Gedurende de voorbije decennia zijn er wereldwijd heel wat initiatieven ondernomen om de verkeersonveiligheid terug te dringen. Maar ondanks deze inspanningen blijft het aantal ongevallen en verkeersslachtoffers onverantwoord hoog. Om de verkeersveiligheid te verhogen worden daarom doelstellingen vooropgesteld en maatregelen genomen. De vooropgestelde reductie van het aantal verkeersongevallen en –slachtoffers binnen een bepaalde tijdspanne werkt vaak als een extra motivatie voor de betrokken partijen om nog bijkomende inspanningen te leveren en een concreet verkeersveiligheidsprogramma op te stellen en acties te ondernemen. Om de vooropgestelde doelstellingen in Vlaanderen te bereiken, heeft de Vlaamse overheid een Verkeersveiligheidsplan Vlaanderen (Departement Mobiliteit en Openbare Werken, 2008) opgesteld waarin 33 verkeersveiligheidsmaatregelen werden voorgesteld. Deze beleidsaanpak moet er voor zorgen dat het aantal doden en zwaargewonde verkeersslachtoffers teruggedrongen wordt tot een maximum van 250 doden en 2 000 zwaargewonden tegen 2015 (Departement Mobiliteit en Openbare Werken, 2008). In 2020 zouden deze aantallen nog verder gedaald moeten zijn tot 200 doden en 1 500 zwaargewonden (Vlaanderen in Actie, 2011). In dit onderzoek wordt een model voor Vlaanderen ontwikkeld dat ons in staat stelt om het effect op de verkeersveiligheid in Vlaanderen te kwantificeren wanneer we een set van regionale en lokale maatregelen doorrekenen. De methodologie draagt er toe bij dat enerzijds inzicht verkregen wordt in de mate waarin de voorgestelde maatregelen bijdragen tot het bereiken van de vooropgestelde verkeersveiligheidsdoelstellingen en dat anderzijds maatregelen tegenover elkaar kunnen afgewogen worden. Meer concreet worden in dit Vlaamse rekenmodel op een stapsgewijze manier de effecten van een maatregelenpakket doorgerekend. De toepassing richt zich op een set van zes verkeersveiligheidsmaatregelen uit het Verkeersveiligheidsplan Vlaanderen (Departement Mobiliteit en Openbare Werken, 2008) die op regionale of lokale schaal op wegvakken geïmplementeerd worden. Bovendien wordt er een uitsplitsing gemaakt naar drie wegtypes: autosnelwegen, gewestwegen en gemeentewegen. De methodologie bestaande uit 5 stappen is gebaseerd op Reurings et al. (2009). (1) In de eerste stap van het model wordt de verkeerssituatie en de verkeersveiligheidssituatie in het referentiejaar (2007) beschreven. (2) Daarna wordt de baselineprognose uitgewerkt waarin het aantal letselongevallen, doden, zwaar- en lichtgewonden berekend wordt voor de periode 2008 tot 2015 wanneer er enkel rekening wordt gehouden met de veranderingen van de verkeersprestatie en de autonome verandering van het risico. (3) In de maatregelprognose worden, naast deze twee aspecten, ook de effecten van het maatregelpakket in rekening gebracht. (4) Dit leidt tot een voorspelling van het aantal bespaarde letselongevallen, doden en zwaar- en lichtgewonde slachtoffers op wegvakken in Vlaanderen in 2015 berekend in geval een maatregelpakket (bestaande uit zes maatregelen) wordt geïmplementeerd tussen 2008 en 2015. (5) Op basis van de besparingen en de investeringskosten wordt een kosten-batenanalyse geïllustreerd. Graag willen we benadrukken dat de beschrijving van de methodologie en de inventarisatie van de datanoden de belangrijkste focus van deze studie is. Daarnaast wordt in dit rapport het model zo goed mogelijk geïmplementeerd aan de hand van een illustratie die gebaseerd is op de meest recente datasets die ter beschikking waren toen de studie van start ging (eind 2010). Omdat de resultaten van deze illustratieve doorrekening sterk beïnvloed worden door de vele aannames die (moeten) gebeuren doorheen het rekenproces, willen we extra benadrukken dat de bekomen resultaten enkel een richting aangeven en zeker geen enkele getalmatige waarde hebben. De illustratie is dus een 'proof of concept'. In het algemeen kunnen we besluiten dat dit rekenmodel veel mogelijkheden biedt voor beleidsmakers om hun beleid te optimaliseren en af te stemmen op de vooropgestelde verkeersveiligheidsdoelstellingen. Ondanks de relatief ver gevorderde uitwerking van het model zijn er enkele aspecten waarmee men rekening dient te houden bij toekomstig onderzoek en gebruik. Hierbij denken we aan het hoge detailniveau van de gebruikte datasets, de gedetailleerde beschrijving van de geplande maatregelen, de beperkte beschikbaarheid van (gedetailleerde) Vlaamse informatie over de effectiviteit van maatregelen en het ongevallenprofiel. Eén van de grote uitdagingen voor deze methodologie zou de implementatie zijn in een GIS-applicatie. ; In the last few decades, many initiatives were taken world-wide to reduce traffic unsafety. However, in spite of these efforts the number of accidents and traffic casualties remains inordinately high. Therefore targets are set and measures are taken to increase traffic safety. The aimed reduction of the number of traffic accidents and casualties within a certain time frame often constitutes an extra motivation for concerned parties to make additional efforts and draw up a concrete road safety plan and take action. To meet the targeted objectives in Flanders, the Flemish government has formulated the Road Safety Plan Flanders (Department Mobility and Public Works, 2008) in which 33 road safety measures were presented. This policy has to ensure that the number of fatalities and seriously injured are pushed back to a maximum of 250 fatalities and 2,000 seriously injured in 2015 (Department Mobility and Public Works, 2008). In 2020, these numbers have to be reduced even further to 200 fatalities and 1,500 seriously injured (Flanders in Action, 2011). In this research, a model for Flanders is developed which enables us to quantify the impact on traffic safety in Flanders when considering a set of regional and locational measures. On the one hand, the used methodology allows us to gain insight in the degree to which the planned measures will contribute to meet the targeted road safety objectives and on the other, it allows us to compare measures with each other. More specifically, in this Flemish computational model, the impact of a set of measures is calculated step by step. The application focuses on a set of six road safety measures from the Road Safety Plan Flanders (Department Mobility and Works, 2008) which are being implemented on road segments on a regional or locational scale. Moreover, a distinction is made between three road types: highways, secondary roads and local roads. The methodology, which consists of 5 steps, was based on Reurings et al. (2009). (1) In the first step of the model a description is given of the traffic situation and the traffic safety situation in the reference year (2007). (2) Subsequently, the baseline prognosis is made. In this prognosis the number of injury accidents, fatalities, and seriously and slightly injured casualties is calculated for the period from 2008 until 2015, only taking into account changes in the number of vehicle kilometres and the autonomous risk change. (3) In addition to these two aspects, the measure prognosis also takes into account the impact of the set of measures. (4) This leads to a prediction of the reduction of injury accidents, fatalities and seriously and slightly injured casualties on road segments in Flanders in 2015, calculated based on the implementation of a set of measures (consisting of six measures) between 2008 and 2015. (5) Based on savings and investment costs, a cost-benefit analysis is illustrated. We would like to emphasize that the main focus of this study lies in the description of the methodology and an inventory of data needs. In this report the model is moreover implemented as well as possible by means of an illustration based on the most recent data sets which were available at the start of the study (end of 2010). Since the results of this illustrative calculation are strongly influenced by the many assumptions that had to be taken throughout the computational process, we want to explicitly emphasize that the obtained results only indicate a direction and should by no means be taken literally. The illustration is therefore a 'proof of concept'. In general we can conclude that this computational model offers a lot of opportunities for policymakers to optimize and attune their policy to the targeted road safety objectives. Despite the relatively advanced development of the model, there are some aspects which have to be taken into account in future research and use. Examples are the high level of detail of the used data sets, the detailed description of the planned measures and the limited availability of (detailed) Flemish information on the effectiveness of measures and accident profiles. One of the big challenges for this methodology would be its implementation in a GIS-application.
Dottorato di ricerca in Economia e territorio ; Le aziende agrarie stanno affrontando un momento di particolare difficoltà, per l'aumento dei costi di produzione e le imprevedibili oscillazioni di mercato dei prodotti agricoli; esiste, inoltre, l'incertezza sulle scelte future di Politica Agricola Comunitaria. Le medio-grandi aziende estensive, poste in aree marginali, hanno basato il loro ordinamento su attività dipendenti dal regime di compensazioni comunitario. Le nuove prospettive della multifunzionalità, connesse con la capacità propria del settore agricolo di produrre Beni Pubblici, possono consentire alle aziende di fornire dei servizi diretti alla collettività. La fornitura di tali servizi può essere finanziata dal PSR ed altri strumenti di pianificazione (Life, POR, etc.) e sarà, probabilmente, integrata nella attesa Riforma della PAC. In tale ottica, sono stati analizzati gli aspetti della domanda di caccia e le tipologie di attività proposte, da parte di aziende agrarie. La caccia è un'attività di antica tradizione, che in Italia gode di un particolare ordinamento dell'attività venatoria. L'unica forma di istituto venatorio che consenta, secondo il nostro ordinamento giuridico, di trasformare la selvaggina cacciabile in risorsa del proprietario del fondo è l'Azienda agrituristica venatoria (o Aatv). Oggetto della tesi è l'indagine su di un gruppo di aziende agrituristico venatorie, attive in due province del Centro Italia e dotate, in quasi tutti i casi, di agriturismo, attivo sia per i cacciatori, sia per ospiti non praticanti la caccia. La metodologia applicata è stata basata sulla selezione, mediante interviste a testimoni privilegiati, di un gruppo di Aatv, attive nelle province di Terni e Grosseto. Dopo aver contattato gli imprenditori che gestiscono le aziende, gli stessi sono stati intervistati, presso l'azienda, compilando, insieme con loro, un modello, in cui venivano analizzati diversi aspetti aziendali: tipo ed entità di attività agricole esistenti, destinazione delle superfici, strutture venatorie realizzate ed investimenti relativi; sono stati elaborati dei conti economici, che tenessero conto dei costi di gestione medi e delle tipologie di caccia offerte. Nello stesso modello, sono stati esaminati gli aspetti basilari dell'agriturismo, soprattutto per le connessioni tra attività venatoria ed ospitalità. Sulla base delle interviste, sono stati elaborati dei sintetici conti economici, che hanno consentito di sviluppare degli indicatori di bilancio, quali incidenza dei singoli costi della gestione venatoria (sorveglianza, lavoro, alimentazione, acquisti di selvaggina, manutenzioni ed ammortamenti delle strutture), sulla produzione lorda vendibile. Per i ricavi medi stimati, sono state elaborate delle disaggregazioni per tipologie di caccia. Sono stati anche descritti gli effetti nella produzione di Public goods (mantenimento del paesaggio, tutela del territorio e delle strutture aziendali, diminuzione della pressione venatoria sul territorio a libera caccia e sulle specie migratorie, maggior controllo in generale delle attività venatorie), da parte delle aziende oggetto della tesi. Gli obiettivi dell'analisi erano, sostanzialmente, riconducibili alla valutazione dell'esistenza o meno di una redditività, nonché della trasferibilità di questa tipologia di aziende. I risultati considerati sono, in primo luogo, la minore redditività delle Aatv, rispetto gli anni passati, per maggiore concorrenza e per il momento economico. La redditività è legata alla figura dell'imprenditore, alla sua capacità relazionale e di saper attirare le tipologie di clienti, con possibilità di caccia non ordinarie. Anche la gestione dell'azienda agraria ha importanza, perché può fornire come produzione secondaria sostentamento per la fauna. Per l'agriturismo, la presenza dei cacciatori usa la struttura ad autunno-inverno, quando l'afflusso di agrituristi ordinari è minimo. In media, dalle 50-60 notti di impegno per singolo letto all'anno si può arrivare alle 70 - 80 notti, che consentono di incrementare sensibilmente il reddito aziendale. La conclusione è che le aziende che riescono a mantenere, anche in momenti di crisi, una certa redditività sono soprattutto quelle che ottengono delle sensibili sinergie ed economie di scopo tra i diversi settori aziendali. ; Agricultural farms are presently facing particular difficulties due to the increase of production costs on one hand and the occurrence of unpredictable fluctuations of agricultural products markets on the other; additionally, there exists also uncertainty of Common Agricultural Policy choices to be taken in the future. Medium and large sized farms, practicing extensive production and located in marginal areas have based their production patterns overall on activities benefiting from the European Community compensation scheme. New prospective of multifunctionality, related to the agricultural sector specific capacity to produce public goods, allows farms to provide direct services to the community. The provision of such services may be funded by the Rural Development Plan (RDP) and other planning tools (Life, ROP, etc.) and will probably be integrated into the pending reform of the CAP. In this context, the aspects of the application for hunting and the types of activities proposed by agricultural companies have been analyzed. Hunting is an activity of ancient tradition, which in Italy benefits from a particular ordering. The only formal possibility, according to italian legal system, to enable that game present on a farm's territory, become a resource for the same farm is the establishment of a Agri-Tourism and Fee Hunting Farm, "Azienda Agri-turistica Venatoria" (Aatv). Scope of the present Thesis is a research implemented on a group of Aatv, located in two provinces of central Italy and having, in almost all cases, agri-tourism facilities, open for both active hunters and guests who do not practice hunting. The methodology used has been based on the selection, made by interviews with privileged witnesses, of a group of Aatv active in the province of Terni and Grosseto. Entrepreneurs who run businesses were contacted and interviewed in the respective farms. In occasion of interviews and together with the entrepreneurs, a model of their farm was built permitting hence to analyze various aspects of business: type and extent of existing agricultural activities, land use pattern, hunting structures and related investments; economic accounts, which took into account average costs and types of hunting opportunities, have been accordingly developed. In the same model were also investigated some basic aspects of the farm, and, in particular, inter-relations between agritourism and hunting activities. On the basis of the interviews synthetic economic accounts have been developed, permitting hence to develop budget related indicators, such as the impact of costs related to different aspects/elements of hunting management (security, workforce, food, game purchase, maintenance and depreciation of structures) on gross marketable production. Average revenue estimates were drawn up by type of hunting. Effects on the production of public goods (landscape conservation, protection of land and corporate structures, reduced hunting pressure on the territory, better control of hunting in general) by subject farms were also described. The objectives of the analysis were substantially related to the assessment of the level of profitability, as well as to the replicability potential of the identified models. The results have indicated that current level of profitability of Aatv, which is currently lower than in the past years, is due to, on one hand, to increased competition and, on the other, to the current economic climate. It has also been observed that the level of profitability is linked to ability of the entrepreneur in relating with and attracting the customers with hunting possibility, which may be out of ordinary. Also the farm management is important, as it can provide inputs/support for wildlife production. Regarding agri-tourism, the presence of hunters is concentrated mainly in autumn-winter season, when the presence of other guests is minimal. On average, the presence of hunters results in an increased number of overnights, raising hence from about 50-60 nights per bed per year to about 70 - 80 nights/bed/year, which permits to substantially increase the farm income. The conclusion shows that farms which are able to maintain, even in times of crisis, a certain profitability are primarily those that are able to create significant synergies and economies of scope among the different farm branches.
In East Africa 70-80 % of the population is subsistence farmers. The rural health system is often poorly equipped both with personnel and medicines, and many depend on the use of medicinal plants for their primary health care. Malaria is the single most serious cause of morbidity, mortality and poverty, partly because the parasite causing the disease, Plasmodium falciparum, has developed resistance towards the most common and affordable medicines, and the fact that a large part of the population is malnourished. In East Africa many plants are used in the treatment of malaria, but most of them are poorly investigated for effect and safety. Bark and roots of trees are often used for medicine, and some of the trees are locally threatened because of population increase and deforestation. Traditional medicine has received increased attention from governments in Tanzania and Uganda. In Tanzania laws and regulations on management of natural resources and traditional medicine, which are in line with the Convention on Biological Diversity, are now in place. However, important ecosystems for medicinal plants are heavily degraded. In Uganda laws and regulations for traditional medicine are now under debate in the government. Experiments on germination and seedling growth for two Ugandan medicinal trees, Mitragyna (Hallea) rubrostipulata and Sarcocephalus latifolius, was conducted in controlled environments. Both needed light to germinate, Mitragyna rubrostipulata had a temperature optimum at 25°C with 79 % germination, while germination for Sarcocephalus latifolius after 28 days was around 60 % for the temperatures 20-35°C. A germination field experiment failed, indicated that these species need assistance from nursery to be able to establish in degraded areas. The framework tree species method was chosen to conserve and gain more knowledge about local medicinal trees. In this method 25-40 different local woody species are raised in nursery and planted in a single event in a mixed stand. The intention is to encourage regeneration of degraded forest. We raised and planted 27 mainly indigenous woody species in three plots in April 2008, and monitored survival and growth for 13 months. Eleven species turned out to be excellent framework species, while eight others were acceptable. Some of the important medicinal trees we failed to cultivate, partly because they have become so rare that we did not find seeds. Total antioxidant activity (AOA) in 35 Ugandan fruits and vegetables were measured using the Ferro Reducing Ability of Plasma (FRAP) method. The results showed large variation in AOA from 72.5 ± 13.5 (Syzygium cuminii seeds) to 0.09 ± 0.05 (Curcubita maxima fruit) mmol/100 g fresh weight. Antioxidant activity per serving was calculated, and the food with heighest AOA per serving were pomegranat (Punica granatum), Canarium schweinfurthii, guava (Psidium guajava), mango (Mangifera indica) and tree tomato (Cyphomandra betacea) with values from 8.91 to 3.00 mmol/serving. AOA for Ugandan mango in this study was five times higher than values found in another study of mangoes bought in Norway. In Uganda the intake of antioxidants can be relative easily increased by adding more of the fruits that are abundant in the fruiting seasons and green leafy vegetables. Raw extracts from tree medicinal plants that are used to treat malaria in Uganda were tested for antioxidant (DPPH, FRAP, Total phenols) and anti-plasmodial activity. The water extract of Mitragyna rubrostipulata showed highest anti-plasmodial activity (IC50= 1.95 μg/ml), and high antioxidant activity as well. Thirteen other extracts showed high anti-plasmodial activity ranging from 2.12 to 3.63 μg/ml (chloroquine control: IC50= 8 μg/ml). There was high correlation between the different antioxidant assays. In March – April 2009 twenty-eight traditional birth attendants and healers from Mbarara District in Western Uganda were interviewed about how they use plants to treat malaria. Altogether they used 57 different plant species from 27 families. Asteraceae was most common, with 17 species used, followed by Fabaceae (8) and Lamiaceae (5). Leaves were the most commonly used plant part, and in most cases fresh leaves were either pounded and juice squeezed out, or decoction were made for oral intake. More than 80 % of the recipes included Vernonia amygdalina, a species used for treatment of malaria all over Africa, and for which effect has been documented. ; I Øst Afrika er 70-80 % av befolkningen selvforsyningsbønder. Det lokale helsesystemet er ofte dårlig bemannet og utstyrt, og mange baserer seg på den tradisjonelle bruken av medisinplanter for å behandle vanlige sykdommer. Malaria er den viktigste enkeltårsaken til sykdom, død og fattigdom, delvis fordi parasitten som forårsaker sykdommen har utviklet resistens overfor de vanligste og rimeligste medisinene, og fordi en stor del av befolkningen er under- eller feilernært. Mange planter blir brukt til behandling av malaria, men de fleste er dårlig undersokt for effekt og sikkerhet. Bark og røtter av trær brukes ofte medisinsk, og noen trær er lokalt truet på grunn av befolkningsøkning og avskoging. I Tanzania og Uganda har den tradisjonelle medisinen fått økende oppmerksomhet fra myndighetene. Tanzania har nå lovverket på plass for forvalting av natur ressurser og praktisering av "Traditional Medicine" i samsvar med Konvensjonen om Biologisk Mangfold, mens i Uganda er fortsatt disse lovene under debatt. Viktige økosystem for medisinplanter er ødelagte. Spirings- og vekstforsøk for to medisinske trær, Sarcocephalus latifolius og Mitragyna (Hallea) rubrostipulata ble utført i kontrollerte omgivelser. Begge trengte lys for a spire, Mitragyna rubrostipulata hadde temperaturoptimum for 25°C med 79 % spiring, mens spiring for Sarcocephalus latifolius etter 28 dager var rundt 60 % for temperaturene 20-35°C. Såforsøk i felt var mislykket og tyder på at gjenetablering av disse artene i degraderte omrader er avhengig av oppal i planteskole. "The framework tree species method" ble valgt for å bevare og få bedre kjennskap til lokale medisinske trær. Denne metoden innebærer oppal og utplanting av 25-40 forskjellige treslag samtidig med den hensikt å fremme regenerering av skog. Vi plantet ut 27 hovedsakelig lokale treslag i tre felt i april 2008, og registrerte overlevelse og vekst i et år. Elleve arter viste meget god overlevelse og vekst, mens åtte flere hadde akseptabel vekst. Noen viktige medisinske trær har vi foreløpig ikke klart å oppformere, delvis fordi de har blitt så sjeldne at vi ikke klarte å finne frø. Total antioksidant aktivitet (AOA) i 35 ugandiske frukt og gøonnsaker ble malt ved hjelp av FRAP (Ferro Reducing Ability of Plasma). Resultatene vist stor variasjon i AOA fra 72,5 ± 13,5 (Syzygium cuminii fro) til 0,09 ± 0,05 (Curcubita maxima frukt) mmol/100 g fersk vekt. Antioksidant aktivitet per porsjon ble kalkulert, og de matvarene som hadde høyest AOA per porsjon var granateple (Punica granatum), Canarium schweinfurthii, guava (Psidium guajava), mango (Mangifera indica) og tretomat (Cyphomandra betacea) med verdier fra 8,91 til 3,00 mmol/porsjon. AOA for Ugandisk mango i dette forsøket var fem ganger sa høy som verdier målt i mango kjøpt i Norge. Inntak av antioksidanter kan relativt lett økes ved å innta mer av de matvarene som har høy AOA, og som mange steder er tilgjengelige i overflod i fruktsesongen. Råekstrakter fra tre medisinplanter (Mitragyna rubrostipulata, Vernonia adoensis and Zanthoxylum chalybeum), som brukes i Uganda til behandling av malaria, ble testet for antioksidant (DPPH, FRAP, Total fenoler) og anti-plasmodial aktivitet. Vi fant at vannekstraktet av Mitragyna rubrostipulata hadde høyest anti-plasmodial aktivitet (IC50= 1,95 μg/ml), samt høy antioksidant aktivitet. Tretten andre ekstrakter hadde høye anti-plasmodiale aktiviteter med verdier mellom 2,12 til 3,63 μg/ml (klorokin kontroll: IC50= 8 μg/ml). Vi fant høy korrelasjon mellom de forskjellige antioksidant-testene. I mars - april 2009 ble 28 tradisjonelle fødselshjelpere fra Mbarara distrikt i det vestlige Uganda intervjuet om hvordan de bruker planter for a behandle malaria. De brukte til sammen 57 forskjellige arter fra 23 familier. Korgplantefamilien var den vanligste, med hele 17 arter, dernest erteblomstfamilien (8) og leppeblomstfamilien (5). Blader av urtene var den vanligste plantedelen brukt, og i de fleste tilfeller ble enten friske blader knust og plantesaften presset ut, eller det ble laget avkok av ferske eller tørkede plantedeler. Over 80 % av oppskriftene innbefattet Vernonia amygdalina, som er brukt til behandling av malaria over store deler av Afrika, og hvor effekt er dokumentert.
[spa] La presente tesis doctoral se inscribe en la valoración del pensamiento de Otloh de San Emeramo, siglo XI. Un autor poco estudiado en el entorno de la Filosofía del Medioevo. A nuestro estudio lo hemos dividido en cuatro partes. En la primera desarrollamos el entorno histórico señalando las características políticas, monacales, clericales, con las que Otloh convivió en un conflictivo Año Mil y que posibilitaron el surgimiento de una teología y de una cultura monástica afincada en la reforma benedictina. El estudio de este contexto nos proporcionó los elementos simbólicos que habrían regido las prácticas sociales. Unas prácticas que no se agotaron en su realización material sino que produjeron otredades tanto beneficiosas como negativas para el espíritu inquieto del monje. Otloh refiere la vida monacal y marginal en sus narraciones, aportando con su escritura hagiográfica, que enlaza con su función de historiador, un relato pormenorizado de la vida en el claustro y en el siglo que enriquece su dote filosófica. Una segunda parte en la que tratamos específicamente de Otloh: su vida, su obra y las características particulares que supo darles. De esta aproximación a su persona surge nuestra interpretación de los supuestos intelectuales en los que se basa, haciendo hincapié, entre otros autores, en Lucano, el poeta que tanto le perturbó. Para ello intentamos instalarnos en su posible clave de lector. A partir de aquí desarrollamos el parágrafo que titulamos «Derrotero de su conversión», un espacio laberíntico en conflictos e indecisiones determinado por las visiones, las lecturas y las mudas imposiciones y el «temor de Dios», cerrando esta segunda parte con sus antecedentes filosóficos. En la tercera parte, expusimos el tema que da título a la presente tesis: «Duda y dialéctica». Para ello, comenzamos analizando el aspecto ético derivado de la conversión y de sus temores, para pasar a considerar la simonía como una acción que condujo a Otloh a la negación de la utilización de la dialéctica en casos bien explícitos. Además señalamos cómo esa situación provocó una querella entre dialécticos y antidialécticos; en ella la posición de nuestro monje benedictino es ambigua a simple vista pero bien definida en sus detalles. Concluimos con una visión semántica y semiótica acerca de lo que Otloh entendía por Artes Liberales, Filosofía y Teología en sus interrelaciones. La cuarta parte la dedicamos por entero a la duda, en todos los aspectos que hemos podido considerar que ella se presenta en la obra y en el espíritu de Otloh, la epistemología que de ella surge. La imposibilidad de dejar de dudar aparece como fuente epistémico-gnoseológica, de esta manera, el mundo es visto por los hombres y en especial por los monjes como un universo de «lenguaje» en su tarea de acceder al desciframiento de lo «simbólico». La imagen aparece como reflejo de la realidad, mediatizada por la regla religiosa que le provoca, al monje, una particular visión de sí mismo en relación con los diferentes mundos. Concluimos esta cuarta y última parte exponiendo la propuesta de solución que Otloh encuentra al problema fe-razón. Finalizamos la tesis mencionando en qué basamos la originalidad de su pensamiento y las futuras líneas investigativas que de este estudio se derivan. La conclusión ha querido señalar la contribución del monje al desarrollo de la cultura occidental a través de su esfuerzo en recuperar la fortaleza y responsabilidad individual para la toma de decisiones y el doble «uso» que hace Otloh de los poetas y filósofos. Ellos le permiten ver la heteronomía, los convencionalismos, la contingencia; en definitiva, la desigualdad. De esta manera nuestro estudio rescata a un pensador que en medio de contradicciones considera a la dialéctica como la ciencia más importante del trivium. ; [eng] This doctoral thesis is an evaluation of the thought of Otloh of Saint Emeram (XIth century) an author little studied in the context of Medieval Philosophy. The presentation is divided in four parts. (1) In the first part we present the historic background, underlining the various contexts political, monastic, clerical in which Otloh moved in a somewhat conflict-ridden year 1,000 and which made possible the growth of a theology and a monastic culture based on the Benedictine reform. The study of this context gives us the symbolic elements which will have guided the social practices which were not restricted to their physical expression, but which generated other takes on reality both beneficial and negative on the restless spirit of this monk. Otloh refers to monastic life in his hagiographic writings in his role as a historian, giving us a detailed vision of life in the cloister and in the century which feed his philosophical outlook. (2) The second part deals specifically with Otloh: his life, his work and the particular characteristics he gave to them. This understanding of his personality is the basis of our interpretation of his intellectual background, especially re his use, among other authors, of the poet Lucan, the use of whose work seriously perturbed him. For that reason we try to put ourselves in his possible frame of mind as he read him. From there we develop the section we have called "The Way of Conversion" a labyrinth of conflicts and indecisions marked by visions, readings, mental restrictions and the "fear of God" as laid down in the Rule of St. Benedict. This we reconstruct from what he tells us in his writings, using as a guideline his work "De suis tentationibus". We close this second part considering his philosophical background. (3) In the third part we present the theme which gives title to this thesis "Doubt and Dialectic". For that, we begin by analysing the ethical aspect arising from his conversion and fears, to pass then to consider simony as an activity which leads Otloh to deny dialectics in quite specific circumstances. In addition we show how this situation provoked a struggle between "dialectics" & "antidialectics". In this, the position of our Benedictine monk is at first sight ambiguous, but actually quite clear in its details. We conclude with a presentation both semantic and semiotic of what Otloh understood as Liberal Arts, Philosophy and Theology. (4) This fourth part concentrates entirely on "Doubt" in all the aspects which we have been able to consider as presented in the works of Otloh. That includes the interaction with his illness, the epistemology that arises therefrom. The impossibility to stop doubting functions as an epistemo-gnoseologic mechanism. In this way, the world is seen by men and especially by the monks as a universe of "languages" and we use the plural because many come to the surface in the attempt to decipher the "symbolic". The image appears as a reflection of reality, mediated by the religious Rule which gives the monk a specific view of himself in relation to the different worlds. We conclude this fourth and final section outlining the solution Otloh proposes for the faith-reason problem. Conclusion: We finish this thesis by noting the originality of his thought and the lines of future investigation sparked off by this study. Our conclusion has tried to point out the contribution of Otloh to the development of Western culture via his efforts to recover individual strength and responsability in decision-making, and the double "use" which Otloh makes of poets and philosophers. These allow him to see the heteronomy, the cliché, the contingency: in other words the inequality. In this way, our study brings to light a thinker who, in the midst of contradictions, judges dialectic as the most important science of the trivium.
Quaderni della Rivista di Cultura classica e medievale 1–7, 1999, 2001, 2002bis, 2003, 2004bis. (Heikki Solin) Sapheneia. Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie 1, 2, 4–11, Hrsg. M. Billerbeck - B. K. Braswell 1997, 1998, 2000 (bis), 2002, 2003, 2004 (bis), 2006. (Heikki Solin) Primum legere. Annuario delle attività della delegazione della Valle del Sarno dell'A.I.C.C. A c. di G. Caiazza – A. Esposito, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Corona coronaria. Festschrift für Hans-Otto Kröner zum 75. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von S. Harwardt - J. Schwind, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Nova de veteribus. Mittel- und neulateinische Studien für Paul Gerhard Schmidt. Hrsg. von A. Bihrer - E. Stein, 2004. (Heikki Solin) Mittelalter und Renaissance. In honorem Fritz Wagner. Hrsg. von A. Lozar - S. De Vito-Egerland, 2004. (Heikki Solin) Homo pictor. Hrsg. von G. Boehm. Red. S. E. Hauser, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Ricerche di antichità e tradizione classica. A cura di E. Lanzillotta, 2004. (Heikki Solin) Unfreie Arbeits- und Lebensverhältnisse von der Antike bis in die Gegenwart. Eine Einführung. Hrsg. von E. Herrmann-Otto, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Gab es das Griechische Wunder? Griechenland zwischen dem Ende des 6. und der Mitte des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Hrsg. von D. Papenfuß und V.M. Strocka, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Santuari e luoghi di culto nell'Italia antica. A cura di L. Quilici - S. Quilici Gigli, 2003. (Heikki Solin) Viabilità e insediamenti nell'Italia antica. A cura di L. Quilici - S. Quilici Gigli, 2004. (Heikki Solin) Theodor Mommsens langer Schatten. Das römische Staatsrecht als bleibende Herausforderung für die Forschung. Hrsg. von W. Nippel - B. Seidensticker, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Theodor Mommsen: Gelehrter, Politiker und Literat. Hrsg. von J. Wiesehöfer, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Epitheta deorum apud Homerum. The Epithetic Phrases for the Homeric Gods. Edited by J. H. Dee, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Sophocles: Selected Fragmentary Plays. Volume I. Edited with Introductions, Translations and Commentaries by A. H. Sommerstein, D. Fitzpatrick and T. Talboy, 2006. (Vesa Vahtikari) C. Schefer: Platons unsagbare Erfahrung. Ein anderer Zugang zu Platon, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Euripides: Electra. Edidit G. Basta Donzelli, 2002. (Heikki Solin) Aristoteles och Pseudo-Xenofon om Athenarnas statsförfattning, Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία. Övers. och noter av S. Wahlgren, 2001 (Heikki Solin) New Testament Greek. A Reader, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Soranos: Kvinnolära, Om graviditet, förlossningskonst, spädbarnsvård och kvinnosjukdomar, Γυναικεια. Översättning av S. Törnkvist - I. Ursing, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Philipp Brandenburg: Apollonios Dyskolos. Über das Pronomen, 2005. (Anneli Luhtala) Sortes Astrampsychi. Vol. II. Edidit R. Stewart, 2001. (Heikki Solin) T. Maccius Plautus: Den skrävlande soldaten. Miles gloriosus. Tolk., inled. och anm. av A. Önnerfors, 2001. (Heikki Solin) G. Graf v. Gries: "Hercle" ante Herculem natum? 2003. (Heikki Solin) E. Karakasis: Terence and the Language of Roman Comedy, 2005. (Hilla Halla-aho) M. Porcius Cato: Über den Ackerbau. Hrsg. übers. und erl. v. D. Flach, 2005. (Paavo Castrén) Virgil: Aeneid 3. A Commentary by N. Horsfall, 2006. (Hannu Riikonen) P. Naso Ovidius: Carmina amatoria. Amores, Medicamenta faciei femineae, Ars amatoria, Remedia amoris. Ed. A. Ramírez de Verger, 2006. (Heikki Solin) Hyginus: Fabulae. Ed. P.K. Marshall, 2004. (Heikki Solin) Lactantius (L. Caelius Firmianus): Göttliche Unterweisungen in Kurzform. Eingel., übers. und erl. v. E. Heck und G. Schickler, 2001 (Heikki Solin) Boethius: De consolatione philosophiae. Opuscula theologica. Ed. C. Moreschini, 2005. (Heikki Solin) Collectio Psalterii Bedae Venerabili adscripta. Edidit G. M. Browne, 2001. (Heikki Solin) I. Balde: Liber epodon. Ed. U. Winter, 2002. (Heikki Solin) Hildebertus Cenomannensis episcopus: Carmina minora. Rec. A. Brian Scott, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Hrotsvit: Opera omnia. Ed. W. Berschin, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Io. Genesius Sepulveda Cordubensis: Epistolarum libri septem. Ed. J.J. Valverde Abril, 2003. (Heikki Solin) Antichi e moderni nella filosofia di età imperiale. Atti del II colloquio internazionale Roma. A c. di A. Brancacci, 2001. (Heikki Solin) M. Pani: Le ragioni della storiografia in Grecia e a Roma, 2001. (Heikki Solin) L. Porciani: Prime forme della storiografia greca. Prospettiva locale e generale nella narrazione storica, 2001. (Heikki Solin) E. Segal: The Death of Comedy, 2001. (Heikki Solin) J. Farrell: Latin Language and Latin Culture from Ancient to Modern Times, 2001. (Heikki Solin) A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. Volume IV: Macedonia, Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black Sea. Editors P. M. Fraser and E. Matthews, 2005. (Martti Leiwo) M. Morandi Tarabella: Prosopographia Etrusca. I Corpus. 1. Etruria Meridionale, 2004. (Jorma Kaimio) Becoming Roman, Writing Latin? Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West. Edited by A. E. Cooley, 2002. (Kalle Korhonen) Supplementa Italica. Imagines. Supplementi fotografici ai volumi italiani del CIL. Latium Vetus I. Di M.G. Granino Cecere, 2005. (Olli Salomies) Historia Numorum: Italy. Gen. Ed. K. N. Rutter, 2001. (Heikki Solin) F. Gschnitzer: Kleine Schriften zum griechischen und römischen Altertum I-II. Hrsg. von C. Trümpy und T. Schmitt, 2001, 2003. (Heikki Solin) N. Morley: Theories, Models and Concepts in Ancient History, 2004. (Harri Kiiskinen) Serta antiqua et mediaevalia VII: Il cittadino, lo straniero, il barbaro, fra integrazione ed emarginazione nell'antichità. A c. di M. G. Angeli Bertinelli e A. Donati, 2005. (Mika Kajava) Zu Wasser und zu Land – Verkehrswege in der antiken Welt. Hrsg. von E. Olshausen und H. Sonnabend, 2002. (Harri Kiiskinen) Antike Bibliotheken. Hrsg. von W. Hoepfner, 2002. (Heikki Solin) E. Winter – B. Dignas: Rom und das Perserreich. Zwei Weltmächte zwischen Konfrontation und Koexistenz, 2001. (Heikki Solin) M. J. T. Lewis: Surveying Instruments of Greece and Rome, 2001. (Heikki Solin) E. C. Portale – S. Angiolillo – C. Vismara: Le grandi isole del Mediterraneo occidentale. Sicilia Sardinia Corsica, 2005. (Heikki Solin) H. Bowden: Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle. Divination and Democracy, 2005. (Mika Kajava) Music and the Muses: The Culture of 'Mousike' in the Classical Athenian City. Edited by P. Murray and P. Wilson, 2004. (Stephen Evans) H. Halfmann: Städtebau und Bauherren im römischen Kleinasien. Ein Vergleich zwischen Pergamon und Ephesos, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Politica e partecipazione nelle città dell'impero romano. A cura di F. Amarelli, 2005. (Olli Salomies) Travel and Geography in the Roman Empire. Edited by C. Adams and R. Laurence, 2001. (Heikki Solin) O. Stoll: Römisches Heer und Gesellschaft. Gesammelte Beiträge 1991-1999, 2001. (Heikki Solin) A. E. Cooley: Pompeii, 2003 (Antonio Varone) A. E. Cooley – M. G. L. Cooley: Pompeii. A Sourcebook, 2004 (Antonio Varone) A. R. Amarotta: Salerno romana e medievale. Dinamica di un insediamento, 1989. (Heikki Solin) D. Memoli Apicella: Culti di origine greca a Salerno, 2001. (Mika Kajava) A. Colavitti: Cagliari. Forma e urbanistica, 2003. (Heikki Solin) W. Eck: Köln in römischer Zeit. Geschichte einer Stadt im Rahmen des Imperium Romanum, 2004. (Heikki Solin) D. Rohrbacher: The Historians of Late Antiquity, 2002. (Kaj Sandberg) J.-P. Callu: Culture profane et critique des source de l'antiquité tardive, 2006. (Heikki Solin) The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law. Edited by M. Gagarin and D. Cohen, 2005. (Tiina Purola) R. Förtsch: Kunstverwendung und Kunstlegitimation im archaischen und frühklassischen Sparta, 2001. (Heikki Solin) L. Bernabò Brea: Maschere e personaggi del teatro greco nelle terracotte liparesi, 2001. (Heikki Solin) E. Perry: The aesthetics of emulation in the visual arts of ancient Rome, 2005. (Eeva-Maria Viitanen) Lebenswelten. Bilder und Räume in der römischen Stadt der Kaiserzeit. Hrsg. von R. Neudecker und P. Zanker, 2005. (Heikki Solin) A. Comella: Il santuario di Punta della Vipera, Santa Marinella, Comune di Civitavecchia. I: I materiali votivi, 2001. (Heikki Solin) M. P. Guidobaldi: I materiali votivi della Grotta del Colle di Rapino, 2002. (Heikki Solin) M. Catucci – L. Jannelli – L. Sanesi Mastrocinque: Il deposito votivo dall'acropoli di Cuma, 2002. (Heikki Solin) M. De Franceschini: Ville dell'Agro Romano, 2005. (Eeva-Maria Viitanen) Carta archeologica e ricerche in Campania. Fasc. 1 + 2. A c. di L. Quilici e S. Quilici Gigli, 2004. (Heikki Solin) U. Pappalardo: La descrizione di Pompei per Giuseppe Fiorelli (1875). Con una cronistoria per immagini e la lettera alla Guardia Nazionale del distretto di Castellammare di Stabia, 2001. (Heikki Solin) Volubilis. Eine römische Stadt in Marokko von der Frühzeit bis in die islamische Periode. Hrsg. von M. Risse, 2001. (Heikki Solin)
Vols. 8, 17, 24, 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 44, 61, 104, 105, 110, 111 are quarto size. ; v. [1]. Apius & Virginia. 1908 -- v. [2]. Chief promises of God unto man : God's promises. 1908 / John Bale -- v. [3]. A comedy concerning laws of nature. 1908 / John Bale -- v. [4]. Castle of perseverance. 1908 -- v. [5]. Damon & Pithias. 1908 / [Richard Edwards] -- v. [6]. Play called the four P.P. 1908 / John Heywood -- v. [7]. Play of the weather. 1908 / John Heywood -- v. [8]. Witty & witless. 1909 / John Heywood -- v. [9]. Hickscorner. 1908 -- v. [10]. Impatient poverty. 1907 -- v. [11]. The disobedient child. 1908 / Thomas Ingelend -- v. [12]. Interlude of the nature of the 4 elements. 1908 -- v. [13]. Jacob & Esau. 1908 -- v. [14]. John the evangelist. 1907 -- v. [15]. King Darius. 1907 -- v. [16]. Mankind. 1907 -- v. [17]. Believe as ye list. 1907 / Philip Massinger -- v. [18]. Nature. 1908 / Henry Medwall -- v. [19]. New custom. 1908 -- v. [20]. Nice wanton. 1908 -- v. [21]. Ferrex & Porrox (or Gorbodue). 1908 / Thomas Norton & Thomas Sackville -- v. [22]. Of gentleness & nobility. 1908 / John Heywood -- v. [23]. Play of wit & science / John Redford -- v. [24]. Respublica. 1908 -- v. [25]. Trial of treasure. 1908 -- v. [26]. Life & repentance of Mary Magdalene. 1908 / Lewis Wager -- v. [27]. Wealth & health. 1907 -- v. [28]. Lusty Juvontus. 1907 / Richard Weaver -- v. [29]. Wisdom. 1907 -- v. [30]. Youth. 1908 -- v. [31]. Like will to like. 1909 / Ulpian Fullwell -- v. [32]. John John the husband, Tyb his wife & Sir John the priest. 1909 / John Heywood -- v. [33]. The Pardoner & the frere. 1909 / John Heywood -- v. [34]. A play of love / John Heywood -- v. [35]. The world & the child. The world & the child otherwise Mundus & Infans. 1909 -- v. [36]. Marriage between wit & wisdom : a contract of marriage between wit & wisdom. 1909 -- v. [37]. The play of the weather. 1909 / John Heywood -- v. [38]. The story of King Darius, 1565. 1909 -- v. [39]. The temptation of our Lord. 1909 / John Bale, bishop of Ossory -- v. [40]. Calisto and Melebea : the beauty and good properties of women. 1909 -- v. [41]. Marriage between wit and science. 1909 -- v. [42]. Grammer Gurton's needle. 1575 -- v. [43]. A Yorkshire tragedy. 1910. -- v. [44]. The book of Thomas Moore. 1910 -- v. 45. Reign of King Edward 3. 1910 / Shakespeare -- v. [46]. All for the money. 1910 / Thomas Lupton -- v. [47]. The history of Horestes. 1910 / John Pickering -- v. [48]. Mucedorus. 1598. 1910 -- v. 49. King Lear. 1605. 1910 -- v. 50. Cambyses king of Persia. c1584. 1910 / Thomas Preston -- v. 51. The tide tarrieth no man. 1576. 1910 / George Wapull -- v. 52. The longer thou livest the more fool thou art. c1568. 1910 / William Wager -- v. 53. The two kinsmen. 1634. 1910 / John Fletcher & Shakespeare -- v. 54. The birth of Merlin. 1662. 1910 / William Rowley and William Shakespeare -- v. 55. The Puritan. 1911 -- v. 56. Promos & Cassandra. 1910 / George Whetstone -- v. 57. Sir John Oldcastle. 1911 -- v. 58. London prodigal. 1910 -- v. 59. Thomas lord Cromwell. 1911 -- v. 60. Locrine. 1911 -- v. 61. Magnificence. 1911 / John Skelton -- v. 62. Fair Em. 1911 -- v. 63. Three ladies of London. 1911 -- v. 64. Arden of Feversham. 1911 -- v. 65. Captain Thomas Stukeley. 1911 -- v. 66-67. The troublesome reign of John, king of England. 1911 -- v. 68. The merry devil of Edmonton. 1911 -- v. 69. The pedler's prophecy. 1911 -- v. 70. Life & death of Jack Straw. 1911 -- v. 71. Patient Grissill. 1911 -- v. 72. The weakest goeth to the wall. 1911 -- v. 73. The conflict of conscience. 1911 / Nathaniel Woodes -- v. 74. Two angry women of Abingdon. 1911 / Henry Porter -- v. 75. Englishmen for my money. 1911 / William Haughton -- v. 76. The cobbler's prophecy. 1911 / Robert Wilson -- v. 77. The misfortunes of Arthur. 1911 / Thomas Hughes & others -- v. 78. Knack to know a knave. 1911 -- v. 79. Wars of Cyrus. 1911 -- v. 80. Nobody & somebody. 1911 -- v. 81. The wit of a woman. 1912 -- v. 82. Histrio mastix. 1912 -- v. 83. Jack Drum's entertainment. 1912 -- v. 84. How a man may choose a good wife from a bad. 1912 -- v. 85. The contention between liberality and prodigality. 1912 -- v. 86. The maid's metamorphosis. 1912 -- v. 87. The fair maid of Bristow. 1912 -- v. 88. Wily beguild. 1912 -- v. 89. Look about you. 1912 -- v. 90. Trial of chivalry. 1912 -- v. 91. A larum for London. 1912 -- v. 92. Everyman. 1912 -- v. 93. Sir Gyles Goosecap. 1912 -- v. 94. The wisdom of Doctor Dodypoll. 1912 -- v. 95. A knack to know an honest man. 1912 -- v. 96. The three lords and three ladies of London -- v. 97. A warning for fair women. 1912 -- v. 98. Tom Tyler and his wife. 1912 -- v. 99. Thersytes. 1912 -- v. 100. Jack Juggler. 1912 -- v. 101. The taming of a shrew. 1912 -- v. 102. Grim, the collier of Croydon, 1912. -- v. 103. When you see me you know me. 1913 / S. Rowley -- v. 104. Gismond of Salerne. 1912 / Robert Wilmot and others -- v. 105. John-a-Kent and John-a-Cumber. 1912 / Samuel Brandon -- v. 106. The virtuous Octavia. 1912 / Samuel Brandon -- v. 107. Tragedy of Tancred and Gismund. 1912 / Robert Wilmot -- v. 108. Soliman and Perseda. 1912 -- v. 109. George a Greene, the pinner of Wakefield. 1913 -- v. 110. The pilgrimage to Parnassus. 1912 -- v. 111. The return to Parnassus. Pt. 1. 1912 -- v. 112. The return to Parnassus. Pt. 2. 1912 -- v. 113. Claudius Tiberius Nero (play). 1913 -- v. 114. Richard, duke of York (play) : the true tragedy of Richard duke of York. 1913 -- v. 115. Caesar and Pompey : the tragedy of Caesar and Pompey. 1913 -- v. 116. The miseries of enforced marriage. 1913 / George Wilkins -- v. 117. The valiant Welshman. 1913 -- v. 118. The famous victories of Henry the Fifth. 1913 -- v. 119. Sir Clyomon & Sir Clamydes. History of two valiant knights Syr Clyomon and Clamydes. 1913 -- v. 120. Lingua. 1913 / Thomas Tomkis -- v. 121. The devil's character. 1913 / Barnabe Barnes -- v. 122. King Richard the Third. 1913 / William Shakespeare -- v. 123. Every woman in her humor. 1913 -- v. 124. Two lamentable tragedies. 1913 / Robert Yarrington -- v. 125. The tragedy of Hoffman, or, A revenge for a father. 1913 / Henry Chettle -- v. 126. The first part of the contention between the two famous houses of York and Lancaster. 1913 -- v. 127. The downfall of Robert, Earl of Huntington. 1913 / Anthony Munday -- v. 128. The death of Robert, Earl of Huntington. 1913 / Anthony Munday -- v. 129. Two wise men and all the rest fools. 1913 -- v. 130. The noble soldier. 1913 / Samuel Rowley -- v. 131. Ram-alley. 1913 / Londing Barrey -- v. 132. Greenes Tu-quoque. 1913 / Jo Cooke -- v. 133. The history of the two maids of More-clacke. 1913 / Robert Armin -- v. 134. Two merry milk-maids. 1914 -- v. 135. The honest lawyer. 1914 -- v. 136. The bloody banquet. 1914 -- v. 137. Robin Hood. 1914 -- v. 138. Swetnam, the woman-hater. 1914 -- v. 139. The glass of government. 1914 / George Gascoigne -- v. 140. The famous history of Sir Thomas Wyat / Thomas Dekker -- v. 141. The tragical history of D. Faustus. 1914 / Christopher Marlow -- v. 142. The honorable historie of Frier Bacon and Frier Bongay. 1914 / Robert Greene -- v. 143. A looking glass for London and England. 1914 / Thomas Lodge -- v. 144. The blind beggar of Bednall Green. 1914 / John Day -- v. 145. Westward hoe. 1914 / Thomas Dekker -- v. 146. Eastward hoe. 1914 / George Chapman -- v. 147. Northward hoe. 1914 / Thomas Dekker -- v. 148. The roaring girl. 1914 / Thomas Middleton -- v. 149. The tragedy of Dido, queen of Carthage. 1914 / Christopher Marlowe and Thomas Nash -- v. 150. A hand-list to the Tudor facsimile texts. 1914 / J.S. Farmer. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Robert William Christie, conducted by Jennifer Payne on 21 November 2013, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Dr. Robert W. Christie matriculated at Norwich University in 1940, the youngest member of his class. Although he is an alumnus of the class of 1944, he did not graduate until 1947 due to service in World War II. Dr. Christie received his M. D. from SUNY College of Medicine in 1951. He practiced medicine in Northfield, Vermont, 1952-1954, then specialized in pathology and practiced as a pathologist at seven hospitals in northern New Hampshire and Vermont. He discusses his experiences in the military as well as at Norwich University and as a physician in his interview. ; 1 Robert W. Christie, NU '44, Oral History Interview November 21, 2013 At the Kendal at Hanover Continuing Care Retirement Community 80 Lyme Rd, Hanover, NH 03755 Interviewed by Jennifer Payne JENNIFER PAYNE: This is Jennifer Payne with the Norwich Voices Oral History Project. Today's date is November 21st, 2013, and I am with Robert W. Christie—class of '44—and we are at Kendal at Hanover Continuing Care Community at 80 Lyme Rd. in Hanover, New Hampshire. Thank you, Dr. Christie for agreeing to be with us today and to do an oral history. ROBERT W. CHRISTIE: Thank you Jennifer. It's a pleasure and, I believe, a privilege to be able to do this. I've called a few things that I've written to augment this oral history, and I'll start off with the Independence Day celebration address that I delivered at the Dartmouth College Green in Hanover, New Hampshire on July 4th, 2012. JP: Thank you. RC: "I believe I was asked to speak here today because I am one of the contributors to—as well as one of the editors of—Kendal at Hanover's recent book of memoirs, "World War II Remembered". My comments will be about some local history, some personal history, some family history, and a few beliefs that I hope you may find to be of interest, and perhaps even instructive. I will conclude by offering you a challenge. (break in audio) JP: -- now. OK. RC: I will conclude by offering you a challenge. First, the local history. My alma mater is Norwich University, the country's oldest private military college, which was founded in 1819 right across the Connecticut River in Norwich, Vermont. Its initial enrollment, as I recall, was 17 male cadets. Captain Alden Partridge, its founder, attended Dartmouth and later became superintendent of the US military academy at West Point. Partridge, an American education visionary, believed that Norwich University's graduates should be trained to lead in times of 2 peace, as well as in times of war. The concept of land-grant colleges, and ultimately the nation's reserve officers' training program—ROTC—were founded at Norwich University. The first land-grant college bill was introduced by Representative Justin Smith Morrill of Vermont in 1857—using Norwich University as a model and prototype—and was enacted into law in 1862. The mission of these institutions, which include Cornell University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, as set forth in the 1862, was to focus on the teaching of practical agriculture, science, military science, and engineering—without excluding classical studies. I might add here that, during the Civil War, many of the Confederate Army officers were West Pointers—were West Point graduates, who had defected to the Confederacy, and many others were from the numerous state-supported military schools and colleges scattered throughout the South at that time. The Citadel and VMI are two examples. The only source of professionally trained officers in the Union army in the Civil War were graduates of West Point and Norwich University. Norwich University now resides in Northfield, Vermont, following a disastrous fire in 1866. An apocryphal tale has it that the university's old south barracks burned to the ground as an act of arson by Dartmouth College students who were intensely jealous of the attention Norwich's men in uniform were getting from the local young ladies. Since 1972, Norwich has been --" (break in audio) RC: "--teen-seventy-two Norwich has been co-ed—the first military college to become so. It now has an enrollment of over 2,000, including both cadets and civilian students. Last year, as I recall, the highest ranking cadet regimental officer, and one or two of the battalion commanders, were women." (break in audio) RC: I think I was a trustee during that time at Norwich, and I might have been involved in the discussions about integrating women into the Norwich family. So -- JP: That would be fascinating.3 RC: OK. Go back to. JP: Sure. Yeah. RC: "Next, some personal history. I spent eight years in the military. Three in horse cavalry ROTC at Norwich, and as an enlisted man and commissioned officer in the US Army. Horse cavalry had become obsolete, and I ended up in armor—tanks. My military occupational specialty—MOS—was tank unit commander. My military experience overseas in World War II was in the ETO—the European Theatre of Operations. I joined the 33rd Armored Regiment of the Third Armored Division. At the beginning, the Ardennes offensive—the so-called "Battle of the Bulge". The Third Armored Division was the spearhead of the First Army. My combat service was as its tank platoon leader, and eventually the company commander in a medium tank battalion. My promotion to company commander had much to do with fate, luck, and the attrition—300%—in men and equipment that the Third Armored Division experienced. From its going ashore in Normandy, until the end of the war. I moved up in command as my company's more senior officers were killed, wounded, or rotated. (break in audio) RC: "and a result of the attrition—300%—in men and equipment, that the Third Armored Division experienced. From its going ashore in Normandy, until the end of the war. I moved up in command as my company's more senior officers were killed or wounded. When the war ended at the Elbe River in Germany, we met the Russians, who had just arrived at the other side of that river. My survival and presence here today has a lot to do with my following one of Murphy's rules of combat: 'Never follow anyone braver than yourself.' Unless, of course, my company's orders from the battalion headquarters were taking that next objective, move out. I never felt brave or heroic. I just followed orders and trusted that I would somehow survive. It never really occurred to me emotionally that I would be killed. Now, some family history. On my mother's side of the family, my great-great-great-Grandfather, Johnathon Hildrith was a captain in the militia raised in Chesterfield, New Hampshire, and fought in the Revolutionary War's Battle of 4 Bennington in 1777 [sic]. I guess that makes me a son of the American Revolution—comparable to the Daughters of the American Revolution, whose name is much more familiar than the sons'. My great-Grandfather, on my father's side, George H. Weeks, was a sergeant promoted to first lieutenant in the Union army in the Civil War. American Civil War records show that as a member of the New York 115th infantry regiment, over his three years of service, he fought in 57 battles and scrimmages in Maryland, at Harpers Ferry, and Fredericksburg, Virginia—as well as in Florida, North Carolina, and Maryland. My father, George R. Christie, who's trained as a pilot and commissioned as a second lieutenant in the army's fledgling Air Corps in 1917—18. His memoir, "Wooden Props and Canvas Wings" tells, with humor and candor, what that experience and learning to fly was like in World War I. My younger brother, George R. Christie, Jr., enlisted in the army and was a parachute infantryman, AKA paratrooper. But fortunately, he did not have to serve in combat because Japan surrendered and World War II ended. He did, however, have to jump out of moving airplanes while in the air. And here are some of my beliefs. Perhaps my family history has led you to think that I am a hardcore, super patriotic, militarist by family tradition. Far from it. I found out firsthand what war was like, and I would like to see it disappear from the face of the Earth. But I fear it will not. I suspect war is built into the genome of the third chimpanzee. That's us, as Jared Diamond has characterized Homo sapiens in his book of that title, "The Third Chimpanzee". Anthropologist Jane Goodall describes troops of lower world-order chimpanzees systematically annihilating other troops whose territory they've coveted. Will and Ariel Durant, authors of the 11-volume, "The Story of Civilization" followed it in 1968 with a concise summary book, "The Lessons of History". I reread that 117-page book every New Year's Day. The Durants' chapter on war is not encouraging. Here is a quote: 'In the 3,421 years of recorded history, only 268 have seen no war.' Now, in 2012, you can add on another 44 years, and make that 268 out of 3,465 years. 5 Here are eight things that I believe to be true. War and religion are the two great constants in civilization's history. In our time, overpopulation of the Earth is a fundamental cause of most of the world's problems, especially war. Human ignorance, greed, religious conflicts, and weapons of mass destruction come next. In that order. If a country does not adapt, and prepare for war imaginatively and continually, others who have so prepared, will overcome it. The British were slow to find that out during our Revolutionary War when the colonials used the ungentlemanly tactics of guerrilla warfare over a period of seven years, to force the British to surrender. Number four, terrorists and drones are now the guerrilla equivalence of 21st century warfare. Number five, in warfare, science prevails. Prayer vigils and marches for peace, unfortunately, have not been shown to be effective. The world's acknowledgement of the overwhelming military and economic power of the United States is what has prevented, so far, another world conflict. Number six, American democracy—based, perhaps, on its Anglo-Saxon beginnings in English with the Magna Carta—shines as a beacon of hope to the rest of the world. Number seven, democracy cannot be exported. It has to arise from within a people, as did ours here in the United States. And number eight, our democracy along with liberty, must not be taken for granted. It must be nurtured, defended, and—when necessary—fought for when others threaten. So I am an unapologetic patriot, staunch believer in liberty, our constitution, and our way of government—with all its flaws. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis stated, 'Our country's founders believed liberty to be the secret of happiness, and courage to be the secret of liberty.' So here's my challenge to you. On this day of celebration of our independence, for which so many Americans before us have given their lives—I challenge each of you to carry in your heart that secret of happiness. The flame of liberty. And to accept the responsibility and courage to preserve and hold high the torch that carries that flame. May God bless each of you. May God bless our independence. May God continue to bless America." So that's the end of that. RC: I almost flunked out of OCS because my voice projection was inadequate in the eyes—or ears—of "Natty Bumppo" who was the "Tac Officer" for our class at OCS at Fort Knox. And he told 6 me he was going to wash me out if I didn't improve, and he gave me a week to improve my voice as I spoke—that I would use in commanding troops. So I did. Very carefully, I went out behind the barracks and talked loudly and focused and so on. And so, a week later, he had me take charge of the company—the OCS company that I was in—and had me lead them on the parade ground by giving voice commands of which way to turn, where to stop, so on. Incidentally, as a footnote, my father almost flunked out of flight school at Cornell—pre-flight school—because—for the same reason—he was not giving commands loudly enough! And as a result, he had to, once again, command his troops on the parade ground. And during that exercise, he managed to march them into the side of the barracks. Which again, almost flunked him out of OCS. But my father was survivor, and he survived that, too, and went on and graduated from the pre-flight training, and went on to learn to fly in Arkansas. JP: Oh, my. So, where were you born? RC: I was born in Mineola, New York. My father said that the hospital in Mineola was in Nassau County on Long Island, and my mother was supposed to have a delivery date—which had passed by—and so, they got out in the car and drove around in the hopes that driving around would stimulate labor. And they were going through Mineola, and she started to have labor pains, so they drove right up to the hospital, and there she stayed until she underwent the delivery. So that's why I was born in Mineola, New York. But both my parents were New York City folk for generations. And I actually lived in New York from time to time, and—but most of my boyhood, and going up to public high school, was in Freeport, New York—which is also on Long Island. But the—when people ask me where I'm from, I always tell them I'm a New Yorker because I really feel I have that accent—and I just feel like that was where I came from. OK? JP: Yes. That's great. Why did you—how did you decide on Norwich? RC: Well, that's an interesting question. Actually I didn't decide. My father decided. My father was an employee of the Standard Oil Company of New York all his life. And he moved up in the ranks—so to speak—and it was the—talking to some of the—of his colleagues in the fuel oil 7 division. And he said, you know my son is thinking about going to college. Do you guys—you're all college graduates—do you have any suggestions to give me? Because I never graduated from college and my wife never graduated from college. And so, we don't know where to start. So, one of the guys during this conversation happened to be a Norwich trustee. And he said, George, I know just where your son should go. And he said, Norwich University. It's a beautiful location up in Vermont. It's a wonderful school. I'm a graduate myself, and he should go there. And my father said, well you know, I've been thinking about seeing whether I could get Bob into West Point, but I don't have any political connections—and he just went to a public high school, and wasn't a particularly outstanding student, so I don't think that will ever happen. And this other fellow—whose name was [Fred Coburn?] [00:21:46] a Norwich trustee—said, well you'll get the same kind of training at Norwich that you would have gotten at West Point. And he said, you know, I think that we can agree there's a war coming. This was back in 1940. And you've been in the army, you know that officers are treated better than enlisted men in the service, and when he finishes his experience at Norwich, he'll be commissioned a second lieutenant from the ROTC. So my father came home and told me the story, and said, that's where I think you ought to go. I was a good boy. I always followed what my mother and father told me to do. So I said, OK, Dad. And he said, I'll write the checks and we'll go up there when we find out whether you've been accepted or not. And sure enough, I was accepted readily. Because getting into Norwich was not a problem in those days—there were very few applicants, as it turned out—and they, Norwich, was really very happy to have anybody show up who wanted to go to Norwich. So I never set foot on the Norwich campus until the day my mother and father drove me up to Northfield, Vermont. And neither of them had ever been in Vermont themselves. They dropped me off at the parade ground. I gave them a big hug, and they drove off, and I never saw them again on that particular location until my graduation seven years later in 1947. After the war. So, that was my introduction to Norwich University. JP: And your major was a chemistry—you were a chemistry major --8 RC: Well, yeah. That's another story. I said, "Pop, you know, I don't know anything about college. How do you know what kind of courses to take?" And he said, "Well, you know, son, the chemists in this company do exceptionally well. And he said that they're well paid and they have interesting job. Why don't you take courses in chemistry?" That's how I became a chem major. I wasn't an outstanding high school chemistry student, but my father told me it was a good idea. So, being a good boy. And incidentally, I was the youngest man—next to the youngest man in my class of 1944, when I matriculated. Gerry Collins was the only one who was a few weeks younger than I was, and we were both 16-years old. JP: You were 16. You graduated from high school and were at Norwich at 16? RC: Well, and that's another story in itself because my whole career at Norwich—in those first three years before I went into the service—I was just not of the same mindset of the rest of my classmates. They were one year older, one year more experienced, been out with more girls, done more things, and so on. And I just felt—and I really actually was—kind of a misfit. And I always was a—you know—I wasn't a momma's boy, or a daddy's boy, but I always was a—I followed what my family told me to do. And that wasn't what most of my classmates experienced, I bet. And so—and that feeling dogged me through the first three years of college, and I did not terribly enjoy Norwich as a cadet—for that reason. I didn't realize it at the time, but when I got back, and put in my final year—after having been in the army, been through the war, and all of my classmates at that time—I caught up with them. Let me leave it at that. I felt very comfortable my senior year, when I was at Norwich. The first three years, they were not good years for me. JP: Oh. Did you join a fraternity? RC: Because I was a social misfit, I was never invited to enjoy the privilege of being tapped for a fraternity. It was only when I came back to Norwich, as a veteran, that—over at Theta Chi—which started at Norwich University – they invited me to come and join the fraternity. A lot of my friends were there, so I did. So that's my fraternity history.9 JP: But you were—you were editor of the "Guidon"? RC: Well, I would have been—in my senior year—I had worked up from the reporter, to assistant managing editor, to managing editor, and I was actually putting down—putting the newspaper together—the "Guidon"—and I used to go down to John Mazuzan's office. He was a Norwich graduate, and he published the "Northfield News"—the Northfield newspaper—and I used to set type down in his printshop for the headlines of the next issue of the "Guidon". So that's really—I think—where I got hooked on writing, publishing, editing—which exist through—have existed through my lifetime. JP: You've written five books, at least? RC: Yeah. JP: Yeah. So, I was going to ask what you did to relax. But you didn't—didn't really -- RC: Well, that's another story. At Norwich, in those days, you didn't relax. I mean, if you were an engineer major—civil, electrical, whatever, mechanical—or you were a chem major—you had lab every afternoon, except those afternoons when you were on the parade ground, or down at the riding hall. And there was no free time. And you went to bed at taps, you got up at reveille, and you didn't relax. It was go, go, go. But, you know, for a kid my age—a teenager—that was life. And this is what you did when you went to a military college. I didn't know any different. JP: My gosh. What was your least favorite class at Norwich? RC: Well, if you were a chem major, you had to take scientific German. Not something you learn to speak, but you had to read—learn to read German. The reason being—purported reason—was that so much of the chemical—chemistry literature at that time, was written in German. Because all of the chemistry research was going on in Germany in the early 19—late 19th—early 20th—and throughout the 20th century. So if you wanted to be a chemist, and you wanted to be able to read the chem literature, you needed to be able to read German. And I didn't enjoy that at all. And also, I must say, that it wasn't all bad. Because, having been in Germany afterward—and having some familiarity with the language—and not having learned it to speak, or really 10 understand it as it's spoken, but to only to read and to write—it was helpful to me, because I ended up as a—in the Constabulary—which, incidentally, General Harmon was the commanding general of—after the war—the Third Armored Division became morphed into the Constabulary—which was essentially a state police organization—and we were training new recruits coming overseas to be, essentially, state police officers—rather than people going out killing people, which is what we were originally trained to do, and what we actually did during the war. So I got to know German well enough. It was called Schlafzimmer Deutsch—Bedroom Deutsch. I think you get the connection. And so you get to use a lot of the language necessary to get along. And my job, as a troop commander in the Constabulary in the city of Ulm was to run the city through the Bürgermeister, the mayor. And so the Bürgermeister used to come to me every morning to get his orders of what the Constabulary wanted him to be doing or not doing. And so, you know, I had to carry on a conversation with him, and he spoke some English and I spoke some Deutsch, and we were able to communicate. So this course that I took at Norwich was not completely lost. JP: You may not have enjoyed it at the time, but -- RC: No. JP: Was there -- RC: But that's true of so many things in life, you know? You just never know how things are going to be useful, not useful—you regret them, you enjoy them later on—never realizing how important they might be in your life. Incidentally, I notice that I'm dropping my voice at the end of—do I don't know whether that's not coming through well. JP: You're still—when you talk, it goes up to the orange, so—mine isn't—let's see—upped it a little bit. I'll keep an eye on it, but you're looking—looking good. RC: You mean, I'm hearing good.11 JP: Yes. Yeah. Well, I look at this, and as long as you go in—up to the orange—you're fine. We don't want you in the red a lot, because then it could clip—although I've never had that happen—but so far, so good. Was there a favorite instructor at Norwich who you had? RC: Well, I had two—three. Perley Baker1 who was a professor of chemistry. Shorty Hamilton2 who was next in command. They had both been in the—in World War I, and they had been in the chemical warfare departments. And I liked them both. Absolutely different personality. Perley Baker stood up straight, was well-dressed, uniform, trousers creased, so on. Shorty Hamilton was a bit of a slob, if I may say so—very relaxed—very laid back, Vermont-type personality. And we all were respectful of Perley Baker, but we all enjoyed the presence of Shorty Hamilton. I'll put it that way. And if you had a problem, you'd enjoy talking to Shorty rather than Perley. That does not mean that we didn't think a lot of Perley. The third guy—I've forgotten his first name—his last name was Taylor.3 He was a civilian. He was very uncomfortable in uniform. I think he was at Norwich as an instructor in English because somehow he thought he might not have to go into the real service if he was a professor at Norwich. Anyhow, it didn't turn out that way because Norwich closed, and I don't know where he went. Never—but he taught English. And I loved that course. That's where, incidentally, the term "Natty Bumppo" came from because some of the readings that I did were Nathaniel Hawthorne.4 And it may not have been American history that he taught. It might have been teaching American literature—I think that was it—and we did a lot of reading of American literature. And I really enjoyed that. And I realized—I've realized, latterly in my life, that I should have been an English major, not a chem major. But, you know, I was on the Dean's List all the time, so it wasn't completely lost. JP: For the audience, can you explain who Natty Bumppo is? For those not familiar. 1 Perley Dustin Baker, Professor of Chemistry 2 Harold Chapman Hamilton, Professor of Chemistry 3 Ralph Carlyle Taylor, Assistant Professor of English 4 Natty Bumpo is the protagonist of James Fenimore Cooper's Leatherstocking Tales.12 RC: Natty Bumppo was a comical character in Nathaniel Hawthorne. I've forgotten all the details, but if we can break right now -- (break in audio) JP: And we're back with Dr. Christie. So, let me ask you. Do you remember any funny stories about life or people at Norwich? RC: Well, after so many years, it's hard to recall. But one funny story that I actually described in a publication here at Kendal, was a small essay called "Life's Darkest Moment" or "The Day I Goosed Shorty Hamilton". So I'm going to read this little essay. "It was one of those Tuesday or Thursday afternoons when all those of my classmates majoring in liberal arts were either back in their barracks doing Chinese infantry drill, i.e., sacked out, or walking towards around the upper parade of Norwich University to work off excess demerits, or sweating on an athletic field for some jock team. The sophomore chemistry majors—guys like myself—were doing the lab exercise requisite to quantitative—or maybe it was qualitative—analysis, down in the dingy basement labs of Dodge Hall. Major Shorty Hamilton—his real first name, I believe, is Harold, but I'm not sure. Major Shorty Hamilton and Lieutenant Perley Baker were the two professors staffing the chemistry department. Both had graduated from Norwich, and both had served in the US Army. Each was rather austere. Perley always looked spit-and-polish military, with his neatly trimmed mustache, the bright silver leaves on one side of his cocky blouse's lapel, and cross-flasks of the army's chemical warfare department on the other. And a Sam Brown belt tightly buckled over his upper torso. I always felt that he was the very essence of a Norwich faculty member. "Shorty" was what cadets called Major Hamilton when he wasn't within earshot. My recollection is that his first name was Harold, but the years have dulled my memory. Shorty was a bit more—no, a lot more—casual in his appearance than Lieutenant Colonel Baker. His was the appearance of a college professor who dressed as casually in his military uniform as regulations would permit. His uniform did not seem to have been tailored for him, but rather for Ichabod Crane. And although he was clean-shaven, he always looked a bit scruffy. Shorty was at 13 least six-foot six, and perhaps even taller. The only other person on the entire hill who was equally tall was my across-the-hall chemistry major classmate in my barracks, Jim Lombard. 5 [00:40:45] Jim always looked a day late and a dollar short, and a dead ringer for Shorty when viewed from behind. Well, the lab on this particular afternoon wore on, and there were those frequent intervals when certain laboratory maneuvers—such as filtering in a solution—consumed time that could not be usefully employed on much else except poring over the lab manual to make sure you had it right, checking your neighbors' experiments for reassurance that you were not doing the wrong one, or even light horsing around to make time pass until a liquid in the funnel made its leisurely way through the Whatman filter and into the flask below. It was this last interval of waiting that lead to my downfall. (break in audio) RC: Since there were only uncomfortably high stools on which to perch while working at the bench, we often stood up and leaned on our elbows with our heads down over the manuals, trying to appear busy studying. To protect our uniforms from misdirected reagents, we wore long wrap-around aprons, and thus, one man's back looked very much like another's. In one of the intervals of waiting for things to happen chemically, I noticed Jim's derrière sticking far out, as it always did when he bent over the bench across the aisle from my own—a consequence of his long torso. The opportunity was more than an 18-year old could resist at the moment. I had hardly swung an extended thumb at the end of my looping right arm at the inviting target. I connected this maneuver with a resounding thump that almost lifted Jim off the floor. Or at least I had thought it was Jim. Of course, it wasn't. It was Major Hamilton. No cadet could ever have been more embarrassed than I was at that suspended moment. Although greatly surprised by this assault from behind, Shorty slowly drew himself up to his full height, and looked around to see the perpetrator of this bold and unseemly attack. His eyes centered on me through his steel-rimmed glasses, since I was the obvious culprit. I stammered, 'I'm sorry, sir. I mistook you for someone 5 James E. Lombard14 else.' I didn't know what else to do, pass gas or wind my watch. The then current colloquial military aphorism appropriate for such extreme circumstances of mortification. The professor said not a word, but rather turned around and assumed his former position leaning over the bench top next to him. Of course, I expected to suffer some terrible fate as a result of this misadventure, but none occurred. No demerits, no report to the commandant of cadets, no invitation to discuss the matter further in the privacy of Shorty's office. Nothing at all happened. But in a bleak, and laconic reference to the events came eleven years later. I was practicing general medicine in Northfield, Vermont where Norwich University is situated. Shorty, now retired from the faculty, came into my office as a new patient. Not having seen each other since my college days, we greeted one another warmly, and made some small talk as I addressed his relatively simple medical problem, which was easily solved. As was the custom in civility in those days, Shorty thanked me for my ministration, but then, on his way out—and halfway through the door—he turned, and with a broad smile, said wryly, 'You know doctor, when I heard that you had become a physician, I thought that you would have specialized in proctology.'" JP: That's a good story. RC: Well, it's kind of unique to Norwich. JP: It certainly is. And well told—well told. Gosh. How did your training prepare you for your work life? RC: Well, I can't really say that my training at Norwich prepared me for what I ultimately did with my life. And my life experiences have been so varied, and I've done so many different things at so many times, for so many different reasons, it's hard to say that I was really prepared through anything that I learned at Norwich. Except a certain attitude about—I would say—responsibility and leadership. JP: What about both of those? What is it about responsibility? RC: Well, Norwich—as you know—attempts to train people as leaders. And one of the things that you learn as a leader, is that you're responsible for the people that are under your command. And 15 since I was a corporal—promoted to corporal my sophomore year, I had a squad of cadets that I was responsible for. And learned that—also when I was down in the barn—the stables of course, is what they were called—my first responsibility was to my horse, before myself. The horse got watered, the horse got fed, the horse got groomed, before I took care of my own needs. So, I think those little things probably inculcated into my personality the importance of responsibility. JP: So you are the class agent for your class and—do you—you stay in touch with some of your classmates? RC: Well, I've stayed in touch with as many of my classmates as I was able to. The class agent before me was a fellow named Al Lockard6—good friend, a Theta Chi—and he, unfortunately, died suddenly after having both of his hips replaced. And while he was working out in post-op therapy, had a pulmonary embolism and died. And the irony is that before his operations, he and I had either spoken or corresponded. And I said, you know, Al, I would never have two major operations like that done at the same time because complications of being on an operating table for that protracted period is an additional hazard. He said, yeah, I know, but the physical therapy afterward—I don't want to go through that twice. So that's why I'm having both done. I said, OK, boy. And that was it. And sure enough, he had what I had predicted, unfortunately—a sudden, severe complications. So I took over from him as class agent. And that was many years ago. JP: You have correspondence in the archives between you and Perry Swirsky. How many years did you guys correspond? RC: Well, that's an interesting question. Perry and I were roommates during my junior year. Perry and I had entirely different personalities. He was a Jew. He had entirely different life experiences from my own—had grown up in Springfield, Massachusetts. His father was a banker. He owned and operated a chain of furniture stores, and he was very well-off. And I didn't have any contact with him at all after OCS because at OCS—when we graduated, we 6 Alan T Lockard16 spread to the winds. He went to Sicily and Italy as a tank unit commander. I went to France, Belgium, and Germany as a tank unit commander. And so, we just lost contact with each other. And he hated Norwich. I mean, I didn't have a terribly great experience my first three years, but he hated them. First of all, he was one of only two Jews in my class. And he never really integrated with the class, and as a result, he felt like a loner and an outsider. And I, in my own way, also had those same feelings—for reasons I've already explained. I was too young, and hadn't had enough of the experiences my classmates had had, and I always felt as—to be—in a way, a loner—and out of sync. So anyhow, that might have had something to do with the reason that we linked up as roommates during our junior year. Perry—if I may diverge—was a very interesting guy. Somewhere I have recorded—or recounted—the fact that there were two members of my class that I know were awarded silver stars during World War II. Perry was one of them, and another one whose name will occur to me in a moment—I'm having a senior moment—also was awarded a silver star at Bastogne during the Bulge in Belgium. Anyhow, back to Perry. Perry was a platoon leader in a brigade that was assigned to an Italian tank division. And the relationship between the American units and the Italian units was—according to Swirsky—pretty ad hoc. So he was commanded one day to take his platoon and to take the hill that this Italian major pointed out to him. And he said, when you get up there, hold your ground and don't leave for any reason. And we'll be up to relieve you. So Perry did just that. And on his way up, he was literally killing Italians and Germans who were on that hill. And then, because he couldn't stand the thought of running his tank over a possibly wounded soldier—or even a dead one—he jumped out of his tank and was taking these bodies—living or dead—out of the way of his tanks and his platoon, as he went up this hill under fire. And then he held out at the top against a counter attack, which he and his platoon repelled. And then he found himself stranded. Nobody ever came to relieve him. So, after a while, he got his guys together and took them back down the hill. And he said, the Italians forgot he was there. He said, I didn't do anything heroic, but I guess somebody thought it was worth a silver star, so that's what happened 17 to me. Well, anyhow, that's a story that I don't think has been told enough times. But just the idea that he's jumping out of his tank, under fire, to take wounded soldiers out of the way, so he wouldn't run over them. I mean, the mindset—the moral—whatever it is inside him to make him want to do that—or need to do that. But that's the kind of guy Perry was. Anyhow, at our 50th Norwich reunion, Perry and I got together again. He was awarded the Distance Cup for the guy who had traveled the furthest distance to come back to reunion. He had come from Israel. So that sort of cemented his relationship, I think, with his alma mater. Which had waned from a very weak beginning. But anyhow, he came back to his 50th. And he came and stayed at my home in Lancaster, New Hampshire after the reunion. And we really got to know each other, and our wives had a good time. And then I kept in contact with Perry, and he invited me to join him—he and his wife Betty were going to London for a week—and he said, why don't you come over and join us? So I said, OK. My wife, Connie, wasn't interested in going. So I flew over and met Perry at the hotel that he had suggested, and I went to check in, and I found out I was already checked in and my bill was paid in advance. So Perry and Betty and I had a ball for a week. We went to the theatre, we did everything. And, you know, after that it once again cemented our relationship. And then we started to write by cursive letters, then typewriters, then I started to send emails—and he didn't have a computer—and I got on his butt a little bit and told him it was time he came into the 20th century. So he got a computer and we started to exchange emails. I kept a record of every email I got from him, and a copy of everything I sent to him—and kept them in a three-ring binder. And at the end of every year, I sent the binder over to Kreitzberg Library as part of the archives. And I did that until just this past month—October, 2013—when I got an email from Betty telling me the sad news that Perry had died. And of course, in those volumes of correspondence—which is mostly nonsense, inane stuff—but correspondence between two guys with similar backgrounds, similar experience, one living in Israel, one living in the State, talking about what's going on in our country or town—and he lived in Ashkelon, which is about five kilometers from the Gaza Strip. So he used to report when the mortar shells were 18 being lobbed into Ashkelon, and they would hide in the stairwells of their apartment building—and so on. So all of this stuff, I think, is an important part of history. I'm so pleased that I decided to send that stuff to the archives. JP: I think that other researchers use it. I know I've used it. It's a great resource. It's, as you said, guys talking about world events with similar backgrounds. What advice would you give a rook today about how to survive and thrive? RC: Well, I—free advice, as you know, some said, "is the smallest coin of the realm," but I give it freely and frequently. I give it to my children whether they want it or not. And I give it to anybody when I think that they need it. But anyhow, I don't know what life is really like for a rook at Norwich now. All I know is what I remember back in the '40s. But I would say keep your head down, keep your mouth shut, keep out of trouble, work hard, learn responsibility and leadership. Beyond that, I don't know what I could say. JP: Those are good. You have a poem that you wrote. Would you be interested in reading that? RC: Well, yeah. One of my avocations is poetry. I'm an amateur. I never taken a course in poetry or how to write it, every once in a while the muse seems to sit on my shoulder, and I have this tremendous urge to sit down and write something. And at first I thought I had to write rhyme verse, and I think that's probably what kept me from writing poetry most of my life. But when I was on an expedition in Greenland and I kept a journal—which I self-published—it is also in the Kreitzberg Library. I found that I wrote some poems when I was in isolation, up on the icecap. And so I'm really surprised when I looked back and find that I've been writing fairly seriously for about 20 years—the last 20 years of my life. Why? I can't explain. But anyhow, I can only write what I feel and what I believe. And a lot of it is counterintuitive, and politically incorrect, and whatever—but I wrote one poem that I used at a veteran's luncheon that we had here at Kendal. And the poem is called "A Veteran Speaks". And here it goes. "Intelligentsia, laugh if you will. Yea, sneer at the patriotic redneck fools who chance their lives and crouch in fear in cold foxholes for the likes of you. You, who take the high ground or the streets to stake out your 19 perception of the higher morality with placards shouting, "Peace! Peace!", and then go home to a warm bed. Could it be that your God is neutral, and doesn't give a damn whether peace or war prevails? You take as a given that God is only with you. You, who are on the side of peace. Could it be that peace is but an unstable interval granted by God for the rest between the wars he has ordained as a sorting out, according to one of his laws, the one that Darwin deciphered? If you were as wise as Sophocles, you would know that only death keeps time from inevitably eroding friendships—be they of men or of countries—bringing them inevitably to war. God must laugh at the prophets. Those mystical schizophrenics that even now show up in every land, and claim to have heard the voice of God speaking directly to them. Explaining his will, giving birth to the myths contrived to all and control the credulous. And when the prophetic religious move on to theocracies, and the great Theocracies then clash for the great sorting out—Darwinian style. Then, perhaps God smiles and says, it is good. Laughers and sneerers, moral high-grounders, you leave it to others to lose their lives, taking the high-ground on the battle field. Lives you think they gave in vain. In peace's time, you finesse your turn to follow the action of someone else's father, mother, cousin, forebear, who risked their lives for you with the love you have never comprehended. Too late, you may learn that you have never lived until you have almost died. And that for those who have had to fight for it, freedom is a flavor you—the protected—have never known, and cannot understand." JP: Wow. Thank you. (break in audio) JP: So, in the book that you wrote with a couple of your classmates for your yearbook that never was—then and now. You talk about missing something—maybe—whether or not—no, it's called "Do You Remember?" and one of them is the joy of being dragged out of the sack in the middle of the night for P-call, and then being sent for a cold shower when your personal plumbing refused to produce. What is P-call?20 RC: Well, P-call is "piss call," and it was standard operating procedure to treat rooks in that way, as part of their growing up. And—what do you call that now? When you mistreat people? JP: Hazing. RC: Yeah. That was one of the hazing treatments that rooks were occasionally exposed to. And P-call was not only occasionally. I'll mention one other experience that I had as a matter of hazing by my classmates. Was that Basil Burrell who was my roommate in my freshman year—were pretty straight arrows. He and I had similar personalities, went to the same church, we had the same standards, both went to public high schools. We just got along very well together. And Bass and I were taking what was euphemistically called "a ride" as a sort of hazing and discipline, and kind of a getting-even with people who were straight arrows, and who—incidentally—were whistle-blowers. Basil and I, living according to the code of honor and the rook handbook, said that if you see something that is wrong and against the rules, it is your responsibility to report it. JP: It's still that way. Yeah. RC: So we saw guys cheating at an exam in a military class. And we said, hell, that ain't right. So we reported it. Well, I learned an important life lesson right then. Whistle-blowers get in trouble. And Basil and I were taken for a ride one night—about 2:00 in the morning—it was the late fall or early spring—I don't remember that it was in the dead of winter—and were taken in a car, blindfolded, and driven around for about twenty minutes—on what obviously were backroads—you could tell from, you know, from the rumple and the noise, and the tread of tires on the road—and they'd drop you off and leave you there to figure out how you're going to get home. And so Basil and I went on a ride once, as retribution, I think, for the fact that we were whistle-blowers. So, that's another level of hazing. And I must say that when I mentioned this anecdote to Russ Todd—a former Norwich president, and a Theta Chi whose butt I paddled as initiation to Theta Chi—and he looked at me and rolled his eyes in disbelief. He said, you mean that really happened? And I said, you're damn right it happened. And I'll tell you something else, I bet it's 21 happening right now, right under the nose of the people who have written and our trying to enforce the honor code—whatever it may be. And he said, well, Bob, you may be right. JP: You mentioned that Perry was one of only two Jews at Norwich—and I know there was a fraternity of the Klan during the teens. Was there much antisemitism there? RC: There wasn't expressed Semitism—antisemitism. And there weren't really two Jews in my class, there were three—which is another anecdote, if you're prepared for this? JP: Sure. RC: The day that my folks dropped me off on the parade at Norwich—my very first day—we were lined up by the company—the troop that we were assigned to. And we were told to line up according to alphabet—we had little tags on—and so we did that. And I was at one end, and there was another guy whose last name began with a 'Y' or a 'Z' at the other end. And in between were two Katzes—K-A-T-Z. The Katz were Isadore Katz and Sidney Katz, and once we were lined up, the second lieutenant in the army—who was assigned to the commandant of cadets—stood in front of us and said, OK. Now I want you to sound off, loud and clear, your last name first and then the first initial of your last name because that's how you'll be known here at Norwich. So we went down the line, got to me, and I was "Christie, R, sir." Then it was the next guy, and whoever it was. Well, we got to Katz. And Lieutenant Kelly was standing there observing all of this, and it came to Isadore Katz. And he said, "Katz, I." And the next one was Sidney Katz, and Sidney Katz said, "Katz, S." Kelly broke up. And the whole exercise got out of control. But the sad part of the story is that Katz Ass—as he was forever known—I say forever, for the next three weeks that he lasted at Norwich as Katz Ass. He left. He just couldn't stand that kind of treatment. And so there was only two Jews, and one was Izzy Katz, who was a good friend, paratrooper, never dropped in combat—which we reminded him of frequently. But anyhow, he and I were also on the "Guidon" staff, and we were on the War Whoop staff. So the then and now book, he and I worked together very closely. And we became very close friends. And he was a real New York Jewish type—wheeler dealer—he ran a Christmas tree farm in some 22 place up in northern Vermont. He was in show business, he was out in Hollywood, he was writing script and so on—wonderful guy—and I got to meet him again when he was living out in Tucson when I was visiting some of my wife's relatives out there. So anyhow, that's the story of Jews at Norwich in 1940-41—particularly of Katz, I and Perry Swirsky. JP: You mentioned earlier about being on the board of trustees when Loring Hart was president and considering adding women to the core. Do you want to talk about that at all? RC: Well, there isn't an awful to talk about. It happened. I would say the majority of the alumni were against it. Just as, here at Dartmouth, when it integrated and had women, the alumni were up in arms. And it was only the strength of character of the president and the trustees—said, it's going to happen. And that's what happened with Norwich trustees and Loring Hart said, this is going to happen. It's got to happen. And of course, this was before the civilian component. These were just women who were being integrated into the cadet corps. So, that was a big deal. JP: What were they afraid of? Not be obvious—not to be obtuse. RC: You know, in Fiddler on the Roof—it's tradition. Tradition. This is a men's college, it's a military college. Women have no place in the military. You know, whatever. That's history. Who would ever dream that there would be gay marriages in our time. JP: And Don't Ask Don't Tell got repealed. RC: Exactly. JP: Do you have anything else that you would like to add? Is there anything else you'd like to say? RC: Only to congratulate you and your tolerance of all that you've had to go through to take this interview. And I'm enjoying it immensely while it's happening. And, again, it's something for posterity, and that's part of what I do. Litera scripta manet, the written word endures. I think the spoken word, in our time, also endures. Someone may be listening to this 100 years from now, wanting to wonder what life was like in the early 20th century at Norwich. JP: It has absolutely been my honor and pleasure to talk with you, Dr. Christie. Thank you so much. RC: Well, thank you so much.23 JP: All right. (break in audio) [1:18:51] JP: And we're back with Dr. Christie, talking about his relationship with Dartmouth. RC: When I went to medical school, it was courtesy of the GI Bill and the Norwich Dean at the time, who made it possible for me to get into medical school without the preexisting courses that every pre-med has to take to apply to medical school. Zoology and comparative anatomy—which is dissecting cats and frogs and so on. The Dean at Norwich let me take freshman zoology and sophomore comparative anatomy in the pre-med program during my senior year, so that I would have the basic qualifications to apply to medical school. I had the good fortune to have a family friend who was on the admissions committee of the Long Island College of Medicine in Brooklyn, New York. I won't go into further detail—that's unnecessary—but anyhow, graduating from Norwich magna cum laude—having the World War II experience, the friendship of a member of the admissions committee of the medical school—all led to the fact that I was able to get into medical school at a time when GIs were coming back in droves—all with GI Bill opportunities ahead of them—and all trying to get into the existing colleges and universities. Well, I won't go into further detail, but the Long Island College of Medicine morphed into the State University of New York. So although I matriculated into a private medical college in Brooklyn, I actually graduated from the State University of New York at New York City—which was the official name at the time. It's now known as Downstate. And Downstate has an established academic history that I think has been accomplished since it was put together. The reason that SUNY was founded was that New York state found that they had no state university, much to their amazing. There were all kinds of private universities and colleges all over the state, but there was never any need for a state university. So they cobbled together one, and they needed medical schools, graduate schools, law schools, and so on. And Syracuse's medical school—which was a private medical college, like Long Island College of Medicine—became the SUNY upstate medical school, and Long Island College became the downstate medical school. 24 And that's the way they exist at the present time. Anyhow—with that little footnote—when it came year for me to graduate, I had just been very fortunate to graduate where I did in my class. Which was right about in the middle. You know, one thing that most people don't realize—and it's important—that 50% of the doctors in the Unites States graduated in the lower half of their medical school class. But anyhow—that being said—I did actually write two medical papers while I was a student—which sort of, I think, got me started on my writing career—which has continued to this day. Anyhow, these publications were the reason that I was awarded two prizes on the day of graduation, much to the consternation of most of the other students in my class who had graduated summa cud laude in medical school and wondering what this dumb guy was doing getting these awards. Well—a little background for that, too, is that the Long Island College of Medicine was in Brooklyn, and almost all of my classmates were Jewish. And I learned the lingo and I can spout a Yiddish phrase at the drop of a hat—which may have some relationship to the fact that Perry Swirsky and I got along so well. We used to exchange Yiddish aphorisms and so on. That being said—so all of my classmates—there was a Jewish quota—this is something else that is not known—during the early 19th century—in all medical schools, because the deans had their own association, and they—you may not want to record me—it's not well known, but there was a Jewish quota when I went to Long Island College of Medicine—and there were a lot of bright Jewish kids—as you can imagine—in New York City, which included Queens, Brooklyn, Manhattan, Staten Island, Bronx—and they were excluded from medical school. They would apply, be turned down, but—being the kinds of folks they were—would say, OK, well we'll go to CCNY or NYU or Queens College, and we'll get a masters degree in physiology, and they would reapply. And every member of my class at Long Island College of Medicine who was Jewish, had a long history of applying and being turned down by medical schools all over the United States. But the ones that got into my class were the ones who had the persistence and the credentials to get in. So, that put a guy like myself—from Norwich, with its very limited background—in zoology and comparative anatomy, dissecting frogs with guys who had PhDs in 25 biochemistry and so on. And, you know, it showed up. I mean, I was a struggling student all through my first two years where it's all classroom and very little clinical experience. Soon as I got into the clinical years, I was able to really play the game with all the rest of them. I could handle myself as well with patients as they could. And so, that was one of the reasons I was able to graduate. Not because of my academic record in my first two years. But—that having been said—it's important that—the senior year was the first year of something called the intern matching program. Up until that time, everybody had to have an internship if they were going to be licensed in a state in the United States. It didn't make any difference which state. They all required the fact that you had had an internship. In other words, that you had had some clinical experience. So, I listed in this first year of the matching program—a number of the hospitals that I knew in New York City—Bellevue and Roosevelt Hospital in Columbia, PNS—and the way things worked out, I had an opportunity to list one other out-of-city appointments that I would accept. And that turned out to be Mary Hitchcock Memorial Hospital in Hanover, New Hampshire. The reason I did that was that my freshman year of medical school, a fellow at my autopsy table—there were four of us who dissected the same cadaver—was a Dartmouth graduate, and he and I became close friends. We did a lot of visiting and traveling together. And he said, I'm going to take a tour of the hospitals up in northern New England. Would you like to come with me? And I did. And he and I visited the medical school at Burlington, and the one over here in Hanover. And when I—you know, I had loved being in Vermont, and the years that I had spent there—although it wasn't all salubrious, the first three years. I did love Vermont and northern New England, and the idea—and I was married at the time—of just doing something different came to mind. And I said, oh, what the hell? So, the phone rang. Dartmouth called up the Mary Hitchcock hospital and said, would you accept an appointment as a rotating intern? There will be 11 other interns in your intern class. And I said, yeah, sure. Sign me up. And that's how come I didn't go to Bellevue or Roosevelt Hospital or Brooklyn hospital—I ended up going to Hitchcock hospital. From there, I went and finished my internship, did a year in internal 26 medicine—wanted to do what I went into medicine for in the first place. Be a family doctor. An emulation of my family doctor when I was growing up. JP: Really? RC: And so, a couple of Dartmouth medical school graduates were practicing over in Northfield, and they had a place called the Green Mountain Clinic. And they were looking for an associate, and they came to Dartmouth, and they made their needs known, and we got connected. And I said, what the hell? I'm not sure I want to be an internist. I'd like to see what it's really like to practice medicine. So that's how I got connected with being in practice—general practice for three years at Northfield. And, because of my Norwich background, Ernie Harmon—who was then the president—appointed me the university surgeon. Well, I wasn't going to do any surgery at the university. But the three of us who were the doctors in the town at Green Mountain Clinic took turns taking sick call. And what we were called was—you know, in the army, when you're the doctor, you're the surgeon. You go down to see the surgeon because that's what doctors did mostly in the army. So anyhow, that's how I became the university surgeon, and it was my relationship with Ernie Harmon—which is a whole other set of stories—that led to that. Ernie was actually one of my patients for minor illnesses. He got most of his care at the VA hospital down here. But, you know, when he had a sore throat or a boil or something like that, he'd come down to the Green Mountain Clinic and be one of my patients. As was Shorty Hamilton, of course. Perley Baker. So I was well connected later on with the faculty. But that's what my connection with Dartmouth reconnected me with Norwich. And when I got to Norwich, I was amongst a lot of Norwich alums—one of which was John Mazuzan, the fellow who had the printing office where I set type for the "Guidon", and who actually printed up the "Guidon". He was the one who did the Norwich record, and it was a very minor publication, I can assure you. And he asked me if I would work with him on the Norwich record. And so, I did, and before I knew it, I was a member of the Alumni Association. Because he was, in essence—because he was the publisher of the Norwich record of the Alumni Association. There was no association. 27 So he said, you know, I'm going to appoint you the Alumni Association president. So that's how I became president of the Norwich Alumni Association. Well, that led to a slot on the board of trustee. When I finished being a trustee for five years, with Bob Hallam—another Norwich graduate -- JP: The engineer? RC: Yeah. And a very successful one. We were approached after we finished out final year by Jake Shapiro, who was a war hero in the Africa corps—was badly wounded—shot up there—but a very dedicated Norwich alumnus. And he and I got to be good friends. And he used to visit me because he was a business man with business over in Maine, and when he was traveling from wherever he was living at the time, he would always drop in at the farm where I was living. And we would have a couple drinks together, and sometimes dinner together. So Jake was a good friend. But that came later. But Jake said to Bob Hallam and myself, you know, we've been thinking as the trustees that it's so damn sad that so many guys like yourselves, who have had all the experience in the Alumni Association—you're graduates—and so on. And you go become a trustee, and there's nothing beyond that for you to be involved with Norwich about—except maybe giving money. So Jake said, how would you guys like to start some kind of organization of fellows of Norwich University, who will sort of be in the background and be a means of continuity of active alums who have done a lot for the university, who have been connected in some way. And so, Bob Hallam and I—and the then commandant of cadets—got together and we set up the Board of Fellows, and I became the first president of the Board of Fellows, and was the president for—I don't know—five or eight years—and did that. And so, I've just been connected with everybody—all the presidents and whatever—right along the line—and that, of course, explains my deep relationship—and continued relationship—with Norwich. And I doubt that the many of my peers here at Kendal have the kind of relationship with their alma mater that I've had with mine. For all the reasons that I've been talking about here. Oh, here I've run on for more --28 JP: That's fine. I have to ask. If you've got a Harmon story -- RC: I do. Well, I have a couple of Harmon stories. JP: That's fine. RC: The first was at the time I graduated from Norwich, when we came back as seniors. Of course, we were in uniform. And we were sort of mentors to the cadets. When they wanted to know what it was like in the real military—what combat was like, all that stuff. You know, they'd—we'd have a beer together up at the tavern and—you know, we got an unofficial role—but anyhow, we were in uniform. The day I graduated, Ernie Harmon was on the stage. He was not the president at the time, but I think he might have given the graduation address. "Ol' Gravel Voice" he was called, and he gave a wonderful talk. And I—you know—he was the CG of the Second Armored Division in Africa and Sicily—not sure Africa, but I know in Sicily and Italy—and then he went to the ETO, and he was involved, as I was, in the Battle of the Bulge. So we had this loose relationship. Well, walking across the stage to get my diploma, Ernie sees my Third Armored Division patch on one shoulder of my uniform, and the Constabulary patch on the other. And of course, he had been the commanding general of the Constabulary—which my division had become, as I previously accounted as the kind of occupation police force in Germany. Well, I was the troop commander of my Constabulary troop in Ulm and the discipline was a little loose in my troop. I have to admit that. It wasn't that I didn't know what was right, or what should be done. But, you know, the war was over, I was waiting to go home, and I wasn't a spit and polish guy in my troop. It ran very well, everybody was happy, no suicides or anything like that. But anyhow, who should arrive on the scene in Goering's private train—which he had commandeered after the war. It was painted with a big Constabulary signature on the side—same as on the patch on my shoulder—and out of it stepped Ernie Harmon to inspect my troop, unannounced. Well, he came up to where we were, and he found a few things he didn't like. One was that a recent recruit was standing around doing nothing in particular when Ernie thought he should be doing something in particular. He didn't care what it was, but he should be 29 doing something. Well, unfortunately, a buck sergeant—recently over from the States, not part of the combat experience—was in charge of this group of other new recruits. And this guy, this buck sergeant, was sweeping off the steps of the mess hall. And when Ernie Harmon saw a buck sergeant sweeping the steps, with privates standing around doing nothing, he exploded. And he started to chew, and he started at the bottom, and he chewed right up through the privates, through the corporals, through the sergeants, through the top sergeant, through the lieutenants, through the captain—that was me—and he said, Christie, I don't want to have anything like this happen under your command. Understand that? Yes, sir. Well, things tightened up after that, of course. Although, he never did come back. And I came home a couple of months after that. But that was my first experience—face to face—with Ernie Harmon. Which is the prelude to what happened when I picked up my diploma from his hand. He looked at my patches and gave a kind of quizzical look, and he said, "I know you, you son of a bitch." I didn't know what to do. So like I said, pass gas or wind my watch—at that point. So anyhow, I said, "Yes, sir. I remember you, too, sir." And the next thing he said—well, of course people were lined up to walk across the stage—and not many of them would have a conversation with Ernie Harmon. So anyhow, he said, Christie, are you married? And I said, "No, sir." Well, he said, "Get married and be productive!" Yes, sir. And that was—the next time I saw him, he was the president of Norwich University, and he was one of my patients. JP: Oh my gosh. He had Goering's train car? RC: Oh, yeah. He captured it—you know—we had souvenirs. That was one of his souvenirs. He had to travel all over Germany on the railroad. He needed a private car, private engine—whatever. Goering had that in spades. Beautiful train, engine, and had two cars. It was Ernie Harmon's headquarters. JP: Oh my gosh. I've never heard that story. That is priceless. RC: So, that's my Ernie Harmon story. JP: Oh, thank you. That's a good one. Anything else?30 RC: I think I've kind of run out of anecdotes. I, you know, I could come up and talk all day and all night about things that I remember that have happened. But anyhow, that is just skipping on top of some of the highlights. JP: Thank you so much. END OF AUDIO FILE
"In the middle decades of the twentieth century, in the wake of economic depression, war, and in the midst of the Cold War, an array of technical experts and government officials developed a substantial body of expertise to contain and manage the disruptions to American society caused by unprecedented threats. Today the tools invented by these mid-twentieth century administrative reformers are largely taken for granted, assimilated into the everyday workings of government. As Stephen Collier and Andrew Lakoff argue in this book, the American government's current practices of disaster management can be traced back to this era. Collier and Lakoff argue that an understanding of the history of this initial formation of the "emergency state" is essential to an appreciation of the distinctive ways that the U.S. government deals with crises and emergencies-or fails to deal with them-today. This book focuses on historical episodes in emergency or disaster planning and management. Some of these episodes are well-known and have often been studied, while others are little-remembered today. The significance of these planners and managers is not that they were responsible for momentous technical innovations or that all their schemes were realized successfully. Their true significance lies in the fact that they formulated a way of understanding and governing emergencies that has come to be taken for granted"--
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Nietzsche's impact on the world of culture, philosophy, and the arts is uncontested, but his political thought remains mired in controversy. By placing Nietzsche back in his late-nineteenth-century German context, Nietzsche's Great Politics moves away from the disputes surrounding Nietzsche's appropriation by the Nazis and challenges the use of the philosopher in postmodern democratic thought. Rather than starting with contemporary democratic theory or continental philosophy, Hugo Drochon argues that Nietzsche's political ideas must first be understood in light of Bismarck's policies, in particular his "Great Politics," which transformed the international politics of the late nineteenth century. Nietzsche's Great Politics shows how Nietzsche made Bismarck's notion his own, enabling him to offer a vision of a unified European political order that was to serve as a counterbalance to both Britain and Russia. This order was to be led by a "good European" cultural elite whose goal would be to encourage the rebirth of Greek high culture. In relocating Nietzsche's politics to their own time, the book offers not only a novel reading of the philosopher but also a more accurate picture of why his political thought remains so relevant today
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Part three of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Different job he held and businesses he owned. How he brought his children to the U.S. Where his children were educated and what they do for work. How he has been treated in the U.S. What churches he attends. What marriage customs are like. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Uh, he say, "Give me $10 more and me wash dishes." I say, "No, my friend, me like wash dishes." And he can't kick me out because I'm the boss. SPEAKER 1: Boss, right. [Laughs] ALI: And I start working in the kitchen. This Chinese is a short fellow. What he do, I write in my. with Arabic language. I write what he do. Every time, what he do-do, I write it until I learned all the cook. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: I fired the cook, I hired dishwasher. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: And I start cooking for two and a half years Chinese food. SPEAKER 1: Wow, you stayed that one. ALI: I stayed two and a half years. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. And after, American government send me to Russia. SPEAKER 1: For what? ALI: Business. SPEAKER 1: Business? [Laughs] ALI: And I went to Russia and I have to sell my business. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: I sold it, I think, $11,000. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: The restaurant. I stayed six months, less than a few days to six months. When I came back, I find the place go to pieces. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. And I took over. I be. I-I bought it $450. SPEAKER 1: Back? You bought it? ALI: Back. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] Yeah. 2 ALI: And then we changed it from Chinese to American again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. And I took it over. I bought it $450. I fire all the help and I hire good girls, nice-looking girls. She wants to take picture in Fox and Hound, if you know that place, Fox and Hound Nightclub in Quincy. She take picture and take the picture, put your picture in a match. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah? ALI: She's a beautiful girl. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Big, tall, hair up to. I hire her behind the counter and I see a lot of customers look at her. And her dance is very, very good and after. Uncle Sam again, called me up again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Send me back to Palestine. SPEAKER 1: Business again? ALI: Business again. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I have to sell it. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I sold it. When I came back again, I have to take hairdresser. I went to school. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? You went to school? ALI: A hairdresser. Yeah. SPEAKER 1: Where was this, did you go to school? ALI: In Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Academy something school. Yes. And I took a license. And after when we talk, I became. me and Harry J. Sullivan, and Harry L. Barker, we had a meeting together and I said, "I'd like to get my business back to be doctor." He said, "Ali, you can't. You have to 3 go to school." I went to Harvard College. When I went to Harvard College, naturally they talk big words, the dean of the college. I don't understand. I go to library. In state hospital, you have a beautiful library, American here. I went to library and that's where the boys who were in the same class with me, some of them were in the army too, you know, and started to look at dictionary what this word mean. I don't understand even the meaning of the word. I look what's the meaning of this word way back two or three times. I got lost. I said, "I don't want to lose my time in the government." The government pay for the school and gave me $125 a week. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. They pay me $125 a week and I don't understand nothing. That's why I thought make the government pay money for nothing and I don't understand nothing. It make you feel ashamed. Number two, it make you feel ashamed, an intelligent man, you don't understand English. It looks bad. SPEAKER 1: It's not an easy language. ALI: That's right. I say, "Okay, forget it." See? And I open sponge business. SPEAKER 1: Sponge? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: They call it [unintelligible - 00:03:40] Sponge Company in Boston. That's my name. Yes. I have 250 men diver for me. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah? ALI: Yes, in Boston. I made good business. Yes. And I have a boat go to Middle East and come back. Yes, with captain. I go with them once in a while. I've done a very good business. Yes. And after, I sold the business and I came to Fitchburg. 4 SPEAKER 1: Well, all this time you were in Boston, were you still living with your brother? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No? You moved out? ALI: I move out. I live alone. I hire apartment, one doctor. I mean, doctor. him and I, we live together. SPEAKER 1: But you still didn't have enough family to bring your family over here? ALI: No, I bring my family. SPEAKER 1: When did you bring your family? ALI: In 1946, I bring my son. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Just your son or.? ALI: My son, the one who died. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: I bring him; I put him in high school in Boston. After, I put him in Northeastern College. After, I put him to Harvard College. Yes. SPEAKER 1: Did you bring your wife or the rest of the.? ALI: No, my wife she. SPEAKER 1: She had died. ALI: In 1948. SPEAKER 1: And what about the rest of your children? ALI: Lived with my mother and father. My father, he lived 107. SPEAKER 1: To 107 years old? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: And the other children lived with him? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Why did you just bring the one boy and not the others? Because. ALI: No, no, because he's old enough. He was 17. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. 5 ALI: And the other one was younger. He didn't need mother. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, they had to be taken care of while he was work. ALI: We have to be [unintelligible - 00:05:07]. If I bring with me women here. because I hear here, in old country, they say he's a playboy. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah. ALI: And I don't want to say that. I don't want somebody give me a bad name. I don't want no woman to live with me with my children. You see? Right away, they say, "It's not for his children – he playboy." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I don't like that. See? I bring my son then he finish and I bring other son when he grow when I came to Fitchburg here. In 1950, I bring my other son. And after, I bring my daughter. See? And my son, that number two, he don't like the school. I put him in Fitchburg High School here three months and I walk with him – I don't take him in a car, walk with him – he go to school, inside. He see when I go and he walk out. He don't go to school. SPEAKER 1: Do they speak English at all? ALI: A little bit. SPEAKER 1: A little bit. Yeah. ALI: Because down there, they teach you A, B, C, D, open the door, close the door, thank you, goodbye, how are you, you know. SPEAKER 1: He just didn't like it. ALI: He don't like the school. We have to learn some trade. He said, "I like to be mechanic." I put him to mechanic here in [unintelligible - 00:06:25] summer school, a mechanic. I put him there, two weeks, he said, "Too dirty." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And I said, "All right." And he start to smoke. I beat him up. And he see me a few time I go to Fidelity Bank, to Mr. Barrett. He 6 ask him, he say, "My father need $200, Mr. Barrett. Can you give me please?" Mr. Barrett did give him $200, the president of the bank. SPEAKER 1: Oh, geez. ALI: He took $200 and he took the bus from here to Boston. He was only five months in this country. And he went to Boston by bus. And from Boston, he took the taxi to the airport and he took the airplane to Dearborn, Michigan. This boy here, you met him, Abdullah? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: He's the one who was there in Dearborn, Michigan, because he came the same day, this my nephew, because. both cousin. And he went to see him. He started work with him. From there, he went to volunteer to the air force, American Air Force, four years. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. What's he doing today? ALI: Now, he wants to work with me, barber. I put him in school here to be barber because he don't like. SPEAKER 1: He came back, yeah. ALI: He came back. He get married and he get six kid now. I put him to work with me for 14 years, you know, barber. I gave him $225 a week, five days, for barber. He was [Unintelligible - 00:08:01] for me in barbershop here. SPEAKER 1: In Fitchburg? ALI: In Fitchburg. And after the business dropped down because everybody gets. starts to get long hair. And then he left. He went to Somerville. He bought packages store, you know, variety store. And he bought house there, see. And now, he has then. making a good living. SPEAKER 1: What about your daughter? How did.? ALI: My daughter, she got married. SPEAKER 1: So she came here? 7 ALI: No. I send her to Harvard College. I want to be doctor. Because I found out you can't open a hospital, you can't do nothing until you be doctor. And I was thinking, "She's young and she know English." I put her in Harvard College, took a medical degree, and she get doctors. And I work on her hair. And after two or three years, could be, maybe, I get my practice license doctor, too. See? And she went over a year and a half. And I was her hairdresser myself in Fitchburg here. She don't like to be doctor. She said, "Dad, I don't like it – too hard for me. Can I take hairdressing and work with you?" I said, "Okay." I put her hairdresser, in a school. She stays seven months in school and then she got her practice license, hairdresser. And she came work with me in Fitchburg as hairdresser. She don't like it. I said, "What do you want?" She said, "Well, let me work with you in the house." I have a house. SPEAKER 1: Take care of your house? ALI: My house. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: I put her in the house. Then she hit 18, 19 and I said, "Now, you can't stay like this. You have to be married." I send her back to old country. She met my cousin. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: It was an arranged type of marriage? ALI: Yes. Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. Your other boy got married though. That wasn't arranged, was it? ALI: Arranged by my father. SPEAKER 1: Oh, it was? ALI: Yes. I send them there from here, from the air force. SPEAKER 1: So he married an Arab? ALI: Yes. 8 SPEAKER 1: And your other son, he went to a school here? ALI: Yes, he went to Northeastern College. He went to Harvard College. SPEAKER 1: For any special thing? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: To be a doctor? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: Number one, he was engineer, see. And after, he took, I don't know what kind of thing. He took another one. Subject, he took another subject. And after, he went to the air force. He once worked for the government intelligence service six and a half years, see. And after he get discharged, he came here. He opened supermarket in Detroit, Michigan. And the American government went after him, took him. He went on postmaster in Saudi Arabia. After, they took him back to ambassador. Two months ago, the American government, they want me to go back. They came here to the barbershop and ask me to follow. I thought about it. They want me to go back to the service. SPEAKER 1: They want you, too? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? And you said no? ALI: No. I told them the story about when that tourist was hunting. Do you remember? SPEAKER 1: I think. ALI: One Arabian champion and one German champion went to hunt. They say, "There can't be two champions. There got to be one." When he went to Germany, he say, "Okay, you're my guest tomorrow morning." Next morning, they went to hunt. The German fellow took the eagle with him – pheasants, they're called pheasants. He let the pheasant cock, cock, cock, and all the 9 pheasant come in. German fellow, he took the gun and shot five. He said, "Boy, that's why you're champion?" He says, "Well, that's my limit now. Five minute, five pheasants. Let's go back home." He said, "Before you go, you want to sell me the pheasant? He said, "It cost too much money." He said, "Why?" "Because they take me a long time to teach them, making the pheasant come in and after I kill them, he come in with them. You know, because they're dead and it becomes alive and put them with me and go home. It cost me too much time and money." He said, "I don't care. How much you want to sell it?" He said, "A thousand mark." He said, "Here's a thousand mark, my friend." Look at him, the smartest man. He said, "I'll buy it. The German fellow, he said, "A thousand marks for one pheasant is a lot of money." He took it, and the Arabian man, he took the gun and shot him, he kill him. He said, "Why you kill him?" He said, "Well, he's not worth to live. He doesn't deserve to live." He said, "Why?" He said, "He double-cross his kind." SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: Double-cross his kind. The German fellow, he always said, "You're right." He said, "He's not worth to live." Am I going against my people? No. And I told that story to the people who come to see me. They say, "You're still American." I say, "I don't care. Still, I'm Arabian blood." SPEAKER 1: Yeah, you can't go against your people. ALI: I can't. SPEAKER 1: When you started to live in this area, did you look for a neighborhood of your own nationality or weren't there enough people? ALI: No, when I came here, I don't find nobody except one man, I told you, Mr. Joseph. He's Lebanese and he's Catholic. And the Catholic, they don't like the Muslim. 10 SPEAKER 1: They don't? No? ALI: No. This people here that came tonight, they don't like Muslims. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: But just he work for me one time. When he came to this country to. he didn't have no license. I took him with me to Boston and I help him out to get his license. And he work with me one year, see. And I give him good money. But, of course, I'm Muslim, he quit. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right, after I give him license. He work in the plastic. He come and his finger all burned here because of the plastic. SPEAKER 1: The chemicals? ALI: Because I get factory in New Hampshire. SPEAKER 1: You have a factory now? ALI: Yeah, I sold it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, you sold it? ALI: Yeah, last year. I get plastic factory, Green, in New Hampshire? SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: That's my name. SPEAKER 1: Geez. You have a lot of things going. Well, how did the people treat you when you came into this area? ALI: Well, like I say, when I came here, I think I told you I met that man, Mr. [Lowell], and I took him home, I make Christmas dinner. I told you a story about it. And when I ask him to get. I give him $2 and dinner with us. She took it the wrong way. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, to be a waitress. ALI: Yeah, and after I went to First Baptist Church, where is the library now exactly, I make dinner for 250. When we were finished, I show you the papers here. I fed him next year. I asked him, he said, no, he get to be only a Baptist member, a First Baptist Church member. I said, "No, my friend, every man, the Greek, Italian, 11 Jews, Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, I don't care who it is, over 6 years, they are invited. We call the mother, father of the town or the city. I invite everybody. And I have cars, transportation. I have. each car, two people to bring man or woman in wheelchair and put them in a car. When they come out, they can bring them to the dinner. And I have nurses; I hire 10 nurses. Every time I went to [unintelligible - 00:15:28] Hospital with my high English. I have a hard time even to rent 10 girls, to hire girls to feed the people and wash them out and send them back. Even one fellow is named Father O'Brien. He was in charge of the Saint Camilla Church. He was a waiter. And he didn't believe it. He came, kiss me, and hug me two or three time in my cheek. He say he never see that in his life and he was waiter with the George Burke last time and the policemen in five minutes, city council – waiters. And Father O'Brien, he volunteered. He say, "Honest to God, Mo, I give one man five times, you know, what's called second, second, second, five dishes. He eat five dishes in all, all men. And this man, he never eat before." I said, "That's what I would love to have. I want people to eat." The last time, last year, when I get. I get 15 years in Fitchburg here. The last time was 2,200 people. It was on TV, channel 4, 5, and 7. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes, ma'am. SPEAKER 1: I don't remember. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: A year ago? ALI: Yes. No, eight years ago. SPEAKER 1: Oh, eight years ago. ALI: Yes. Then they take me to the court. I have 500 letters. Over 10 letter come in from Tokyo, Japan. SPEAKER 1: Really? 12 ALI: That's right. I still got that mail. From Tokyo, Japan they thank me. They never see that man who do all that dinner, 82 turkey. I bought the smallest turkey, 35 pound from C.A. Cross. I don't know if you remember that name. It was a wholesale when you go to Wayland Park in your right-hand side. I bought. when I have my own restaurant. I have restaurant in [Parma], big dining. And I have the hotel. [Unintelligible - 00:17:29] I told you. And I had. SPEAKER 1: Barry? ALI: Barry. I have restaurant in [unintelligible - 00:17:37]. See, I have different places. And I buy a lot of food from them. And I ask Mr. Cross, young fellow, I say, "I want to make dinner." He say, "I hear about it." I say, "I want you to give me wholesale." He say, "Yes." He give me 82 turkeys but it's special because you have to order especially that big turkey. And nobody wanted that turkey, 38 and 40 pound, not 10, 15 pound. The smallest was 38 pound, see. I bought it and put them at table. And then the TV man, he came and took the picture. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah, he didn't believe it. One man, he volunteered to buy this stuff and cook them and slice them. He don't believe it. And nobody helped me here. And after, took me to the court. I told you that. They want to know where I got my money and what reason. I told them. SPEAKER 1: They just didn't know you could do something like that because you want to do it for people, to help them. ALI: I want it. I've done it in London. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: I fed in London in 1943. I fed 1,500 people in London. And the mayor of London, his name is Mr. Johnson—I not forgot it, old man with one eye—he worked with me all night long. And the 13 English is, everybody know, cold-blooded. But he's hot blooded. He worked with me. But the American here, nobody work with me. SPEAKER 1: No one helped you? ALI: Nobody. And even took me to the court. They want to know where I got my money. SPEAKER 1: So the people just weren't very friendly to you? ALI: No. No. Can you believe.? What reason, I can't tell you – just jealous because I run for politics here, for mayor? SPEAKER 1: When was that? ALI: Huh? SPEAKER 1: What year was that? ALI: I forget. Eight years ago since I start to run for mayor, this trouble starts in the city. SPEAKER 1: So do you still find a little bit of hostility now even? ALI: A little bit. I know they don't like me. Look now, I have a building, main street building – Dr. Rosenberg here, Dr. Benton here, and my building in the middle. Number one, I paint it white. They came and give me help, you see. "You can't paint it white. You have to paint it blue." I had one argument with my neighbor. I said, "Okay, I paint it blue but not dark blue, light blue." Dr. Benton and the dentist's wife, they came and they both gave me, "Are you blind? We're not this color." I say, "You told me blue. It is blue." He said, "No, it's light blue." I say, "Yes. It's barbershop. I want to grab people eyes, look. I don't want it dark." He said, "Where do you buy your paint?" I told him, "From Academy Paint Store." His name Phil, the manager, they went to see him. He said, "Phil?" He say, "Yes." He say, "We want a paint for Mr. Ali." He say, "Sure. No?" He say, "Yes." He say, "We need paint." They pick up the color – dark, dark blue. I could swear to God it's black. And he say, "[Unintelligible -14 00:20:51]. Is he color blind? He's stupid." He, he, he to the end. And then he came home to the office and he called me up. He say, "Ali?" I say, "Yes." "We got you the paint." I thought he pay for the paint. No. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. They wouldn't pay? ALI: No. He just pick up the color for me. I went to Phil. He said, "Ali, how do you live with this wife?" I said, "Why?" He said, "She call you stupid, she call you colorblind, she call you." I say, "That's not – you know how the women. They don't want to hear me. I didn't say nothing. SPEAKER 1: You didn't say it wasn't your wife? [Laughs] ALI: No. And he said, "What color?" He said, "This one." I said, "My gosh! Nobody died in my barbershop." SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: It's black. He say, "That's the wife. She." I say, "Give me that green." He says, "She's going to divorce you." I say, "Good. I like her to divorce me. I'll find another one." I painted it green. And since that time, he don't talk to me. He called me everything. We have a fire in that building. Fellow's name [unintelligible - 00:21:59]. He's the headman or the building inspector. He send me a letter by police – not by post office or by mail – by the police. I have to start remodeling my building before eight hours. If not, he can [unintelligible - 00:22:16] to make my building. I start for eight hours after the fire, start work on my building, three years ago. Now, Dr. Rosenberg is still there now. The window broke, the door broke. There's snow inside, frozen pipe. They didn't tell him, "You have to remodel your building." Why? He's a white man. I'm a white man. He's an American citizen. I'm an American citizen. He pay tax. I pay tax. I pay $800 tax – this year, $2,100 tax. But why they can't send him letter, "You have to fix this building." I went to John [unintelligible - 00:23:00]. I 15 said, "Mr. John, cousin," I say, "Will you please write letter to Dr. Rosenberg? He don't want to fix his building?" "All right, I can't force him. I'm not the City Hall." I say, "Can you give me permit at least for the window? Because it froze my pipe and I can't afford it. Even last week, when I was in old country, the pipe froze. They have to call the policeman; they have to call the fireman to close my water. It was leaking, fifth floor to the cellar, my pipe. It cost me $1,000. And they won't help me to [sell]. They won't help me. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. When I went to John [unintelligible - 00:23:41], he charged me $10. He wrote me a letter, a typewritten letter, good English, to Dr. Rosenberg to ask him permit, to give me permit. I buy the wood; I hire the carpenter, just for the window to hold the air. You sue me for $25,000. SPEAKER 1: They can do that? ALI: Yes. Now, I'm under court for $25,000 and that passing, what's that called in English? SPEAKER 1: Damages? ALI: No, pass. SPEAKER 1: Trespassing? ALI: Trespassing. And I send them up by mail, by lawyer. They charge me $10. See? SPEAKER 1: And they're going to sue you? ALI: They sue me already. My lawyer, Solomon, too, is Jewish; Dr. Rosenberg is Jewish. I say, "Two Jewish fight each other." See? To show you I'm not wanted here. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You said something about you became an American citizen. When did you become one? Do you remember? 16 ALI: 1942 and they took me to intelligence service. Because you can be intelligence service; you have to be citizen. I took my citizen in Durham, North Carolina. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? Did you ever become involved in… well, there was no Muslim Church around here. You said that. where is the church? ALI: We have a church in Quincy. We have a church in New York. We have a big church in Washington, D.C. We have a church in Dearborn, Michigan. We have church in Detroit, Michigan. We have church in Cleveland, Ohio. SPEAKER 1: But none really that. do you go to churches around here? ALI: I go to every church. I go to Saint [unintelligible - 00:25:13], I go to Christ Church, I go to Saint Georgia's Church [unintelligible - 00:25:20], I go to Baptist Church. now they move it. It was here. They move it in John Fitch Highway [unintelligible - 00:25:30] down when you go to New Hampshire. Ashby? SPEAKER 1: Oh, Ashby? ALI: In the middle. We have a garage there, a new garage, in the church up the hill, building new. I go there. I go to Jew synagogue. SPEAKER 1: So you're really involved in all of them? ALI: I go to everyone. I don't mind. SPEAKER 1: It doesn't make any difference? ALI: No, we have one God in this world, like I told you yesterday. We have one God in this world, see. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever become involved in any social activities while you did those, you know. like you did the Christmas dinners with people. Anything else that you. any social activities like. did lots of Muslims ever get together and have like dates? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Nothing like that? 17 ALI: We have Arabian dance in Boston because [unintelligible - 00:26:14] get married, or [ring show] from Egypt, Lebanon, Beirut, [unintelligible - 00:26:19]. SPEAKER 1: But nothing in this area? ALI: Not in this area, because not much here people. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: The most 25, 30 people, just young boys. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. What were some of the things that you miss most about home, back in Arabia? Like did you miss the food or the.? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Do you still cook Arabian food? ALI: I cook any kind but I can't cook Arabian food. SPEAKER 1: You can't? ALI: I can't cook Arabian food. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. I have to go some time in Worcester. They call it [El Morocco]. You've been there? SPEAKER 1: I've heard of it, yeah. ALI: I go there sometime when I want Arabian food. But sometime, invite me, somebody like this people here, Lebanese, sometime invite me. I eat Arabian food. Sometime, I go to my son, I go to my nephew, see. SPEAKER 1: Do you miss that kind of food though? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You're becoming adjusted to American food though? ALI: Yeah, I like American food. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:27:15]. ALI: Anything to fill your belly. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: That's all. SPEAKER 1: Do you miss the customs and things like that? 18 ALI: I wear it here. Yes. SPEAKER 1: You were telling me about the marriage customs. I thought that was kind of interesting, you know, how you don't get. like in your country, you don't even see them. ALI: No, you don't see them. SPEAKER 1: Each other before you're married. ALI: See, down there, like I say, I like the custom this way. And I like American custom like we talked yesterday because independent. how you look at it. Number one, down there, you can't have no girlfriend, no boyfriend, only through by your mother, by your father. See, you're married. Okay. When you're married, like I say, depending on your class, how much money you're worth; if you're worth money enough because the money belong to you because you belong to your wife, $2,000. You buy silk handkerchiefs. It's got to be white silk handkerchiefs. You give to the girl's father. The girl father count them. You have to replace it, match it. SPEAKER 1: Match it, yeah. ALI: He put $2,000, you put $2,000. He put $5,000, you put $5,000. He put $10,000, you put $10,000. The girl father, you have to match it. And he call the mother and he give the mother. The mother and the daughter, they go outside next day, buy jewelry, furnishing. SPEAKER 1: Stuff for the house? ALI: Stuff for the girl, for her future. Okay. And after, the boy, he invites everybody. Like I told you, we have dance three nights, see, until 12 or 1 o'clock in the morning. They bring like guitars in old country but call that oud. SPEAKER 1: Oud? ALI: Oud is different. It's round. SPEAKER 1: It's round? Yes. 19 ALI: Yes, beautiful. See? And they play sometime until 4 or 5 o'clock in the morning. Poem. SPEAKER 1: Singing? ALI: Yeah. And people have good time drinking coffee and cinnamon. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, cinnamon. ALI: Oh, beautiful. I love it. SPEAKER 1: But no liquor or nothing? ALI: No liquors, absolutely none. SPEAKER 1: It's against the religion? ALI: If you get caught with empty can beer in your hand or your body, three months in jail without court. SPEAKER 1: Because of your religion? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. Now, I can tell you now. But in my time, you see, you can. not allowed. You remember my nephew when he told you I own the hotel. He get busy because I have nightclub. See? And I bring girl from Africa, Algiers, dancing from. from Italy, dancing and advertising in the papers and radio. And everybody, they want to see something different. Because you have to get [unintelligible - 00:30:06] to bring somebody and I bring a lot of people. And when the bartender. they have three bartender and too busy, see. I have to help them. They say, "Mo, give me Schlitz." "This cousin Schlitz?" "No, no, not this one." "This?" "No, no." I start to pick up. I don't care. Beer is the same thing to me. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Beer is beer. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Everyone has a different name, see. I have a cooler. I can put in 30 case, see. And I do not care. I just pick up. "I don't want this 20 one." "Okay, cousin. Open this." "Okay. No, not this one." "Okay, that's the one. Okay." They drive me. but fast. I want it fast. SPEAKER 1: So when you have your wedding celebrations, you just like to sit, have coffee, things like that. ALI: Coffee. SPEAKER 1: That lasts for three days? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: And the girls last three days, too? Separate? ALI: No, together. SPEAKER 1: Oh, together? ALI: Together, but men dance and sing and the girl behind – same area but not together, see. All right. And after, they make dinner. SPEAKER 1: For everybody? ALI: For everybody. Sometime, even four or five towns, depending how you are well known. I don't know what you call in English. How much you are well known. People know you. Two or three towns, sometimes 10 towns. Sometimes, nobody just your neighbors, see. Sometimes, a lot of people come in, 40, 50, 6000 lambs, sometimes two lamb. But like I say, how much people do you know? SPEAKER 1: So you kill a lamb? ALI: You kill them; you cook them, make dinner. And after, we eat dinner. No, before the dinner, we take the boy, ride in a horse, like I told you, and start a race, see. And after half or one hour, the men bring back the horse and they begin with the dance with the sword and poem./AT/mb/ee
The Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) is an iconic fish species with a widespread historic abundance, but recent decades have witnessed a dramatic decline in wild stocks due to a variety of anthropogenic factors, especially overfishing and loss of habitat. To mitigate the impacts of these anthropogenic effects, millions of hatchery-reared Atlantic salmon are released yearly into rivers through stocking programs, which aim to augment the productivity of wild populations. However, these stocked fish are reared under uniform and stimulus-poor hatchery conditions and consequently, they are behaviourally naïve at time of release. For example, hatchery-reared salmonids often show impaired foraging and antipredator behaviour compared to wild conspecifics, which contributes to the observed high post-release mortality rates in stocked fish. Although the effects of the hatchery environment on fish behaviour are relatively well described, the brain, which is the key organ that translates environmental stimuli into appropriate behavioural responses, remains gravely understudied. The few studies which have investigated the impact of the hatchery environment on the fish central nervous system have mostly mapped the expression of neuroplasticity and neurogenesis genes in the entire brain, or large brain structures, such as the whole telencephalon. However, the brain is a complex organ, composed of a plethora of neural subpopulations, each with distinct functionalities and characteristics. When quantifying whole-brain levels of neuroplasticity markers, one studies a conglomerate of many different neural subregions, and regional differences can therefore not be detected. The aim of this thesis is to gain a better insight into the neural differences between wild and hatchery-reared fish, specifically within neural subpopulations of the telencephalon, and how innovative hatchery protocols can improve the neurobiology, behaviour and post-release survival of hatchery-reared salmon. First, we made a detailed characterisation of the neurobiology of juvenile wild and hatchery-reared Atlantic salmon parr. This was achieved by quantifying the expression of the neuroplasticity marker brain-derived neurotrophic factor (bdnf) and the neural activity marker cfos in five neural populations within the telencephalon of wild and hatchery-reared juvenile salmon under both basal and acute-stress conditions (Paper I). We found that expression of bdnf and cfos varied greatly between the studied telencephalic subregions, confirming that these subregions have a distinct responsiveness to environmental stimuli. Compared to wild fish, hatchery-reared fish of the same genetic origin showed higher post-stress neural activation in the ventral area of the dorsolateral pallium (Dlv), which is an important brain region associated with relational memory and spatial orientation. Furthermore, wild fish displayed stress-induced upregulation of bdnf in the dorsomedial pallium (Dm), which regulates emotional learning and stress reactivity, while this was not the case for hatchery-reared individuals. This study showed that targeting telencephalic subregions can reveal expression patterns that escape detection when studying the entire telencephalon as a whole. Moreover, we demonstrated that the hatchery environment affects neuroplasticity and neural activation in brain regions which are important for learning processes and stress reactivity, providing a neuronal foundation for the behavioural differences observed between wild and hatchery-reared fish. After we had characterised neural differences in telencephalic subregions between wild and hatchery-reared salmon, we assessed whether structural environmental enrichment (EE) of the rearing environment could increase region-specific neural plasticity and stocking success in hatchery-reared salmon (Paper II). After seven weeks of treatment, EE-reared parr showed higher post-release freshwater survival rates compared to control individuals, which were reared in standard uniform hatchery tanks. This improved stocking performance did not, however, appear to be linked to significant changes in the expression of telencephalic plasticity markers. Although structural EE has shown some, albeit inconsistent, beneficial effects on fish stocking success across studies, hatchery managers are reluctant to implement this measure in their hatcheries because of hygienic and operational limitations. Therefore, it is important to develop alternative rearing methods which can enhance fish neural development and are more practical to implement in the hatchery. One of these alternative rearing methods is swimming exercise, which has previously been linked to increased post-release survival in salmonids. As running exercise is associated with increased neural plasticity in mammals, we investigated in Paper III whether swimming exercise could serve as an alternative rearing strategy to promote Atlantic salmon neural plasticity and cognition. After eight weeks of sustained swimming, we found increased expression of neuroplasticity-related transcripts in the telencephalon transcriptome of exercised salmon. However, we did not find any evidence for increased cognition in exercised fish, in terms of their ability to solve a spatial orientation task in a maze test. While previous studies have reported positive physiological effects of swimming exercise, such as improved growth efficiency and stress reduction, this is the first time that exercise-enhanced neural plasticity has been reported in salmonids, building a case for exploring further the potential of implementing swimming exercise to improve the stocking success of reared salmonids. In summary, the results presented in this thesis advance the field of applied fish neurobiology in a stocking context by characterising telencephalic neural plasticity markers in Atlantic salmon on a more detailed level than previously studied. We demonstrate that EE can improve juvenile salmon survival during freshwater residency, but that the effects of EE on neural plasticity are limited in the studied telencephalic regions. We identify swimming exercise as a promising novel tool to improve neural plasticity in salmon, and we remark that exercise has additional physiological benefits and is relatively easy to implement in hatcheries. We therefore suggest that future work should aim at validating the potential use of exercise in the optimisation of hatchery conditions for stocking programs, and that further research is needed to increase our understanding on the link between the rearing environment, the brain and behaviour. ; Laks (Salmo salar) er en ikonisk fiskeart som historisk sett har funnes i overflod, men som de siste tiår har opplevd en dramatisk nedgang i villpopulasjonen. Denne nedgangen skyldes hovedsakelig antropogene faktorer som overfisking og habitatinnskrenkning. Som en motkraft til den minkende populasjon blir det gjennom kultiveringsprogrammer satt ut millioner av fisk fra klekkerier og ut i elvene årlig. Disse fiskene er imidlertid vokst opp under uniforme og stimuluslave omgivelser, noe som gjør dem atferdsmessig naive i møte med elven. For eksempel viser utsatt laks nedsatt forings- og antipredatorevne sammenlignet med villaks, noe som bidrar til høyere dødelighet hos denne gruppen. Selv om klekkerimiljøets effekter på atferd er relativt godt beskrevet, så er hjernen, selve hovedorganet som omsetter omgivelsenes stimuli til en passende atferd, fremdeles underbeskrevet. De få studiene som har undersøkt påvirkningen fra klekkerimiljøet på fiskens sentrale nervesystem har stort sett kartlagt uttrykket av gener involvert i nevroplastisitet og nevrogenese i enten hele hjernen eller større hjernestrukturer, som telencephalon. Hjernen er imidlertid et komplekst organ, sammensatt av et utall nevrale subpopulasjoner, hver med distinkte funksjonaliteter og karakteristikker som driver ulike atferder. Når man kvantifiserer markører for nevroplastisitet på helhjerne-nivå, så studerer man et konglomerat av ulike nevrale regioner på samme tid og kan dermed ikke detektere eventuelle regionale forskjeller. Hensikten bak denne avhandlingen var dels å bedre forståelsen av potensielle nevrale forskjeller mellom klekkeri- og villfisk, og dels å undersøke om innovative klekkeriprotokoller kan forbedre nevrobiologien, atferden og overlevelsen til kultivert laks etter elveutsettelsen. Arbeidet startet med en detaljert karakterisering av nevrobiologien til kultivert og vill parr (juvenil laks). Dette ble oppnådd ved å kvantifisere genuttrykket av en nevroplastisitetsmarkør, brain-derived neurotrophic factor (bdnf), og en nevral aktivitetsmarkør, cfos, i fem ulike nevrale populasjoner innad i telencephalon til parr av klekkeri- og villaks under både basale- og akutte stress-tilstander (Artikkel I). Her fant vi at genuttrykket av bdnf og cfos varier sterkt mellom de ulike delene av telencephalon, noe som bekrefter at disse delene har distinkte responser til omgivelsene. Sammenlignet med villfisk har klekkerifisk, med det samme genetiske opphav som villfisken, høyere nevral aktivering etter stress i den ventrale delen av det dorsolaterale pallium (Dlv), et viktig område av hjernen assosiert med deklarativ hukommelse og romlig orientering. Videre hadde villfisken en stressindusert oppregulering av bdnf i det dorsomediale pallium (Dm), et område som regulerer emosjonell læring og stressreaktivitet, mens dette ikke var tilfelle for klekkerifisken. Dette studiet illustrerte at å undersøke delregioner av telencephalon kan avsløre mønstre som blir maskert ved å undersøke telencephalon som en enhet. I tillegg ble det vist at klekkerimiljøet påvirker nevroplastisiteten og den nevrale aktiviteten i hjerneområder viktige for læreprosesser og stressreaktivitet, noe som gir et nevralt fundament for de atferdsmessige forskjeller som blir observert mellom vill og kultivert fisk. Etter karakteriseringen av de nevrale forskjellene i telencephalons delregioner mellom vill og kultivert laks, undersøkte vi videre om strukturell berikelse av oppvekstmiljøet (EE) kunne bedre den regionspesifikke nevrale plastisiteten og kultiveringssuksessen av klekkerilaksen (Artikkel II). Etter syv ukers behandling viste EE-oppfostret parr høyere overlevelse etter utsetting i ferskvann enn kontrollindivider oppfostret i standard uniforme klekkeritanker. Den forbedrede kultiveringen ble imidlertid ikke gjenspeilet i signifikante endringer i telencephalons genuttrykk av plastisitetsmarkører. Selv om strukturell EE har demonstrert å gi noen, dog inkonsekvente, fordelaktige effekter på kultivering i flere studier, er klekkeriledere motvillige til å implementere dette grunnet de hygieniske og operasjonelle begrensinger de kan føre med seg. Det er derfor viktig å utvikle alternative oppfostringsmetoder som kan bedre fiskens nevrale utvikling og samtidig være mer praktisk å innføre i produksjonen. Ett slikt alternativ er svømmetrening, noe som tidligere har blitt knyttet til økt overlevelse hos laksefisk etter utsetting. Ettersom løping er assosiert med økt nevroplastisitet i pattedyr, undersøkte vi i Artikkel III om svømming kunne virke som en alternativ strategi for å bedre laksens nevroplastisitet og kognisjon. Etter åtte uker med vedvarende svømming fant vi økt uttrykk av nevroplastisitet-relaterte gentranskripter i telencephalons transkriptom hos de trente laksene. Vi testet deres evne til romlig orientering i en labyrinttest, men fant ingen bevis for økt kognisjon hos den trente fisken. Til tross for at tidligere studier har rapportert positive fysiologiske effekter av svømmetrening, slik som økt vekst eller stressreduksjon, så er dette første gang at trenings-stimulert nevroplastisitet har blitt rapportert i laksefisk, noe som indikerer at svømmetrening bør utforskes som en potensiell måte å øke utsettingssuksessen av klekkerilaks. Oppsummert bidrar resultatene i denne avhandlingen til en avansering av den anvendte fiskenevrobiologien i kultiveringssammenheng gjennom å karakterisere telencephalons nevroplastisitetsmarkører i laks på et mer detaljert nivå enn tidligere beskrevet. Vi viser at EE kan forbedre overlevelsen til parr i ferskvann, men at effektene av EE på nevroplastisitet er avmålte i de områder av telencephalon som ble studert her. Videre demonstrerer vi svømmetrening som et lovende nytt verktøy for forbedring av nevroplastisiteten i laks, samtidig som vi understreker at trening har ytterligere fysiologiske fortrinn og er relativt lett å få implementert i klekkeriene. Vi foreslår derfor at fremtidige arbeid har som mål å validere den potensielle nytten av trening i optimaliseringen av klekkeribetingelsene for kultivering og at fremtidige undersøkelser søker å forstå sammenhengen mellom oppvekstmiljøet, hjernen og atferd. ; De Atlantische zalm (Salmo salar) is een iconische vissoort die oorspronkelijk in overvloed voorkwam, maar door menselijk handelen zijn de wereldwijde aantallen in de afgelopen decennia sterk gedaald, met name door overbevissing en verlies van leefgebied. Om afnemende wilde zalmpopulaties te ondersteunen worden jaarlijks miljoenen Atlantische zalmen gekweekt en vervolgens in rivieren vrijgelaten via uitzettingsprogramma's. De omstandigheden in de kwekerijen zijn echter zeer uniform en prikkelarm, wat tot gevolg heeft dat de vis zich naïef gedraagt na vrijlating in de natuur. Vaak vertonen gekweekte zalmen bijvoorbeeld minder efficïent foerageergedrag en vallen ze snel ten prooi aan predators, en mede daardoor hebben ze een lage overlevingskans in het wild. De effecten van het kweken op het gedrag van vissen zijn redelijk goed beschreven, maar de effecten op de hersenen – het orgaan dat omgevingsprikkels vertaalt in geschikt gedrag – zijn tot nu toe sterk onderbelicht gebleven. De weinige studies die de impact van de kwekerijomgeving op het centraal zenuwstelsel van vissen hebben bestudeerd, hebben met name de expressie van neuroplasticitiets- en neurogenesegenen in kaart gebracht in de gehele hersenen, of in grote hersenstructuren zoals de gehele voorhersenen (telencephalon). De hersenen zijn echter een zeer complex orgaan en bestaan uit een overvloed aan neurale subpopulaties, ieder met verschillende functionaliteiten en kenmerken die specifieke typen gedrag aansturen. Bij het kwantificeren van neuroplasticiteitsmarkers in de gehele hersenen bestudeert men een verzameling van al deze neurale populaties, en nuances tussen hersengebieden kunnen niet worden gedetecteerd. Het doel van dit proefschrift is om een beter inzicht te krijgen in de neurale verschillen in subregio's van het telencephalon tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm, en hoe innovatieve kweekmethoden verbeteringen kunnen bewerkstelligen in de neurobiologie, het gedrag en de overleving van gekweekte zalm. Allereerst hebben we een gedetailleerde karakterisatie gemaakt van de neurobiologie van juveniele wilde zalm en kweekzalm. Daarvoor hebben we de expressie van de neuroplasticiteitsmarker bdnf en de neurale activiteitsmarker cfos gekwantificeerd in vijf neurale subregio's van het telencephalon in wilde zalm en kweekzalm, zowel voor als na blootstelling aan een acute stressor (Paper I). We ontdekten dat de expressie van bdnf en cfos sterk varieerde tussen de bestudeerde subregio's, hetgeen bevestigt dat deze regio's ieder individuele eigenschappen hebben met betrekking tot hun reactie op externe stimuli. Vergeleken met wilde vis vertoonde de kweekvis van dezelfde genetische oorsprong na blootstelling aan stress een hogere neurale activering in het ventrale gebied van het dorsolaterale pallium (Dlv), een hersengebied dat belangrijk is voor relationeel geheugen en ruimtelijke oriëntatie. Gestresste wilde zalm vertoonde een verhoogde expressie van bndf in het dorsomediale pallium (Dm), dat belangrijk is voor het emotioneel geheugen en de stressrespons, terwijl dit niet het geval was voor gekweekte zalm. Deze studie toont aan dat het bestuderen van neurale subregio's in het telencephalon bepaalde expressiepatronen kan onthullen die niet gedetecteerd kunnen worden wanneer het telencephalon in zijn geheel bestudeerd wordt. Verder hebben we aangetoond dat het kweken van invloed is op de neuroplasticiteit en neurale activatie in hersenregio's die belangrijk zijn voor leerprocessen en de stressrespons. Deze resultaten kunnen een mogelijke verklaring geven voor de gedragsverschillen die worden waargenomen tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm. Nadat we de neurale verschillen tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm hadden gekarakteriseerd in de subregio's van het telencephalon, hebben we in Paper II onderzocht of de hersenplasticiteit en overlevingskansen van gekweekte zalm kunnen worden verbeterd door de kwekerij te verrijken met objecten als stenen en planten ('milieuverrijking'). Na zeven weken in een verrijkte omgeving hadden gekweekte zalmen een significant hogere overlevingskans na uitzetting in de rivier, vergeleken met een controlegroep die onder standaard omstandigheden was gekweekt. De verhoogde overlevingskans leek echter niet gepaard te gaan te met significante veranderingen in hersenplasticiteit. Hoewel milieuverrijking een aantal (maar inconsistente) gunstige effecten heeft laten zien op het succes van uitzettingsprogramma's, zijn de eigenaren van kwekerijen terughoudend om milieuverrijking te implementeren vanwege hygiënische en operationele bezwaren. Het is daarom belangrijk om alternatieve kweekmethoden te ontwikkelen die een gunstig effect hebben op de neurale ontwikkeling van vissen, zonder praktische nadelen mee te brengen voor kwekerijen. Een van deze alternatieve kweekmethoden is het implementeren van zwemtraining, waarvan in eerdere studies al is gebleken dat het de overlevingskans van uitgezette zalm ten goede kan komen. Daarnaast is bekend dat rennen positieve effecten heeft op hersenplasticiteit in zoogdieren, maar de neurologische effecten van zwemtraining zijn nog nooit grondig onderzocht in vis. Daarom hebben we in Paper III onderzocht of zwemtraining de hersenplasticiteit en cognitie van Atlantische zalm kan bevorderen. Na acht weken zwemtraining vonden we verhoogde expressie van hersenplasticiteit-gerelateerde genen in het telencephalon van getrainde zalm. Echter, we hebben geen bewijs gevonden van verhoogde cognitie in getrainde vissen met betrekking tot het ruimtelijk geheugen bij het oplossen van een doolhof. Hoewel eerdere studies positieve fysiologische effecten van zwemtraining in vissen beschrijven, zoals een efficiëntere lichaamsgroei en verminderde stress, is dit de eerste keer dat is aangetoond dat zwemtraining ook de hersenplasticiteit van zalmen kan bevorderen. Daarom lijkt zwemtraining een veelbelovende methode om de overlevingskansen van uitgezette zalm te bevorderen. De resultaten die gepresenteerd worden in dit proefschrift leveren een bijdrage op het terrein van de toegepaste visneurobiologie doordat we de expressie van hersenplasticiteitsmarkers in het telencephalon van Atlantische zalm op een meer gedetailleerd niveau hebben gekarakteriseerd dan ooit tevoren. We laten zien dat milieuverrijking de overlevingskans van jonge zalm in de zoetwaterfase kan verbeteren, maar dat effecten van milieuverrijking op hersenplasticiteit beperkt zijn in de bestudeerde regio's van het telencephalon. We identificeren zwemtraining als een veelbelovende alternatieve kweekmethode om de hersenplasticiteit in zalm te bevorderen, en merken daarnaast op dat zwemtraining toegevoegde fysiologische voordelen biedt en relatief eenvoudig te implementeren is in de kwekerij. Daarom stellen we voor dat toekomstige studies zich richten op de validatie van zwemtraining als methode om kweekomstandigheden te optimaliseren, en dat verder onderzoek de samenhang tussen kweekomstandigheden, hersenen en gedrag nauwkeuriger in kaart brengt. ; The European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 642893: Improved Production Strategies for Endangered Freshwater Species, "IMPRESS" The Europeun Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 652831 (AQUAEXCEL2020) for providing Transnational Access to Wageningen University & Research for Paper III The Research Council of Norway under the HAVBRUK programme, project number 268075/E40, for supplying a travel grant to support the work presented in Paper III COST Action FA1304 "Swimming of fish and implications for migration and aquaculture (FITFISH)" for funding the short-term scientific mission that led to Paper III The Physiology Division of the American Fisheries Society for providing a travel award to attend the 13th International Congress on the Biology of Fish in Calgary, Canada
In: Koch , L 2004 , ' Der Erste Weltkrieg als Medium der Gegenmoderne : zu den Werken von Walter Flex und Ernst Jünger ' , Doctor of Philosophy , University of Groningen , Groningen .
1. Inleiding Tussen de 'visies op de oorlog' die in de teksten van Walter Flex enerzijds, in die van Ernst Jünger anderzijds tot uitdrukking komen, ligt het trauma van de materiaalslag. Walter Flex, voornamelijk aan het oostfront ingezet, vocht in een van de laatste veldslagen van de door Eric Hobsbawn zo genoemde 'lange' 19de eeuw. Ernst Jünger daarentegen, in België en Frankrijk ingezet, nam deel aan de eerste 'moderne' oorlog van de 20ste eeuw. Walter Flex vervulde in zijn rol van schrijvend soldaat een belangrijke propagandistische functie in de 'geestelijke mobilisatie' van de Duitsers. Geleid door diepgewortelde antimodernistische ressentimenten trachtte hij in zijn werk de oorlog te isoleren van de concrete politieke, sociale en economische context van 1914 en ethisch te interpreteren als manifestatie van een hoognodige 'culturele katharsis' van het Wilhelminische keizerrijk. Zodoende sloot de schrijver, wiens bekendste werk, Der Wanderer zwischen beiden Welten, tussen 1917 en 1933 tot de best verkochte Duitstalige boeken behoorde, aan bij de cultuurkritische geestelijke heroriëntatie van de Duitse 'Bildungsbürger', de hoogopgeleide burgerlijke intellectueel, die de jaren voor de oorlog had ervaren als een tijd van toenemende culturele nivellering en vervlakking en nu het moment zag aangebroken dat eindelijk in een nationale krachtsinspanning de voortschrijdende, heel de maatschappij doordringende modernisering werd gestopt en de socio-culturele klok kon worden teruggezet. In de roes van het 'augustusgevoel' begon de Bildungsbürger in een ware stortvloed van pamfletten, memoranda en krantenartikelen de lof te zingen van een nieuwe tijd, die eens zou aanbreken en geheel in het teken van nationale grandeur zou staan. Van de oorlog verwachtte men - zoals bijvoorbeeld Flex' tijdgenoot Erich Marcks, bekend als biograaf van Bismarck en aan het eind van zijn carrière docerend op de leerstoel die ooit Ranke bezette - het begin van 'een nieuwe bezieling, een innerlijke verrijking en verduitsing van de nieuwe Duitse mens'. Waar tot dan toe 'maatschappij' bestond, zou - zij het in een vorm die paste bij de nieuwe tijd - opnieuw 'gemeenschap' groeien. Vier vernietigende jaren later stond met de ondertekening van het vredesverdrag van Versailles het Duitse keizerrijk en daarmee de intellectuele conservatieve bovenlaag voor een moreel bankroet. De oorlog was verloren, de alom verkondigde 'Duitse opmars' naar een 'plekje onder de zon' was in een 'Duitse treurmars' veranderd, de waarden van de westerse geallieerden hadden getriomfeerd over de Duitse oorlogsideologie. Negen miljoen mensen en onder hen ook twee miljoen Duitse soldaten hadden - althans uit Duits perspectief - voor niets het leven gelaten, en een hele generatie ontheemden keerde terug in een land dat grondig was ontwricht, een land dat zich binnen zijn grenzen had geconformeerd aan de politieke structuren van de winnende coalitie en dat nu zijn vroegere oorlogshelden vooral een sociale en politieke belasting vond. In de werken waarin Ernst Jünger vanuit de jaren twintig terugblikt op de oorlog, weerspiegelt zich hoe zeer hij en anderen waren ontgoocheld door de afloop van de strijd. Maar hoewel Jünger de normen en waarden van het Westen bleef afwijzen en daarmee aanknoopte bij de cultuurkritiek van voor 1914, kwam hij in zijn conclusies voor het heden tot een afwijkend standpunt. Voor hem was duidelijk dat met de immanente logica van de moderne industriële oorlog een elementaire kracht zijn intrede had gedaan die de bestaansvoorwaarden van de mens wezenlijk had veranderd en een terugkeer naar de goede oude tijd definitief verhinderde. In romans en krantenartikelen, maar in het bijzonder in zijn essay Der Arbeiter, ontwikkelt Jünger een antimodernistisch moderniteitsconcept, dat onvoorwaardelijk brak met 'pessimistische' cultuurkritiek en 'optimistisch' geloof in de vooruitgang en een poging deed om technische modernisering te verzoenen met politieke en sociaal-culturele reactie. 2. Thema Aan de hand van de verschillende interpretaties van de Eerste Wereldoorlog in respectievelijk het werk van Walter Flex en dat van Ernst Jünger wordt geprobeerd licht te werpen op de constanten en veranderingen in het Duitse conservatieve denken uit de eerste drie decennia van de 20ste eeuw. Een goede reden om eendiepgaande studie te maken van het werk van Flex ligt in het feit dat in diens teksten de centrale ideologemen ofwel deelaspecten van de burgerlijke oorlogsideologie - de religieus overtrokken interpretatie van de oorlog als een culturele en geestelijke katharsis, de romantische verheerlijking van het soldatenleven als nieuwe volksgemeenschap, het geloof in de charismatische leider - op exemplarische wijze tot uitdrukking komen. Ernst Jünger is gekozen omdat in diens oorlogsboeken de literaire ontwikkeling naar een 'nieuwe zakelijkheid', een tendens die in principe bij alle vertegenwoordigers van de zogenoemde conservatieve revolutie in de jaren twintig valt waar te nemen, pregnant tot uitdrukking komt. Tegen die achtergrond wordt getracht de tussen beide auteurs bestaande verschillen in literaire waarneming en verwerking van de werkelijkheid te definiëren, deze verschillen een plaats te geven binnen het kader van de geschiedenis van mentaliteit en maatschappij, en ze ten slotte te toetsen op de mate waarin zij semantisch compatibel en integreerbaar zijn in het discours van die tijd. Verduidelijkt wordt op op grond van welke retorische overwegingen bepaalde topoi door de auteurs in hun teksten worden ingezet, welke formuleringsstrategieën zij hanteren en welk verwachtingspatroon door hun schrijfstrategie wordt opgeroepen. Daarbij wordt niet vergeten dat de twee auteurs de oorlog vanuit een verschillende biografische, psychische en wereldbeschouwelijke achtergrond beleefden, en dus de analyse van ieders afzonderlijke belevingswereld tegelijk ook licht werpt op belangrijke aspecten van de extra-tekstuele productievoorwaarden. Walter Flex, jaargang 1887, was een typische representant van die groepering onder de Bildungsbürger die hoopte dat de Eerste Wereldoorlog korte metten zou maken met de maatschappelijke modernisering. In zijn werk ontwikkelde Flex een regressieve, antimodernistische samenlevingsutopie, waarin de Bildungsbürger uit de laat-Wilhelminische periode, worstelend met een gevoel van vervreemding en verlies aan status, de verloren gewaande harmonie en geborgenheid herwint in de eenheid die door de oorlog wordt gesmeed. De oorlog wordt in die holistische schrijfstrategie bijna uitsluitend geënsceneerd als geestelijk leerproces, als een leerervaring die sterk genoeg blijkt te zijn de Duitsers uit hun gevoel van morele lethargie te bevrijden. Flex voert zijn lezer een archaïsche oorlogswereld binnen waarin traditionele waarden, die naar Flex' idee al eeuwenlang hun kracht hebben bewezen, het enige zijn dat telt: geloof, offervaardigheid, vriendschap, kameraadschap. Met de afwijzing van het maatschappelijke en politieke moderniseringsproces gepaard gaat een vorm van 'esthetische regressiviteit', die als dominant stijlmiddel alle teksten van Flex semantisch draagt en met haar eclectische naïviteit de doelgroep passend bedient. Aan de gedichten en romans die Flex tijdens de oorlog schreef, valt op dat zij stilistisch en thematisch teruggrijpen op romantisch-ridderlijke rekwisieten en elementen uit de burgerlijk-traditionele waardecanon, terwijl de wrede realiteit van de moderne oorlog volledig wordt genegeerd. Concrete werkelijkheid - hier wordt het werkingsmechanisme van het neohumanistische beschavingsideaal bijzonder duidelijk - moet wijken voor symbolische creatie van gemeenschap en blijft buiten beeld. Ernst Jünger, geboren in 1895, meldde zich in de hoop op een groot 'avontuur' vrijwillig voor het leger. Anders dan bij Flex was in 1914 Jüngers verwachtingspatroon nog niet stabiel en politiek verankerd, de oorlog leek hem vooral een mogelijkheid om te ontsnappen aan de gehate burgerlijke benauwdheid van het ouderlijk huis. Zijn nationaal-conservatieve wereldbeeld ontwikkelde zich pas onder de indruk van de ontluisterende oorlogsroutine en het onverholen echec van de juist door de Duitse Bildungsbürger zo fel gepropageerde 'Duitse missie'. Jünger werd relatief onvoorbereid geconfronteerd met de feitelijke depersonalisatie van het individu in de slijtageslag aan het westfront. De door de burgerlijke oorlogsideologie geboden zingevingspatronen en interpretatiemodellen konden hem, oog in oog met de gruwelijke chaos van de totale oorlog, in geen enkel opzicht bevredigen. In tegenstelling tot Flex, die het rad van de tijd terug wilde draaien, kwam Jünger tot de opvatting dat het bloedige proces van technische onderwerping en vernietiging van de mens, zoals zich dat op exemplarische wijze gemanifesteerd had in de materiaalslag rond Verdun, niet ongedaan viel te maken en dus tot in de uiterste consequentie moest worden geaccepteerd. Anders dan bij Flex, die omwille van de romantische fictie de ware gruwelen van de oorlog verbloemde, ontwikkelt zich in Jüngers oorlogsboeken een affirmatief symbolisch concept. De auteur van In Stahlgewittern observeert met een mengeling van afstand en fascinatie de gruwelen van de loopgravenoorlog, om ze vervolgens als onverschrokken reporter met literaire pretenties geschiedfilosofisch te duiden. Ernst Jünger benutte daarom de relatief moderne vorm van het dagboek, het krantenartikel en het essay voor zijn systematische pogingen zijn beleving van de oorlog op een bovenpersoonlijk plan te tillen en zichzelf te positioneren in het literaire en politieke discours van de Weimarrepubliek. Terwijl het werk van Flex meteen vanaf het eerste oorlogsgedicht werd beheerst door een conglomeraat van onwrikbare ideologemen, weerspiegelt zich in Jüngers teksten een denkbewéging, een die pas in de loop der jaren ideologisch verstarde. In zijn vroege oorlogsboeken In Stahlgewittern (1920) en Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (1922) experimenteert Jünger met heroïseringsstrategieën, die hij uit het werk van Nietzsche heeft ontwikkeld en die - althans in retrospectief - ten doel hebben de soldaat voor totale psychische overweldiging door de gruwelen van de oorlog te behoeden en zijn daden de schijn van persoonlijke autonomie te verlenen. Aansluitend ontwikkelt de auteur in het midden van de jaren twintig onder invloed van het werk van Oswald Spengler een eigen concept van 'heroïsch realisme', dat de onomkeerbaarheid van de technische modernisering als uitgangspunt neemt en naar het voorbeeld van Georges Sorel en diens mythetheorie een lans breekt voor een totale nationalisering van de maatschappij. Door een steeds weer met veel pathos geënsceneerde affirmatieve houding weet Jünger zo van object en slachtoffer van de geschiedenis weer te veranderen in het subject, dat als dader een zinvolle rol krijgt toegewezen in het historisch proces. In de essays Die totale Mobilmachung (1931) en Der Arbeiter (1932) wordt Jüngers analyse van de Eerste Wereloorlog afgerond. De auteur schetst in die teksten het supranationale visioen van een totale, hiërarchisch georganiseerde arbeidersstaat waarin het individu zijn subjectiviteit en persoonlijkheid heeft verloren en - conform het principe van bevel is bevel - alleen nog een radertje is in het proces van radicale technische mobilisatie van alle krachten. 3. Doel Voor vele studies van de laatste jaren is het typisch dat zij zich in hun beschrijving van het conservatieve Duitse denken beperken tot afzonderlijke periodes, bijvoorbeeld niet verder gaan dan het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog of alleen maar de jaren twintig bekijken. Kijkt men echter naar Ulrich Becks theorie van het antimodernisme en neemt men die als uitgangspunt voor een vergelijking tussen het werk van Walter Flex en dat van Ernst Jünger, dan blijkt heel specifiek te beschrijven wat overeenkomst en verschil is binnen de conservatieve wereldbeschouwing tijdens én na de jaren 1914-1918. Duidelijk wordt dat Ernst Jüngers concept van het militante modernisme gezien moet worden als een conservatieve reactie op de schok waarmee de Bildungsbürger ontwaakte uit de ethisch-normatieve droom van de Duitse oorlogsideologie. Ook het denken en schrijven van Walter Flex wordt, aan de hand van centrale topoi als 'protestantisme' en 'nationalisme', gepositioneerd in het 19de- en 20ste-eeuwse milieu van de Bildungsbürger, waardoor een beeld ontstaat van de existentiële gevoelens van hoop die velen in dat milieu met de oorlog verbonden en die in de roes van augustus 1914 tot uitdrukking kwamen. Een zowel synchroon als diachroon perspectief maakt het mogelijk de ingrijpende grenservaring van de oorlogsnederlaag in al haar verwoestende intensiteit te beschrijven en tevens zichtbaar te maken dat de onvoorwaardelijke omhelsing van de techniek die Jünger én de meeste andere representanten van de 'conservatieve revolutie' demonstreerden, een collectieve vorm van verwerking van naoorlogse problemen was. Door niet uit het oog te verliezen waarom de Eerste Wereldoorlog gezien werd als bron van 'culturele vernieuwing', kan ook de 'reactionaire moderniteit' van het conservatieve denken in de jaren twintig in al haar gelaagdheid en aanvechtbaarheid worden begrepen. Wat ook aandacht krijgt, is de vraag wat de psychische, filosofische en ideologische implicaties zijn van het feit dat naast Walter Flex' idealisering van de jeugdig bevlogen martelaar, in de oorlogsboeken van Jünger nu ook de verheerlijking van de emotieloze figuur van de 'stoottroepleider'/'arbeider' treedt. Bekeken wordt hoe diepgaand het zo op het eerste gezicht manifeste verschil in verwerking van de oorlog bij beide auteurs nu feitelijk is, en of die twee literaire personages, die twee in eigentijdse vorm gegoten antropologische types, niet beide een antwoord zijn op dezelfde, oerconservatieve behoefte aan eenheid en integratie van alle in het moderne industriële tijdperk divergerende sociale deelsystemen. Beide schrijvers reageren met hun literaire constructies van wereld en leven op de confrontatie met een door hen als onpersoonlijk ervaren werkelijkheid. Beide worden gedreven door hetzelfde verlangen naar dubbele integratie, die enerzijds een oplossing moet zijn voor klemmende bestaansproblemen van de moderne mens, maar - in vervolg daarop - ook de mens als individu een zinvolle plaats in de samenleving moet geven. Beide schrijvers zagen de oorlog als diepe cesuur in de voortgang van het maatschappelijk leven, voor beide was de oorlog het symbool van een fundamentele crisis, maar tegelijk - conform het narratieve model van een seculiere Apocalyps - ook voorwaarde voor het ontstaan van een nieuwe tijd. Tussen hun beider visies op de oorlog, zoals die in hun teksten tot uitdrukking komen, ligt het trauma van de materiaalslag. Na de duidelijke mislukking van Flex' regressieve utopie, die het burgerlijke verlangen naar een nieuwe persoonlijke totaliteit koppelde aan het streven naar de sociale homogeniteit van de 'volksgemeenschap', kwam Jünger, enkele jaren later, met een progressief concept, waarin hij de mens dwingt zich te conformeren aan het type van de 'arbeider' en zich te wapenen met het pantser van de in het Arbeiter-essay ontworpen 'organische constructie'. Hoe antiburgerlijk zich Jüngers pathos van een 'gevaarlijk leven' ook mag voordoen, ook zijn teksten zijn uitdrukking van een universalistisch denken, een denken dat zijn holistische motivatie heeft aangepast aan de situatie van een als 'bloedturbine' begrepen moderne tijd en dat daarom de 'eenheid mens' alleen nog maar kan zien als een 'geharnast type', dat onvoorwaardelijk is geïntegreerd in het systemisch mechanisme van de 'arbeidsstaat'. Op de uit de dynamiek van de modernisering voortvloeiende onzekerheid reageren beide schrijvers met het ontwerp van een ordening. Maar terwijl Flex nog dacht dat hij centrale elementen van het moderne leven - zoals systeemdifferentiatie, rationalisering, individualisering en technologisering - kon negeren in een romantisch-idealistisch tegenmodel, zag Jünger zich gedwongen technologisering en rationalisering in zijn geschiedfilosofie te integreren, om zo tot een nieuw ontologisch kernperspectief te geraken dat fragmentatie en nivellering teniet zou doen. 4. Methode De studie als geheel sluit aan bij een interdisciplinaire onderzoeksrichting die zich de laatste jaren in de cultuurwetenschappelijke theoriedebatten duidelijk heeft geprofileerd. Meer specifiek oriënteert zij zich op probleemstellingen uit de literairhistorische discoursanalyse, de mentaliteitsgeschiedenis en de historische semantiek. Een analyse van het rond 1900 ontkiemende sociologische discours vormt het kader voor een bespreking van de wezenlijke structuurkenmerken van de moderne tijd, waarna de kern van de studie volgt: een interpretatie van de teksten van Flex en Jünger. Binnen die werkanalyse zijn in het kort drie zwaartepunten te onderscheiden: a. Walter Flex Positionering van het denken en schrijven van Walter Flex in de context van het wereld- en zelfbeeld van de Bildungsbürger in de 19de en het begin van de 20ste eeuw, met speciale aandacht voor Georg Bollenbecks studies over de Duitse Bildungsbürger, tevens refererend aan relevant ideeënhistorisch onderzoek naar de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Fysiognomische en historisch-antropologische beschrijving van de jeugdig bevlogen 'wilsmens', belichaamd door Ernst Wurche, waarschijnlijk Flex' bekendste personage. Analyse van de ontstaansvoorwaarden van de teksten van Walter Flex en het effect van die teksten op het discours van de Bildungsbürger tijdens de oorlog en in de jaren twintig. Analyse van de mate waarin de 'wandelaar tussen twee werelden' een voorbeeldfunctie vervulde, met name voor een lezerspubliek dat in niet onaanzienlijke mate afkomstig was uit de jeugdbeweging. b. Ernst Jünger Bespreking van de oorlogsboeken van Ernst Jünger. Reconstructie van de ontwikkeling in Jüngers denken, lopend vanaf de verschillende heroïseringsstrategieën in Stahlgewitter via de nationaal-revolutionaire fase 1925-1930 tot aan de geschiedfilosofische duiding van oorlog en moderne tijd in het essay Der Arbeiter. Plaatsing van de wereldbeschouwing van Ernst Jünger in het discours en de context van de 'conservatieve revolutie'. Analyse van de ontstaansvoorwaarden en receptie van de teksten, essays en krantenartikelen van Jünger, met extra aandacht voor het effect van die publicaties op de door Michael Wildt zo genoemde 'absolute' generatie. Fysiognomie en antropologische structuur van de 'stoottroepleider'/'arbeider', gezien in het licht van een 'ethologie van de kilte'. c. Vergelijking Kritische vergelijking van Flex en Jünger, toegespitst op de vraag of de conservatieve motivatie in denken en schrijven van beide auteurs 'specifiek' valt te noemen, of anders gezegd: of zij op persoonlijke, eigentijdse wijze een antwoord geven op het verlangen naar individuele en sociale integratie. Positionering van de antropologische aanpak binnen het meest recente onderzoek naar de 'fysiognomie en antropologie van de jaren twintig'. Korte beschouwing van de receptie van beide auteurs in de tijd van het nationaal-socialisme. Beschrijving van de plaats van beide 'wereldoorlogsfysiognomieën' in het symbolische repertoire van de nationaal-socialistische dictatuur.
Short synopsis and layout of Chapters of the thesis entitled, A study of Gelugpa sect with comparison to Nyingma Pa sect of Buddhism in TibetAround 2500 years ago, a prince of Skya clan rose against the anguish of life & death and determined to find out the way through which these torments end. That prince was Siddhartha; and whole world came to know him by his enlightened name; Buddha; his path became famous after his name Buddhism. Centuries gone, millennium changed its numbers; still the path showed by the Skya prince is guiding us towards every solution of problem. Today, according to latest sources, nearly 18 countries are more or less Buddhist countries and every fourth person of the world is Buddhist by faith. In past 2500 years, Buddhism crossed all geographical boundaries, spread over continents, touches every sphere of our lives, enjoyed royal patronage as well as sometimes-lethal disservice. However, one thing that makes it above all is that it served the goods. Everywhere it went, it acquired local colours, amalgamated with the local beliefs and reached the culmination theory of the master, Lord Buddha. Nevertheless, some countries were destined to play a little more than merely following the Buddhist rites and rituals. Tibet is one among these countries.Though Tibetan Buddhism is being studied all over, the world at research level but very few research works are being done at home (India). Tibetan has lost their homeland and in India, the Sthaviravdina, the orthodox school of thought was/is in vogue with the exception of the Himalayan region where the Mahayana is being practised since long. So many research works have been done by the scholars from United States and other countries, but most of them are limited to the translation works of the Tibetan Lamas visiting to States or elsewhere. Jeffery Hopkins, Alex Wayman, Michael Rosh is some of the names which have already gain popularity in this regard. It is noteworthy that Buddha taught everyone who came and asked for it. He never attempted to attract people into his new order or he never tried to formulate a new religion. As A K Warder has noted, It is most characteristic of Buddha that he always adapts his talk to the person he is conversing with. His courtesy in argument result from this: it is certainly not his way to denounce the opinions, practice of another to his face, and challenge him to justify them. His method rather is to seem to adopt the others point of view and than by question and answer to improve it until a position, compatible with his own has been arrived at. Thus, he leads his partner in discussion towards the truth as he has discovered it, but so that the partner seems himself to continue his own quest, in whatever form he had taken, and to arrive at higher truth he had previously been aware of, or more convincing moral ideas. Buddhism is the third largest religious system of the world (beside Christianity and Islam at the first two places) and it is the only religious system, which originated in Indian sub-continent and spread all over the world. To know the social, political and economic history of India during the time of Buddha i.e. 6th century BC, there are several sources. However, either to know the ideas and philosophical order of that time, we have to rely upon the testament within the said system and the literature or that of archaeological remains that tell many ideas that can be decipher to date. Both left the scope of interpretation and speculation, which is although, needed to some extent; sometimes portray a shadow over the crux of the systems of ancient era. Nevertheless, I have chosen to discuss about the two religious order of Buddhism of Tibet. The idea itself seems to be very delightful but in the presence of meagre resource materials often discourages a fruitful research and applying the modern research methodology. However, research methodology is not only to solve the problem but quite often to raise a problem instead solving them is also a method to invite further research and hence itself is called an independent research.Tibet, one of the highest countries in the world had received Buddhism from India in 7th century AD when Padmasambhava established the monastic order there. That branch of Buddhism was known as Nyingma or the Red Hats. That was under the reign of King SrongTsan Gampo and the source of establishing the Buddhism was the Indian schools. Besides that, the Chinese school of sudden enlightenment, which was somewhat different from the gradual school of Indian Buddhism, also tried to establish its firm feet in the land of snow. However, the Indian Buddhist pundit defeated the Hashang, Chinese teacher of Buddhism and it was a landmark in the history of Buddhism in Tibet because this decided the way in which Tibet would follow the Buddhism in future. However, this is not highlighted in the historical record of Tibet, but this does not undermine its importance.Centuries passed and the Buddhism after one persecution by the Lang dharma, revived. The newer sects came up with fresh ideas, but the older sect (Nyingma) continued to influence not only the folk wisdom, but the aristocrats too were the followers of Nyingma sect at the time of the introduction of the Gelug sect or the Yellow Hat sect by TsongkhaPa. In my present thesis, I have tried an attempt to described both Nyingma and Gelug through the eyes of modern research methodology. Side by side, I kept the descriptive ideas of the sects where it was needed to highlight the ideas of the Buddhism in the said context. But the presence of different practices itself show the comparison. At that juncture, I have only taken the task of illustrating the facts. However, I have tried to describe Buddhism in general and the two sects in particular in their full length.In the first chapter, I have dealt with the History of Buddhism in India which in my opinion needed more than ever because either the material available now days gives one only an idea about how a prince of Sakya clan achieved enlightenment nearly 26 centuries ago. Or it describes the Buddhist philosophy with all of its technicalities and that too in extol and worshiping manner. Surprisingly sometimes, this attracts even the scholars from not only the non-Buddhist fields, but from the discipline itself. I have tried to be cautious while describing the ideas of the sects and therefore, I have tried to put the historical Buddha and his teaching in one chapter in a simplest possible manner. That will create an interest in both the mind of the Buddhist scholars and show the Buddha from the Tibetan point of view that is scarcely done with the use of research methodology. For this, I have started with the life sketch of the prince Siddhartha from his birth to enlightenment and then the important happenings in the life of Lord Buddha. Writing this, I tried to clarified that whom do we are calling Buddha? A Sakya prince or the emanation of supreme God: one is historical personality who, through his penances and mortification got the way to salvation, the other one who out of his great compassion toward humanity emanates himself for the benefit of sentient beings to show them the path of freedom from all sufferings. In my opinion, here lies the difference between Mahayana and Sthaviravda school of Buddhism. The former claims to be the original successor of Buddhism from 6th century BC and asserts that the way prince Siddhartha got enlightenment; everybody can get it and become Arhat. On the other hand, the highest goal of Mahayana is Buddhahood and the supreme Buddha post is not achievable by a human being. The list of Pli canons is also given in this chapter and the name of six contemporary thinkers of Buddha is listed with their respective philosophies. Renunciation, Bodhicitta and the Right view, these 3 are the base of Mahayana theory of unyavda or the theory of Void, which originated though in India, found its firm feet in the land of snow. These points have been dealt in such a manner that while the research methodology was justified, the traditional Buddhist belief was also taken care of and even a common reader can infer the same conclusion that a Buddhist practitioner found after practicing it for a long duration.In the second chapter, I have put forth the History of Buddhism in Tibet with the background of the subject matter of my thesis. This chapter covers the inception of Buddhism in Tibet during 7th century and; from the first dissemination of it up to the establishment of the Gelugpa School by Je TsongkhP. In addition, I have given a short description of the history of Tibet up to the present time for the continuity of the subject matter. The contents of this chapter cover the history of Buddhism chronologically. In the land of snow, it was really a Herculean task for Padmasambhava to establish Buddhism. This work can only be done by the assimilation of the local beliefs and their gods in Buddhism and Padmasambhava has successfully done so with the help of his other Indian companions like Kamalsheela and others along with the royal patronage of King SrongTsan Gampo. A country following Shamanist practices has seen first time the logic-based religion that was most powerful and widespread at that time all over the Asia and its fragrance was crossed the globe. No wonder Padmasambhava is considered as second Buddha among Tibetans. The introduction of Buddhism in Tibet is linked closely with the introduction of literature as the work was got started in the country by the minister of SrongTsan Gampo, the great Thonmi Sambhota. So, a brief history of Tibetan language & literature was inevitable. Therefore, I have given the Tibetan Alphabets and their Sanskrit and Roman equivalent for the record along with the historical background of the Tibetan language. Here one point I want to be noted. While writing this thesis, I face two major difficulties. One was the Tibetan U-Chan fonts for the computer and the second the method of Romanization of Tibetan and Sanskrit words. For the first, I applied two types of U-Chan fonts namely, U-Chan TTF and L Tibetan. For the second one, I have followed the most accepted form and wherever I feel to express my ideas in either script, I did so. That is why the Romanization is not strict way as of Dr. Snell Grove has typed in his works with the diacritic marks or other with equivalents. After this, I took the historical background of the Chinese Hshng Mahayana that advocated sudden enlightenment and its clash with the Indian school of Buddhism, which was in favour of graduated path to salvation; this shows the reason why the graduated path is being practiced in Tibet and not the Chinese counterpart of it. Then I took the destruction of Buddhism in Tibet by Lang dharma and the resurgence of Buddhism after more than 300 years of being in background. Then the Sharma Schools of thought appeared, the latest of which is Gelugpa, which command good favour among the Tibetan till today. The founder of this sect was TsongkhP. I have put the TsongkhP and GelugP in a separate chapter because of its comprehensiveness, which was the demand of my research topic.In the third chapter, the Padmasambhava and Nyingm School has been placed with all of its possible contents. Firstly, I have taken Padmasambhava and the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet, and then the main characteristics and the salient features of this school of thought were placed under the different sub-chapters.In the fourth chapter, I have continued from the previous chapter about Nyingms and dealt with their practices through which they are known. Therefore, I name it after one of the greatest and famous practice, Dzogchen. Hence the chapter is named as, Terton and other practices in Nyingma. Because of the inbuilt nature of Nyingma sect to adopt Tntric practices, I have tried to put light on the Tntric practices specially.After this, in a short chapter, I have tried to explain why the sectarian tendencies came out from a disciplined system like Buddhism that is considered to be the most logical and scientific in its approach. The content of this chapter, though very short in the number of pages, carry very high value to understand the birth of an ism within the ism. Though I have named it, Emergence of Schism in Buddhism, but in this chapter some other general topics were also covered which are the answers to the curiosities in the field of Tibetan Buddhism. For example, I have given a very brief account of the translation work of the Tibetan literature in Tibet and after 1959, in India and abroad.In the sixth chapter, namely TsongkhP and the Gelugp school of Tibet, I have given the salient features and practices of the sect. Why the actual need to establish this sect was felt by its founder TsongkhaPa when he was already mastered all the then time philosophies through other prevalent sects. The role of Rendw in the educational and philosophical life of TsongkhaPa is evident in all the literature, which TsongkhaPa wrote. In fact when we go through the ascetic life of TsongkhaPa, he seems to be much more powerful than his settled life when his name became famous than himself. Wandering in the search of knowledge through debates, asking every established master to impart knowledge, doing penances, these all create a gamut around TsongkhPs personality that every researcher inspire for. This is more relevant today when we see the education has become a means nothing more than for earning the bread. Also, the followers of TsongkhaPa (with due respect) have indulged themselves in the very politics, which TsongkhaPa had forbid in his lifetime.The content of the GelugP School needed more elaborate study to discuss, so I divided it into two chapters and the chapter-VIIth in its succession, I have tried to highlight the philosophy and ethics of GelugPs, which they are famous for. I named this chapter The stages of path and other teachings of GelugP. The biggest contribution in this regard by the founder of this sect, TsongkhaPa was the Lam Rim teachings. TsongkhaPa during his study time engaged in debate with almost all the teacher of prevalent school of Buddhism in Tibet, and found that debates are the best way to develop the intellect of a person. So he stressed very much on study of the books in his Order and hence started the tradition of Lam-Rim teachings. He himself wrote a big volume named Lam-rim Chen-Mo () and tried to put all the philosophical teachings of Buddha that were required to lead a sanctimonious and virtuous life according to Vinaya. When he found the book to be too voluminous to remember, he prepared a précis form of the book and named it Lam-Tso Nam Sum () which became so famous that the Gelugpa or the yellow hats were sometime called the followers of Lam Tso Nam Sum. I have tried to brief the teaching content of Lam Tso Nam Sum in this chapter. In addition, I have given at the end of this chapter, why the Prsngika Mdhyamika () has an upper hand not only over the other three main school of Buddhism but over the Svatntrika Mdhyamika () too. The eighth and the final chapter is conclusion where the findings of the research work have been stated.I have chosen some colour plates to illustrate what is being said in the test of the chapter. I have also taken care of that the entire collection must represent different traditional source and of different type. This I have done to acquaint my thesis with the different architectural and archaeological remains, which though is not part of my thesis, elucidate Buddhism in much exemplified way.At the end, I have added some photographs that will be of helping material and show the historic and religious personalities in visual.Finally, I want to quote averse from the Dhammapada which describes the Buddhassana or the law of Buddha, with the presupposition that if this verse is being taken care of, be it any sect of sub-sect of Buddhism any where at the globe, Buddhism will succeed in achieving its goal.
Het onderzoek naar de oudste runeninscripties van het Europese continent, Engeland en Denemarken voerde onderzoekster van Liverpool aan de Ierse Zee naar Constanza aan de Zwarte Zee; van Zürich naar Bergen; van Parijs naar Stockholm. In dit enorme gebied kende men reeds bij het begin van de vroege middeleeuwen het runenschrift (rond 500 AD). Ergens in dit gebied moet een kern gelegen hebben, waar het begon - vermoedelijk in de eerste eeuw AD. Het localiseren van dat oorsprongsgebied begon me in de loop van het onderzoek te intrigeren. Het doel was in eerste instantie het inventariseren, het beschrijven en analyseren van runenteksten uit de oudste periode: 150-700 AD. Als onderzoekscorpus waren de runentradities rondom de Noordzee en van het continent uitgekozen. Het uitgangspunt was nadrukkelijk niet Scandinavië, zoals bij runenstudies meestal het geval. Ik meende, dat een verandering van perspectief nieuw licht op oude runologische vraagstukken zou kunnen werpen - en daardoor wellicht bijdragen tot oplossingen. Bovendien wilde ik me niet op één land of traditie vastleggen, maar door middel van het vergelijken van diverse runentradities proberen meer inzicht te krijgen in doel en wezen van het runenschrift. Waarom ontwikkelde men dit schrift, met welk doel werd het gebruikt, en door wie? Om dit soort vragen te beantwoorden, was het nodig om inzicht te verkrijgen in de cultuur-historische context van de inscriptiedragers. Archeologie en historie bleken onmisbare informatiebronnen; ook de (plaats)naamkunde leverde belangrijke gegevens ten aanzien van het relatief enorme aantal namen in de runencorpora. Runologie heeft in principe twee poten: paleografie en historische taalkunde. Eerst inspecteert men persoonlijk de objecten en hun inscripties en vervolgens ontcijfert men de runen. Daarna verkrijgt men één of meer lezingen, weergegeven als transliteraties, die dan taalkundig worden geanalyseerd. Deze teksten kunnen niet zonder hun archeologische en historische contexten begrepen worden, vandaar de titel 'Runes around the North Sea and on the Continent AD 150-700; Texts and Contexts. Het boek bestaat uit twee delen; eerst een viertal hoofdstukken met algemene en specifieke vraagstukken; het tweede deel is de Catalogus van alle onderzochte runenobjecten. Het eerste hoofdstuk betreft een algemene inleiding, het tweede hoofdstuk behandelt de cultuurhistorische achtergronden. Hier was het doel recente inzichten uit archeologie en runologie te combineren. Deze combinatie resulteerde o.a. in een zoektocht naar de oorsprong van het runenschrift. In hoofdstuk drie wordt een nieuwe theorie over deze oorsprong gepresenteerd met een voorstel over de ontwikkeling van de runen uit een archaïsch Italisch alfabet. Hoofdstuk vier bestaat uit een algemene samenvatting en conclusies. Aan diverse aspecten van individuele runen en inscripties is aandacht besteed, maar ook en vooral is gezocht naar overeenkomsten van en verschillen in teksten en inscripties. Zo valt bijvoorbeeld inzicht te verkrijgen in de verbreiding van het runenschrift, en, daaruit voortvloeiend, in de contacten tussen verschillende Germaanse volkeren. Tevens is gekeken naar de plaats en betekenis van het runenschrift in de Germaanse samenleving. De catalogus behandelt vijf corpora: (1) de vroege Deense en Zuidoost- Europese inscripties, (2) de Bracteaten, (3) de Continentale inscripties, (4) de vroege Engelse en (5) de Nederlandse inscripties. In zogenaamde "checklists" wordt informatie geleverd over de objecten, de vinden bewaarplaats, de datering, de runenvormen, de leesrichting, de taal, de lezing en transliteratie, de interpretatie(s), etc. Er zijn ruim 200 inscripties behandeld. De corpora zijn verdeeld in leesbare en (gedeeltelijk) interpreteerbare inscripties en onleesbare, c.q. oninterpreteerbare. Dan is er nog de categorie pseudo-runen of geen runen, en zijn er de onvermijdelijke falsificaties. Van de 170 leesbare en interpreteerbare zijn er 50 waarvoor een nieuwe interpretatie en/of lezing wordt voorgesteld. In het eerste deel van het boek wordt vrij uitgebreid aandacht besteed aan de vroege runentijd: de Romeinse keizertijd, de Volksverhuizingstijd en de Merovingische tijd, met nadruk op gegevens uit de archeologie. Vervolgens wordt ingegaan op de vraag waar en waarom het runenschrift ontstaan zou kunnen zijn. Deze vraag kwam niet voort uit een primaire behoefte om het oorsprongsgebied te zoeken, maar werd ingegeven doordat het opviel dat er zoveel West-Germaanse namen in het oudste materiaal voorkomen. Dat wil zeggen, de uitgangen van de namen waren moeilijk vanuit het Noord-Germaans te verklaren, maar eenvoudig indien men aannam, dat ze West-Germaans waren. Al in eerder onderzoek was de gedachte opgekomen, om het ontstaan van het runenalfabet in de buurt van een andere schriftcultuur te zoeken, langs de limes, bijvoorbeeld. Bovendien bleken de ingeritste persoonsnamen opvallend vaak afgeleid van namen van stammen die op het continent woonden. Vooral de namen van twee wapensmeden uit het noorden wijzen op afkomst uit het Rijnland: wagnijo en niþijo, afgeleid van de Vangiones en de Nidenses. Een derde naam, harja, wijst op verwantschap met de Harii, een sub-stam van de Lugii, wonend in Noord-Polen. Afleidingen van Harja komen in het latere Scandinavië niet voor, maar worden wel veel aangetroffen in het West-Germaans, vooral in het Neder-Rijngebied. Toen ik deze gegevens vergeleek met archeologische bevindingen omtrent de herkomst van de inschriftdragers, bleek dit in het geval van de kam met het inschrift harja te kloppen. De kam was gevonden in het Vimose moeras op het eiland Funen. Dit depot (ca. 160 AD) bleek afkomstig uit de regio zuidelijk van de Oostzee. De runenobjecten uit het Thorsberg moeras (Schleswig-Holstein) bleken afkomstig uit West-Germaans gebied. Met betrekking tot de objecten uit het Illerup moeras in Jutland was de weg iets ingewikkelder: de wapens uit dit depot (ca. 200 AD) kwamen uit het noorden, maar de namen wezen op zuidelijke, West-Germaans-sprekende streken. Toen duidelijk was geworden dat er wapenhandel tussen de Rijnstreek en het noorden is geweest, kon ik een link leggen. Het Illerup-onderzoek van de Deense archeoloog Ilkjær (1990, 1991, 1993, 1996a&b) was van zeer grote waarde voor mijn eigen onderzoek. De naam harja en zijn afkomst kon nog eens bevestigd worden door een tweede inscriptie, uit Zweden, op een steen (Skåäng): harijaz leugaz, wijzend op zowel de Harii als de Lugii. Zoals gezegd, viel op dat veel namen een West-Germaanse vorm hadden, alhoewel de objecten waarop de namen voorkwamen, waren gevonden in Deense moerassen en graven. Tot ongeveer 500 AD bestond de gewoonte om krijgsbuit te offeren in een moeras. Deze buit was afkomstig van de verliezers, die uit een andere streek kwamen. Archeologen konden in een aantal gevallen vaststellen waar de opeenvolgende depots (een depot is een geheel van tegelijkertijd geofferde voorwerpen) vandaan kwamen. De objecten met runen in rijke Deense vrouwengraven, zoals die van Himlingøje, waren inheems, maar droegen ook vaak West-Germaanse namen. Zo wees veel op een West-Germaans gebied als leverancier van personen die runen schreven. Dan ligt het voor de hand te kijken welk gebied het meest in aanmerking kon komen. Dat bleek naar mijn mening het gebied van de Ubiërs te zijn, in het Rijnland. In dit grensgebied tussen het Romeinse rijk en het vrije Germania leefden Romeinen en Germanen over het algemeen in goede verstandhouding. Hier kon zich een cultureel amalgaam ontwikkelen, gunstig voor de adaptatie van een schrift. De Romeinse invloed blijkt niet alleen uit de gelijkenis van het runenalfabet met Noord-Italische alfabetten, maar ook uit de toepassing van het schrift: de runeninscripties geven vooral namen van eigenaars en makers. Een archaïsch Italisch alfabet zou als voorbeeld kunnen hebben gediend voor het runenalfabet. Derks (1996) heeft in zijn proefschrift aangetoond, dat de matronencultuur van het Rijnland en die van Noord-Italië grote overeenkomsten kenden. Personen afkomstig uit Noord-Italië integreerden in het (schriftloze) Rijnland en introduceerden daar schrift, i.c. votiefinscripties op de matronenbeelden. Het is niet uitgesloten dat deze veteranen uit het Romeinse leger, afkomstig uit Piemonte en de Po-streek, een Noord-Italisch alfabet kenden en dat meebrachten naar hun nieuwe woongebied. In Noord-Italië zijn diverse varianten van het oude Etruskische alfabet overgeleverd. In de eerste eeuw AD zullen deze archaïsche alfabetten in Italië zijn verdrongen door het officiële Romeinse alfabet. Maar misschien mag men aannemen dat het runenalfabet in de eerste eeuw AD is ontwikkeld, en dat een archaïsch Noord-Italisch alfabet tot in de eerste eeuw heeft kunnen voortbestaan in bepaalde uithoeken van het Romeinse Rijk. Inderdaad zijn de officiële Romeinse teksten in het Latijns alfabet, maar maakt dit de mogelijkheid ondenkbaar dat (een) bepaalde bevolkingsgroep(en) nog een tijdlang een ouderwets schrift gebruikte? Hoe dan ook, de runen zelf dragen het kenmerk van een archaïsch alfabet; hun voorbeeld moet daarom ook een archaïsch alfabet zijn geweest. Andere verbreiders van Romeinse cultuur waren de Germaanse soldaten, die jarenlang in Romeinse dienst hadden doorgebracht, en als geletterden en Romeinse burgers terugkeerden naar hun Germaanse vaderland. Wat betreft de vermelding van de conclusies van het onderzoek is gekozen voor de volgende opzet. Aan het eind van hoofdstuk III staan de conclusies over de oorsprong van het runenschrift. In hoofdstuk IV, Summary and Some More Conclusions, is een algemeen en uitvoerig overzicht van de resultaten van het onderzoek in zijn geheel opgenomen. In het tweede deel, de Catalogus, wordt ieder afzonderlijk corpus voorafgegaan door een korte inleiding en afgesloten met een korte samenvatting en conclusies. Wat betreft de inhoud van de inscripties, is een classificatie gemaakt naar de volgende categorieën: 1. één of meer persoonsnamen; 2. zinnen (met werkwoordsvorm); 3. opdrachten (giften); 4. naam van het object, of het materiaal; 5. makers en schrijvers formulae; 6. ek (ik) plus naam, of adjectief, etc.; 7. 'magische' woorden etc.; 8. fuþark inscripties. In de Concordance vindt men alfabetisch de getranslitereerde runenvocabulaire, gevolgd door de naam van het object, meestal tevens de vindplaats. In de Index of Inscriptions staat de naam c.q. vindplaats voorop, gevolgd door de getranslitereerde tekst van de hele inscriptie en daarachter de pagina waarop object en runen worden beschreven. In het algemeen kan worden gezegd dat inscripties vooral worden aangetroffen in een context die wijst op een gebruik van het runenschrift in de hogere echelons van de samenleving. Wat betreft de oudste inscripties, die vooral in Denemarken gevonden zijn, is de context die van hoge militairen en rijke vrouwen. In vrijwel alle gevallen wordt de exclusiviteit benadrukt door de aanwezigheid van prestigieuze Romeinse voorwerpen. Dit beeld blijft zo gedurende enkele eeuwen, tot in de Volksverhuizingstijd. Nog korte tijd daarna blijven met runen beschreven objecten, zoals wapens en juwelen, voornamelijk beperkt tot de elite, maar verdwijnt de Romeinse connotatie. Vooral de Merovingische rijengrafvelden in Zuid-Duitsland leverden relatief veel runenobjecten op uit vrijwel uitsluitend rijke graven. In Friesland en Engeland is de context wat schraler: de objecten zijn niet altijd van kostbaar materiaal en de eigenaars van runenobjecten lijken van eenvoudiger komaf. De context: graven (in Engeland) of losse vondsten uit terpen (Friesland en Groningen) wijst lang niet altijd op luxueuze omstandigheden. De runentradities van Scandinavië, Duitsland, Nederland en Engeland kenden alle een eigen ontwikkeling, die voortbouwde op een initieel langdurig consistent blijvend systeem, waardoor men wel eens het bestaan van een runen-koine heeft verondersteld. Dergelijke specifieke overeenkomsten in de runentradities wijzen op contacten tussen een kleine groep. Deze groep zal gelieerd zijn geweest aan de politieke top, degenen die de verschillende stammen tot staten opbouwden, hetgeen al begon in de tijd van het Romeinse Rijk. Runen konden zich, wellicht mede daardoor, ook nog handhaven na de Volksverhuizingstijd. Gezien het soort objecten, hebben de inscripties (ook) een functie gehad in de bevestiging van bepaalde relaties binnen een kleine, geprivilegieerde groep, behorend tot de maatschappelijke top. Gedurende de Volksverhuizingstijd (vierde - zesde eeuw) werd het runenschrift verspreid over een groot deel van West- en Midden-Europa. De aard van de teksten blijft dezelfde. De runen zelf worden in meer of mindere mate aangepast aan de tongval in de verschillende gebieden. Pas na ongeveer de zesde eeuw vinden we inscripties met geheel andere soort teksten, lang, informatief, soms poëtisch van aard. Deze ommekeer maakt tevens duidelijk dat inmiddels het lezen en schrijven van runen bij meerdere lagen van de bevolking bekend is geworden. De teksten worden dan ook meer gebruiksteksten, voor diverse doeleinden. De toepassing blijft onveranderd epigrafisch, behalve bij de Angelsaksen, die runen, naast het Latijnse schrift, in hun manuscripten opnemen. Handelscontacten tussen Engeland, Friesland en Jutland blijken uit de runenmunten, zoals de sceattas. In Zuid-Oost Europa blijken de weinige runenobjecten aan de (Oost-)Goten te kunnen worden toegewezen. De weinige vondsten in Hongarije en Zwitserland wijzen vermoedelijk niet op inheemse runentradities. De enkele runenvondsten uit België en Frankrijk kunnen daarentegen getuigen van mogelijke runenkennis bij de Franken. Het is opvallend dat, gezien hun datering, de eerste Zuid-Duitse runenobjecten samenvallen met het begin van de Merovingische suprematie (ca. 500 AD). De overheid van Engeland en Friesland was sterk Merovingisch beïnvloed, hetgeen bijvoorbeeld blijkt uit de numismatiek. En dan zijn er twee historische 6eeeuwse Merovingers, die getuigen van hun runenkennis: Venantius Fortunatus en koning Chilperic. Het recent gevonden zwaardschedebeslag met runen in de Betuwe heeft een Frankische connotatie. Toekomstig runologisch onderzoek zou zich dan ook moeten richten op de mogelijkheid van een Frankische runentraditie, en de teloorgang daarvan. Al met al kan men concluderen, dat de diverse runentradities uit de periode 150-700 AD niet wijzen op een schrift dat vooral communicatief van aard was. Eerder lijken de oudste inscripties te duiden op een gebruik dat beperkt werd tot een ornamentele toevoeging. De teksten bestaan over het algemeen uit korte mededelingen: makers- en schrijversformules, opdrachten, namen van object en materiaal, onbekende woorden waarvan men aaneemt dat ze een magische of religieuze betekenis hadden. Men signeerde, men benoemde, men hield iets belangrijks vast met letters, met woorden, met taal. Voor zover we de teksten kunnen beoordelen, zijn ze sterk formulatief en vertonen grote overeenkomsten over een groot gebied. De orthografie is zeer nauwkeurig; men hechtte er kennelijk grote waarde aan de klanken van de taal goed te onderscheiden en weer te geven. Juist deze zorgvuldige behandeling en het formulatieve karakter wijzen op vakmanschap. Het lijkt voor de hand te liggen om de runenschrijvers onder bepaalde handwerkslieden te zoeken, zoals wapensmeden en juweliers. De artistieke inspiratie en de hoogstaande techniek zullen, net als de runen zelf, zijn voortgekomen uit de belangrijkste cultuur van het Europa uit het begin van de jaartelling: de Romeinse. Het meest intrigerend en verbazingwekkend is, dat de Germanen zowel de kunst als het schrift naar hun eigen hand hebben gezet. De runentradities gaan uiteindelijk steeds sterker van elkaar verschillen. In het Fries215 Groninger terpengebied wordt de crossroads positie van het gebied in de runen weerspiegeld: diverse invloeden uit Engeland en Denemarken zijn in de Friese inscripties te traceren. Een algemener gebruik van runen blijkt ook uit een grotere diversiteit van materiaal en soort objecten, maar ook omdat er steeds meer echte zinnen voorkomen, terwijl bijvoorbeeld in het Continentale Corpus vaak volstaan werd met een paar namen en hooguit wat toevoegingen. Runenvariaties zoals verdubbelingen, gespiegelde runen, ornamentele runen etc. lijken thuis te horen in de Noordzee-traditie, te weten de Deense, Nederlandse en Engelse corpora. Een aparte groep vormen de gouden runen-bracteaten (uit omtrent 575-625), die voor dit onderzoek geselecteerd zijn op leesbaarheid. Alhoewel enige voorzichtigheid betracht moet worden met bracteaten-runen, die notoir zijn wegens hun afwijkende vormen, zijn de bracteaten als groep onmisbaar vanwege het relatief grote aantal: er zijn bijna evenveel bracteaten met runen bekend als andere objecten met runen uit de eerste vier of vijf eeuwen. Bovendien zijn de bracteaten belangrijk voor het bestuderen van de sociale rol van het runenschrift. Bracteaten zijn amuletten, geïnspireerd op Romeinse keizermedaillons en dus interessant vanwege de bestudering van de Romeins-Germaanse betrekkingen. Bracteaten dienden waarschijnlijk ook als insignia, die bij initiatieriten van jonge krijgers hoorden. Uit de iconografie blijkt een bepaalde leiderscultus, maar er kunnen ook mythologische aspecten in gezien worden. De bracteaten hadden een ideologische, dan wel religieuze waarde. Bij het onderzoeken van mogelijk magische, of symbolische connotaties van objecten met runen, spelen de bracteaten een grote rol. Runen en prestigegoederen zijn onlosmakelijk verbonden in de Germaanse samenleving van de Romeinse tijd en de vroege middeleeuwen. Dit alles hangt samen met een maatschappelijke structuur, die bekend is als het gift-and-exchange systeem, waar een leider en zijn comitatus aan elkaar verbonden zijn door een subtiel systeem van geven en nemen. Kostbare objecten benadrukten de band tussen heer en volgeling; een object met runen verhoogde niet alleen de waarde van het object, maar vooral de intrinsieke waarde van de relatie tussen gever en ontvanger. Een waarschuwing is op zijn plaats. We hebben te maken met runenobjecten, die puur toevallig bekend zijn geraakt. Deze objecten worden gevonden bij archeologische opgravingen, die ook een mate van toevalligheid kennen. Voorts zijn er nogal wat 'losse vondsten', al of niet met een context. Het is daarom heel wel mogelijk dat het materiaal dat we hebben, een scheef beeld geeft van het destijdse runengebruik. Alle conclusies kunnen dus alleen onder voorbehoud zijn. Het opstellen van runenchronologieën is dan ook van beperkte waarde. Het dateren aan de hand van bepaalde runenvormen is vrijwel onmogelijk. Iedere nieuwe vondst kan de hele perceptie veranderen. Toch is het van groot belang om de runenobjecten en hun context te blijven bestuderen. Niet alleen vanwege de grote cultuur-historische waarde, maar ook omdat het onze oudste taalmonumenten zijn. Dit onderzoek heeft op basis van de taalkunde in combinatie met archeologie kunnen wijzen op de sterke West-Germaanse inslag van de oudste runenobjecten. Tot nu toe werd altijd aangenomen dat Scandinavië de bakermat van de runencultuur was. Ik hoop dat beeld iets te hebben bijgesteld. Het inzien van de mogelijke West-Germaanse oorsprong van het runenschrift heeft consequenties voor de interpretaties en wellicht ook voor de datering van sommige runenteksten.
