but not believed. It is nothing other than a strategy of suppression and
hegemony. The following point follows: we must move from thinking in terms of
one civilization (the racism of euro-centric versions of IR) to a pluralism of
subjects. However, unlike realists, who take as the subject of their theory
nation-states, which are themselves products of the European, bourgeois, modern
understanding of the Political, the Theory of a Multipolar World proposes to
take civilizations as subjects. Not states, but civilizations. I call them
'large politeiai', or civilizations, corresponding to Carl Schmitt's 'large
spaces'. As soon as we take these civilizations—'large politeiai'—as subjects,
we can then apply to them the full system of premises of realism: anarchy in
the international system, sovereignty, the rationality of egoistic behavior,
etc. But within these 'politeiai', by contrast, a principle more resembling
liberalism, with its pacifism and integration, operates, only with the
difference that here we are not talking about a 'planetary' or 'global' world,
but about an intra-civilizational one; not about global integration, but about
regional integration, strictly within the context of civilizational borders.
Post-positivism, in turn, helps here for the deconstruction of the
authoritarian discourse of the West, which masks its private interests by
'universal values', and also for the reconstruction of civilizational identity,
including with the help of technological means: civilizational elites,
civilizational media, civilizational economic algorithms and corporations, etc.
That is the general picture.





Your
theory of multipolarity is directed against the intellectual, political, and
social hegemony of the West. At the same time, while drawing on the tools of
neo-Marxist analysis and critical theory, it does not oppose Western hegemony
'from the left', as those approaches do, but on the basis of traditionalism (Rene
Guenon, Julius
Evola), cultural
anthropology, and Heideggerian phenomenology, or 'from the right'. Do you think
that such an approach can appeal to Anglo-American IR practitioners, or is it
designed to appeal mainly to non-Western theorists and practitioners? In short,
what can IR theorists in the West learn from the theory of multipolarity?



According to Hobson's
entirely correct analysis, the West is based on a fundamental sort of racism.
There is no difference between Lewis Morgan's evolutionistic racism
(with his model of savagery, barbarism, civilization) and Hitler's biological
racism. Today the same racism is asserted without a link to race, but on the
basis of the technological modes and degrees of modernization and progress of
societies (as always, the criterion "like in the West" is the general measure).
Western man is a complete racist down to his bones, generalizing his
ethnocentrism to megalomaniacal proportions. Something tells me that he is
impossible to change. Even radical critiques of Western hegemony are themselves
deeply infected by the racist virus of universalism, as Edward Said showed with the
example of 'orientalism', proving that the anticolonial struggle is a form of
that very colonialism and euro-centrism. So the Theory of a Multipolar World
will hardly find adherents in the Western world, unless perhaps among those
scholars who are seriously able to carry out a deconstruction of Western
identity, and such deconstruction assumes the rejection of both Right
(nationalistic) and Left (universalistic and progressivist) clichés. The racism
of the West always acquires diverse forms. Today its main form is liberalism,
and anti-liberal theories (most on the Left) are plagued by the same
universalism, while Right anti-liberalisms have been discredited. That is why I
appeal not to the first political theory (liberalism), nor the second
(communism, socialism), nor to the third (fascism, Nazism), but to something I
call the Fourth Political Theory (or 4PT), based on a
radical deconstruction of the subject of Modernity and the application of
Martin Heidegger's existential analytic method.



Traditionalists are brought
in for the profound critique of Western Modernity, for establishing the
plurality of civilizations, and for rehabilitating non-Western (pre-modern)
cultures. In Russia and Asian countries, the Theory of a Multipolar World is
grasped easily and naturally; in the West, it encounters a fully understandable
and fully expected hostility, an unwillingness to study it carefully, and
coarse slander. But there are always exceptions.





What
is the Fourth Political Theory (4PT) and how is it related to the Theory of a
Multipolar World and to your criticism of the prevailing theoretical approaches
in the field of IR?



I spoke a little about this in the
response to the previous question. The Fourth Political Theory is important for
getting away from the strict dominance of modernity in the sphere of the
Political, for the relativization of the West and its re-regionalization. The
West measures the entire history of Modernity in terms of the struggle of three
political ideologies for supremacy (liberalism, socialism, and nationalism).
But since the West does not even for a moment call into question the fact that
it thinks for all humanity, it evaluates other cultures and civilizations in
the same way, without considering that in the best case the parallels to these
three ideologies are pure simulacra, while most often there simply are no
parallels. If liberalism won the competition of the three ideologies in the
West at the end of the 20th century, that does not yet mean that
this ideology is really universal on a world scale. It isn't at all. This
episode of the Western political history of modernity may be the fate of the
West, but not the fate of the world. So other principles of the political are
needed, beyond liberalism, which claims global domination (=the third
totalitarianism), and its failed alternatives (communism and fascism), which
are historically just as Western and modern as liberalism. This explains the
necessity of introducing a Fourth Political Theory as a political frame for the
correct basis of a Theory of a Multipolar World. The Fourth Political Theory is
the direct and necessary correlate of the Theory of a Multipolar World in the
domain of political theory.





Is
IR an American social science? Is Russian IR as an academic field a
reproduction of IR as an American academic field? If not, how is IR in Russia
specifically Russian?



IR is a Western scientific discipline,
and as such it has a prescriptive, normative vector. It not only studies the
West's dominance, it also produces, secures, defends, and propagandizes it. IR
is undoubtedly an imperious authoritarian discourse of Western civilization, in
relation to itself and all other areas of the planet. Today the US is the core
of the West, so naturally in the 20th century IR became more and
more American as the US moved toward that status (it began as an English
science). It is the same with geopolitics, which migrated from London to
Washington and New York together with the function of a global naval Empire. As
with all other sciences, IR is a form of imperious violence, embodying the will
to power in the will to knowledge (as Michel Foucault explained). IR in Russia remains purely
Western, with one detail: in the USSR, IR as such was not studied. Marxism in
IR did not correspond to Soviet reality, where after Stalin a practical form of
realism (not grounded theoretically and never acknowledged) played a big
role—only external observers, like the classical realist E.H. Carr, understood
the realist essence of Stalinism in IR. So IR was altogether blocked. The first
textbooks started to appear only in the 90s and in the fashion of the day they
were all liberal. That is how it has remained until now. The peculiarity of IR
in Russia today lies in the fact that there is no longer anything Russian
there; liberalism dominates entirely, a correct account of realism is lacking,
and post-positivism is almost entirely disregarded. The result is a truncated,
aggressively liberal and extremely antiquated version of IR as a discipline. I
try to fight that. I recently released an IR textbook with balanced (I hope)
proportions, but it is too early to judge the result.





Stephen
Walt argued in a September
article in Foreign Policy that Russia 'is nowhere near as threatening as the old Soviet
Union', in part because Russia 'no longer boasts an ideology that can rally
supporters worldwide'. Do you agree with Walt's assessment?



There is something to that. Today, Russia
thinks of itself as a nation-state. Putin is a realist; nothing more. Walt is
right about that. But the Theory of a Multipolar World and the Fourth Political
Theory, as well as Eurasianism, are outlines of a much broader and large-scale
ideology, directed against Western hegemony and challenging liberalism,
globalization, and American strategic dominance. Of course, Russia as a
nation-state is no competition for the West. But as the bridgehead of the
Theory of a Multipolar World and the Fourth Political Theory, it changes its
significance. Russian policies in the post-Soviet space and Russia's courage in
forming non-Western alliances are indicators. For now, Putin is testing this
conceptual potential very gingerly. But the toughening of relations with the
West and most likely the internal crises of globalization will at some point
force a more careful and serious turn toward the creation of global alternative
alliances. Nevertheless, we already observe such unions: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, the Eurasian Union—and they require a new
ideology. Not one like Marxism, any universalism is excluded, but also not
simple realist maneuvers of regional hegemons. Liberalism is a global
challenge. The response to it should also be global. Does Putin understand
this? Honestly, I don't know. Sometimes it seems he does, and sometimes it
seems he doesn't.





Vladimir
Putin recently characterized the contemporary world order as follows: 'We have entered a period of differing interpretations and
deliberate silences in world politics. International law has been forced to
retreat over and over by the onslaught of legal nihilism. Objectivity and
justice have been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. Arbitrary
interpretations and biased assessments have replaced legal norms. At the same
time, total control of the global mass media has made it possible when desired
to portray white as black and black as white'. Do you agree with this
assessment? If so, what is required as a response to this international
situation?



These are true, but rather
naïve words. Putin is just indignant that the West establishes rules in its own
interests, changes them when necessary, and interprets allegedly 'universal
norms' in its own favor. But the issue is that this is the structure of the
will to power and the very organization of logo-phallo-phono-centric discourse.
Objectivity and justice are not possible so long as speech is a monologue. The
West does not know and does not recognize the other. But this means that
everything will continue until this other wins back the right to recognition.
And that is a long road. The point of the Theory of a Multipolar World is that
there are no rules established by some one player. Rules must be established by
centers of real power. The state today is too small for that; hence the
conclusion that civilizations should be these centers. Let there be an Atlantic
objectivity and Western justice. A Eurasian objectivity and Russian justice
will counter them. And the Chinese world or Pax Sinica [world/peace: same word
in Russian] will look different than the Islamic one. Black and white are not
objective evaluations. They depend on the structure of the world order: what is
black and what is white is determined by one who has enough power to determine
it.





How
does your approach help us understand Russia's actions on the world stage
better than other IR approaches do? What are IR analyses of Russia missing that
do not operate with the conceptual apparatus of multipolarity?



Interesting question. Russia's behavior
internationally is determined today by the following factors:



First,
historical inertia, accumulating the power of precedents (the Theory of a
Multipolar World thinks that the past exists as a structure; consequently, this
factor is taken into account from many sides and in detail, while the
'tempocentrism' (Steve Hobden, John Hobson) of classical IR theories drops this
from sight. We have to pay attention to this especially taking into
consideration the fact that Russia is in many ways still a traditional society
and belongs to the 'imperial system' of IR.) There are, besides, Soviet inertia
and stable motives ('Stalinism in IR');



Second,
the projective logic of opposition to the West, stemming from the most practical,
pragmatic, and realist motivations (in the spirit of Caesarism, analyzed by
neo-Gramscians) will necessarily lead Russia (even despite the will of its
leaders) to a systemic confrontation with American hegemony and globalization,
and then the Theory of a Multipolar World will really be needed (classical IR
models, paying no attention to the Theory of a Multipolar World, drop from
sight the possible future; i.e., they rob themselves of predictive potential
because of purely ideological prejudices and self-imposed fears).



But if an opponent underestimates you,
you have more chances to land an unexpected blow. So I am not too disturbed by
the underestimation of the Theory of a Multipolar World among IR theorists.





In
the western world, the divide between academia and policy is often either
lamented ('ivory tower') or, in light of the ideal of academic independence,
deemed absent. This concerns a broader debate regarding the relations between
power, knowledge and geopolitics. How are academic-policy relations in Russia
with regards to IR and is this the ideal picture according to you?



I think that in our case both positions
have been taken to their extreme. On one hand, today's authorities in Russia do
not pay the slightest attention to scholars, dispatching them to an airless and
sterile space. On the other hand, Soviet habits became the basis for servility
and conformism, preserved in a situation when the authorities for the first
time demand nothing from intellectuals, except for one thing: that they not
meddle in socio-political processes. So the situation with science is both
comical and sorrowful. Conformist scholars follow the authorities, but the
authorities don't need this, since they do not so much go anywhere in
particular as react to facts that carry themselves out.





If
your IR theory isn't based on politically and philosophically liberal
principles, and if it criticizes those principles not from the left but from
the right, using the language of large spaces or Grossraum, is it a fascist theory of international relations? Are scholars who characterize your thought as 'neo-fascism',
like Andreas Umland and Anton Shekhovstov, partially correct? If not, why is that characterization
misleading?



Accusations of fascism are simply a
figure of speech in the coarse political propaganda peculiar to contemporary
liberalism as the third totalitarianism. Karl Popper laid the basis for this in
his book The
Open Society and its Enemies, where he reduced the critique of
liberalism from the right to fascism, Hitler, and Auschwitz, and the criticism
of liberalism from the left to Stalin and the GULAG. The reality is somewhat
more complex, but George
Soros,
who finances Umland and Shekhovstov and is an ardent follower of Popper, is
content with reduced versions of politics. If I were a fascist, I would say so.
But I am a representative of Eurasianism and the author of the Fourth Political
Theory. At the same time, I am a consistent and radical anti-racist and
opponent of the nation-state project (i.e. an anti-nationalist). Eurasianism has
no relation to fascism. And the Fourth Political Theory emphasizes that while
it is anti-liberal, it is simultaneously anti-communist and anti-fascist. I
think it isn't possible to be clearer, but the propaganda army of the 'third
totalitarianism' disagrees and no arguments will convince it. 1984 should be
sought today not where many think: not in the USSR, not in the Third Reich, but
in the Soros Fund and the 'Brave New World'. Incidentally, Huxley proved to be
more correct than Orwell. I cannot forbid others from calling me a fascist,
although I am not one, though ultimately this reflects badly not so much on me
as on the accusers themselves: fighting an imaginary threat, the accuser misses
a real one. The more stupid, mendacious, and straightforward a liberal is, the
simpler it is to fight with him.





Does
technological change in warfare and in civil government challenge the
geopolitical premises of classical divisions between spaces (Mackinder's view
or Spykman's) heartland-rimland-offshore continents)? And, more broadly
perhaps, does history have a linear or a cyclical pattern, according to you?



Technological development does not at all
abolish the principles of classical geopolitics, simply because Land and Sea
are not substances, but concepts. Land is a centripetal model of order, with a
clearly expressed and constant axis. Sea is a field, without a hard center, of
processuality, atomism, and the possibility of numerous bifurcations. In a
certain sense, air (and hence also aviation) is aeronautics. And even the word
astronaut contains in itself the root 'nautos', from the Greek word for ship.
Water, air, outer space—these are all versions of increasingly diffused Sea.
Land in this situation remains unchanged. Sea strategy is diversified; land
strategy remains on the whole constant. It is possible that this is the reason
for the victory of Land over Sea in the last decade; after all, capitalism and
technical progress are typical attributes of Sea. But taking into consideration
the fundamental character of the balance between Leviathan and Behemoth, the
proportions can switch at any moment; the soaring Titan can be thrown down into
the abyss, like Atlantis, while the reason for the victory of thalassocracy becomes the source of its
downfall. Land remains unchanged as the geographic axis of history. There is
Land and Sea even on the internet and in the virtual world: they are axes and
algorithms of thematization, association and separation, groupings of resources
and protocols. The Chinese internet is terrestrial; the Western one, nautical.





You
have translated a great number of foreign philosophical and geopolitical works
into Russian. How important is knowledge transaction for the formation of your ideas?



I recently completed the
first release of my book Noomachy,
which is entirely devoted precisely to the Logoi of various civilizations, and
hence to the circulation of ideas. I am convinced that each civilization has
its own particular Logos. To grasp it and to find parallels, analogies, and
dissonances in one's own Logos is utterly fascinating and interesting. That is
why I am sincerely interested in the most varied cultures, from North American
to Australian, Arabic to Latin American, Polynesian to Scandinavian. All the
Logoi are different and it is not possible to establish a hierarchy among them.
So it remains for us only to become familiar with them. Henry Corbin, the French
philosopher and Protestant who studied Iranian Shiism his entire life, said of
himself 'We are Shiites'. He wasn't a Shiite in the religious sense, but
without feeling himself a Shiite, he would not be able to penetrate into the
depths of the Iranian Logos. That is how I felt, working on Noomachy or translating philosophical
texts or poetry from other languages: in particular, while learning Pierce and
James, Emerson and Thoreau, Poe and Pound I experienced myself as 'we are
Americans'. And in the volume devoted to China and Japan, as 'we are
Buddhists'. That is the greatest wealth of the Logos of various cultures: both
those like ours and those entirely unlike ours. And these Logoi are at war;
hence, Noomachy, the war of the
intellect. It is not linear and not primitive. It is a great war. It creates
that which we call the 'human', the entire depth and complexity of which we
most often underestimate.





Final
question. You call yourself the 'last philosopher of empire'. What is
Eurasanism and how does it relate to the global pivot of power distributions?



Eurasianism is a developed worldview, to
which I dedicated a few books and a countless number of articles and
interviews. In principle, it lies at the basis of the Theory of a Multipolar
World and the Fourth Political Theory, combined with geopolitics, and it
resonates with Traditionalism. Eurasianism's main thought is plural
anthropology, the rejection of universalism. The meaning of Empire for me is
that there exists not one Empire, but at minimum two, and even more. In the
same way, civilization is never singular; there is always some other
civilization that determines its borders. Schmitt called this the Pluriverse
and considered it the main characteristic of the Political. The Eurasian Empire
is the political and strategic unification of Turan, a geographic axis of history
in opposition to the civilization of the Sea or the Atlanticist Empire. Today,
the USA is this Atlanticist Empire. Kenneth Waltz, in the context of neorealism
in IR, conceptualized the balance of two poles. The analysis is very accurate,
although he erred about the stability of a bipolar world and the duration of
the USSR. But on the whole he is right: there is a global balance of Empires in
the world, not nation-States, the majority of which cannot claim sovereignty,
which remains nominal (Stephen Krasner's (Theory
Talk #21) 'global hypocrisy'). For
precisely that reason, I am a philosopher of Empire, as is almost every
American intellectual, whether he knows it or not. The difference is only that
he thinks of himself as a philosopher of the only Empire, while I think of
myself as the philosopher of one of the Empires, the Eurasian one. I am more
humble and more democratic. That is the whole difference.





Alexander Dugin is a Russian philosopher,
the author of over thirty books on topics including the sociology of the
imagination, structural sociology, ethnosociology, geopolitical theory,
international relations theory, and political theory, including four books on
the German philosopher Martin Heidegger. His most recent books, only available
in Russian at the moment, are Ukraine: My
War and the multi-volume Noomachia:
Wars of the Intellect. Books translated into English include The Fourth Political Theory,
Putin vs. Putin: Vladimir Putin Viewed
From the Right, and Martin Heidegger: The Philosophy of
Another Beginning.






Related links





Who is Alexander Dugin? Interview with Theory Talks editor Michael Millerman (YouTube)
TheFourth Political Theory website (English): 
Evrazia.tv
(Russian) 
Evrazia.tv
(English) 
Geopolitics.ru
(English version)
InternationalEurasian Movement (English version)
Centerfor Conservative Studies (Russian)

Print version of this Talk (pdf) Russian version