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ABSTRACT: The article analyzes the recent Latvian Law by which the State unilaterally declares the autocephaly of the Latvian Orthodox Church. The latter was previously under the Patriarchate of Moscow and all Russias. In addition, the study illustrates the changes made to the Law of Latvia, on the legal status of this Church. Much emphasis is put on the violation of the principle of separation, enshrined in art. 99 of the Latvian Constitution, further addressing the tendency to change the ecclesiastical policy of the European Union as a result of the war in Ukraine.
SUMMARY: 1. The State proclaims by law the autocephaly of the Latvian Orthodox Church - 2. Birth and development of the Latvian Orthodox Church - 3. The Religious Freedom Law and its amendments - 4. The Law on the Latvian Orthodox Church and the amendments made by the Saeima in 2019-2022 - 5. State legislative intervention, separatism and the Constitution - 6. Separatism, secularism and neo-jurisdictionalism in the European Union.

Leadership is an unavoidable part of life in organizations. It's a must-have for any organization that wants to coordinate the actions of its members to achieve its objectives. Therefore, leadership is crucial for human survival, development, and transformation. Leaders in all realms of life make several commitments to strengthen their leadership, enable their societies to improve, survive, and progress. Who has been in charge of our country exactly? We have been affected by numerous leaders, who lack moral power and unfortunately, the public has come to accept these ways of thinking and behaving as the standard. The culture that has emerged since the creation of Bayelsa State in 1996 is the authoritarian personality character of political leadership. Also, the culture of sycophancy and praise-singing has further exacerbated authoritarian leadership style among the leaders that have emerged in the State; an ugly form of hero or demigod worship. This paper uses the Theodor Adorno's Authoritarian Personality Theory as a guide in explaining authoritarianism and the development challenges in Bayelsa State.

Existing scholarship has largely focused on the violence of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) when analyzing their response to the Oslo Agreement and the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PA) in the 1990s. The Islamist opposition's contribution to Palestinian political thought has largely been ignored, however, although the prospects of Palestinian self-rule confronted the two movements with fundamental questions about social organization, governance, and the permissibility of democracy. I offer an analysis of key Hamas and PIJ texts from this period to demonstrate that Hamas and PIJ fundamentally differ in their analysis of the state and the organization of just society. While Hamas outlines a state-centric approach to governance through which Islamic values are enforced from above, PIJ perceives the state to be the greatest threat to the just organization of society. This article consequently dispels the myth that the two Palestinian Islamist movements had no significant ideological differences in the 1990s.

In order to prevent further overuse of prescription opioids, states have adopted a variety of strategies. This article summarizes the growing use of prescription drug monitoring programs, crackdowns on "pill mills," prohibitions on the use of particularly hazardous opioids, limitations on the duration and dosage of prescribed opioids, excise taxes, physician education and patient disclosure requirements, public awareness campaigns, and drug take-back programs. Although occasionally challenged on constitutional grounds, including claims of federal preemption under the Supremacy Clause, discrimination against out-of-state businesses under the dormant Commerce Clause doctrine, and interference with rights of commercial free speech, this article evaluates the possibility that patients might have substantive due process objections against the more aggressive initiatives for unduly burdening a fundamental right of access to narcotic analgesics. In particular, if these regulatory efforts put substantial obstacles in the way of terminally-ill patients seeking palliative care, then states would face a difficult burden of justification.

Abstract
This article examines the evolution over time of attempts to establish an international law principle that States have a legal responsibility, at least under certain circumstances, to combat irregular emigration, defined as the exit of individuals who would be arriving at their destination in a manner that is not compliant with the destination country's immigration laws. Through examination of contemporaneous statements and the travaux préparatoires relating to six separate negotiations, light is shed on the attempts to develop such a norm since the beginning of the 20th century, along with the evolving set of legal and ethical justifications that were used in these processes. The different practical and principled objections employed by States and civil society actors to oppose the development of such a legal norm are also examined. The article concludes that this historical perspective challenges current perceptions that home State controls are of recent origin, and that in fact international migration law is inherently progressive.

The Aliero local government area is located at approximate latitudes 110 03' S, 120 47'N and longitudes 30 6'W and 40 27'E. In kebbi state, north western part of Nigeria, It also has a total area of 412 square kilometers and is bordered in the east by Tambuwal Local government area of Sokoto state in the North West by Birnin Kebbi local government area in the South West by Jega local government area. The study was carried out in Aliero local government area, Kebbi state Nigeria. Leaf exchange is crucial in the lifecycle patterns of a tree species, these also includes leaf fall, leaf emergence, leaf flush, death or senescence (leaf onset and leaf offset). The study of leaf dynamics is termed leaf Phenology. Phonological phases are reoccurring biological events that signal changes in climate, environmental conditions, and genetic factors during the developmental growth of plants. Cassia sieberiana L trees maintained significant foliage was recorded in March in individuals which did not become leafless.

Analytical tools are presently lacking to study the role played by the head of state in the government formation process (GFP). To remedy this absence, this paper provides a detailed analysis of that role. Two variables are of major concern: a) the formal powers of the head of state in the GFP, and b) the control over the GFP held by the parliament. These two variables are used to construct a scheme that shows the pronounced heterogeneity exhibited by GFP patterns. The GFP is seen as the result of an institutionally structured bargaining process in which institutional variations make for major differences in expected outcomes. The analysis reveals a large number of GFP patterns. Examples of the GFP taken from several European countries show the patterns should not be subsumed under broad categories, since overgeneralization may lead to confusion and cause the role played by the head of state and political regimes in European countries to be misunderstood.

This article explains how the US's employment of racial state projects directly affected efforts to unionise farm workers in California – the 1942 Bracero Program which imported Mexican agricultural workers into the US Southwest, and Japanese internment, which forcibly moved Japanese people from their homes in US Pacific coast states to internment camps situated throughout the country. Both projects decimated the momentum and militancy of the farm worker movement. Thus, the projects created a period of suspended social movement activity in which farm labour organisers directed their energies away from confrontation with growers and towards confrontations with the state. The state's emergence as a central actor in the farm labour struggle managed to exploit the differences in terms of land-ownership/class and citizenship rights between groups of workers: 'white' Americans, Mexican Americans, Japanese, Filipino and Braceros – non-citizen Mexican workers brought in on a temporary basis. All of which weakened the capacity for joint action – until the mid-1960s.

This article presents a critical discourse analysis of the Baltic states' self-positioning within European foreign policy. It argues that, despite certain relief in their immediate security concerns after the dual enlargement of the EU and NATO, the shift from existential politics to normal politics by the Baltic states is far from being accomplished. The way in which the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have responded to the construction of their identity as 'Europe but not Europe' throughout the enlargement processes of the EU and NATO has been largely neglected in empirical studies on their post-Cold War self-conceptualizations in the European arena. Yet, the experience of being framed as simultaneously in Europe and not quite European has left a constitutive imprint on the current security imaginary of the Baltic states. William Connolly's concept of the politics of becoming is thus applied to analyse the Baltic version of becoming a subject in the field of common European foreign policy.