Suchergebnisse

Der Schwerpunkt der Arbeit basiert auf einer retrospektiven Betrachtung des seit Jahrzehnten in Italien etablierten komplexen Beziehungsnetzwerkes zwischen Medien und Politik. Von seinen Anfängen im 19. Jh. bis einschließlich Mitte September 2006 werden die Konsequenzen dieser medienpolitischen Interdependenzen analysiert und kritisch hinterfragt. Ein weiterer Forschungsschwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der seit dem letzten Jahrzehnt virulent geführten Debatte über den Einfluss des italienischen Medienmoguls und Spitzenpolitikers Silvio Berlusconi auf die mediale Politikberichterstattung Italiens. Die vorhandenen Sprachbarrieren machen es allerdings oft nicht leicht, die Komplexität der italienischen Medien- und Politiklandschaft zu verstehen. Bei oberflächlicher Betrachtung kann dies rasch zu Fehleinschätzungen und -interpretationen führen, die in der gegenwärtigen Studie korrigiert werden. Neben einer fundierten Analyse der existierenden Fachliteratur zur Entwicklung der italienischen Massenmedien gründet die Studie auf einer detaillierten Berücksichtigung journalistischer Publikationen unterschiedlicher italienischer Tageszeitungen. Bei diesem literature review werden insgesamt 335 italienischsprachige Quellen berücksichtigt, von denen 128 Fachpublikationen sind. Mehrheitlich handelt es sich um soziologische, politik- und kommunikationswissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen aus den vergangenen 15 Jahren. In Form eines chronologisch-deskriptiven Überblicks wird vor allem die Entwicklung des italienischen Fernsehsektors seit seiner Einführung 1954 bis zur Gegenwart nachgezeichnet. In diesem Kontext wird der Aufstieg Berlusconis zum Medienmogul und zum zweimaligen Ministerpräsidenten Italiens vor dem gesellschaftspolitischen Hintergrund skizziert und mit Interpretationen der italienischen Vergangenheit und Gegenwart abgeglichen. Dies erklärt letztlich auch die Herausbildung des Medienmonopols von Silvio Berlusconi und dessen Instrumentalisierungsversuche der Medien für seine politischen Zwecke. Die Arbeit gliedert sich in zwei Teile. Der erste Teil beinhaltet eine historisch-deskriptive Darstellung der seit Jahrzehnten bestehenden symbiotischen Verquickung von Medien und Politik in Italien (Kap. 1 bis 7). Hierbei finden politische, ökonomische, soziale und rechtliche Aspekte Berücksichtigung. Zudem stehen die unterschiedlichen Akteure des Mediensektors wie politische Parteien, Politiker, Journalisten, Medienunternehmen, Wähler sowie die katholische Kirche im Zentrum der Arbeit. Zum besseren Verständnis werden sie nicht isoliert, sondern in ihren vielfältigen Wechselwirkungen betrachtet. Da Berlusconi in den vergangenen vier italienischen Parlamentswahlen stets der Anwärter auf das Präsidentschaftsamt des Mitte-Rechts-Lagers war, werden die relevanten medienpolitischen Aspekte aller vier Wahlen zusammengefasst und erstmalig zueinander in Beziehung gesetzt. Im zweiten Teil werden Perspektiven für ein zukünftiges Forschungsvorhaben präsentiert, um die Qualität italienischer Hauptabendnachrichten in Bezug auf ihren tendenziösen Charakter zum Vor- bzw. Nachteil politischer Akteure bestimmen zu können (Kap. 8). Auf Basis des identifizierten Forschungsdefizits italienischer Studien wird ein idealtypisches Analysekonzept für künftige Studien entwickelt, das auf der empirischen Methode der Inhaltsanalyse beruht. Ein exemplarisch vorgestelltes Forschungsdesign soll dazu beitragen, zukünftig Erkenntnisse über die Qualität der politischen Fernsehberichterstattung in Italien gewinnen zu können. Dies erfolgt unter Rückgriff auf die kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Theorien: gatekeeper-, agendasetting-, framing-, bias-Ansatz und instrumentelle Aktualisierung. Das Ziel der Arbeit ist es, das Wechselspiel und die Einflussversuche unterschiedlicher Akteure des italienischen Mediensektors in ihrem historischen Kontext darzustellen. Hierbei interessieren vor allem die zentralen Konfliktfelder und Entwicklungslinien, die im Rahmen der medienpolitischen Verflechtungen Italiens zu konstatieren sind. Mittels eines umfassenden reviews der italienischen Literatur sollen die vorhandenen Sprachbarrieren überwunden und der deutschsprachigen Leserschaft gezielt soziopolitische Zusammenhänge des modernen italienischen Journalismus und seiner historischen Entwicklung zugänglich gemacht werden. Ein weiteres Ziel besteht darin, den Kenntnisstand über italienische Studien zum engen Netzwerk aus Medien und Politik zu erhöhen. Insgesamt wird eine systematische Aufarbeitung der medienpolitischen Charakteristika Italiens sowohl aus inländischer als auch aus ausländischer Sicht geliefert. ; The controversy about the role of the mass media in Italy's political landscape has generated a heated debate among the academia, the media, intellectuals, journalists, politicians, the church, and civil society alike. By the turn of the new millennium, there has been an increasing public concern about who is doing what, when and how regarding the role of the mass media and political entrepreneurs in shaping public opinion about crucial issues that directly affect the life of the citizenry. On both sides of the Atlantic the role of the media has set path breaking and innovative approaches in motion for handling major political events such as elections, assessing the general performance of the ruling party and even acting as watchdogs on the moral character of leaders and party functionaries. Especially in Italy, where media manipulation and spin-doctoring have pervaded the socio-political and economic fabric, news reporting has assumed dimensions that are now being questioned by the wider society. People all around the world have a suspicious view on the potential influence of Silvio Berlusconi- media on Italian politics and at the same time of his politics on the Italian media. This is partly due to the information they are exposed to by the media itself. The news reporting of the international press scene is characterized by a certain kind of "hysteria" concerning the assumed influence on Italian voters by the majority of Italian media being controlled by one person: Silvio Berlusconi. Especially the greed of the yellow press for sensational reporting lets the danger of manipulating political news reporting appear immediate. Most of the time this reporting manner is quite different from the accounts given by the high quality press which normally uses a trenchant, but less emotional and therefore more fact-centred news reporting style. The role of ex-Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi as a powerful media tycoon and political leader of the Italian right wing offers a concrete case for explaining the main features of the Italian media system. This paper sets forth to investigate the interlocking role between mass media and politics in Italy. The core agenda of the work delineates the historical development of the media sector from its beginning in the early 19th century to the present. Furthermore, some of the key controversies such as views on certain conflict-riddled issues, and the respective positions taken by influential actors, as well as views and opinions held by renowned experts on the field are presented in a systematic way. About 335 Italian publications are thoroughly reviewed to offer access to the German academic community. This review has revealed some deficit as evidenced by relatively low attention paid to qualitative research methods in a field traditionally over flooded with quantitative empirical techniques and approaches. As a result, based on the current standard of knowledge of state-of-the-art there exits a deficit regarding the systematic and scientific investigation of the close confines between mass media and politics in Italy that takes qualitative characteristics into account. Future research agenda should therefore place more emphasis on qualitative factors. Consequently, it has become imperative to level the research terrain with supplementary approaches, so as to ensure some degree of balance and complementarity among existing theories and approaches for analysing the crucial interface between mass media and politics. By applying content analysis as a standard methodology in the social sciences a contribution to the above mentioned research deficit is made by presenting a theoretical concept for a profound future case study on the quality of news reporting on Italian television. The theoretical and methodological proposals put forward in this particular study are meant to stimulate future research. All this calls for a bi-national collaboration between German and Italian mass media communication scientists. The objective is to provide more insight about the need to incorporate extensive comparative analysis in the scientific domains of mass communication and politics.

Предметом данного исследования является повседневное доверие, т. е. не какой-либо единовременный акт доверия, например голосование за политическую партию, а повседневная уверенность в соблюдении некоторых условий взаимодействия. Именно такой тип доверия делает возможным планирование экономической деятельности, поскольку длящаяся во времени трансакция требует от ее участников взаимного доверия. ; Recently the category of trust has been actualizing in social and humanitarian knowledge. This process has become one of the results of mutual transfusion of economic and social sciences. On the one hand, economists are more and more interested in how experience and knowledge, which human beings acquire in everyday life, influence their economic activities. On the other hand, social scientists think more often about how human ability to form teams for reaching common targets can differentiate various social groups and communities through time and space with respect to forms of their economic behavior. The subject for this study is everyday trust, i.e. not just a single action of trust e.g. voting for a political party, but everyday trust in adherence to certain interaction conditions. Precisely this type of trust makes it possible to plan business activities, like continuous transactions require mutual trust from its participants. Precisely such understanding of trust is the subject for F. Fukuyama research it is economic efficiency condition which makes it possible for a group "of individuals, which having moral affinity as foundation open for themselves a prospect of efficient joint work". Russian specific character of trust has been forming through history and is made up of two levels. The first layer is made up of features, which formed relations of trust in pre-Soviet period; it is considered that the level of trust between people in Tsar Russia was not high enough. The second layer consists of Soviet and post-Soviet outcomes of development of inter-individual relations. Among the factors, which affect trust, the most significant are family, state and religion (in our case Orthodox). Specific features of Russian family, its internal relations and business environment (similar to relations in Indian or Chinese family with low stability and continuous tendency for fragmentation and independency of junior sons) contributed to low-level everyday trust. Orthodox was indifferent to problems of everyday economic life, and work didn't have a high status, which as a matter of fact deprived this life side of internal adjustment and control. Therefore, business activities were controlled either by a frankpledge or occupational corporation, or (within the Soviet period) state. The Soviet state has been consequently destroying its possible opponents for power monopoly municipal governments, independent trade unions, religious groups, minor political parties and civic unions. As a result "by the end of 1930s the Soviet Union has come 'without middle'", i. e. the shortage of strong, well-consolidated and stable unions to fill the gap between the state and family; the state has become powerful as never before and population was just a mass of dissociated human beings and weak families. The new "family" for a Russian (Soviet) worker, who was pulled out from village, was replaced with the factory staff. The Communist Party and its ideology called for such identity of family and staff, supporting it with the corresponding imaging in cinematography, literature, and architecture. The state in general was considered as an imaginative, though associated as an own Big Family. Gradually, beginning with 1960s, along with mass housing development and growing opportunities to house away from enterprises (family), the Soviet-type system of trust began to defile. People have lost their guides and often confused their own with those of an enterprise, though they could still perfectly distinguish their own and those of neighbors. The specific late-Soviet «doublethink» phenomenon has formed. Such system of inter-individual trust did not result in growing trust; it generally immobilizes any business activities beyond the state, on the one hand, and personal relations, on the other. Under new economic conditions trust turned out to be costly and Russian businessmen did not need it. While for European and Asian business it was important to develop the relations of trust in order to boost the economy or save them from retarding, the rise of the Russian business initiative was done through the destruction of Soviet system of trust. Empirical data for this research was provided by the survey of "Public Opinion" Foundation, which was held in September 2005 for "Georating" Project. The data analysis proved that involvement in new economic sectors and professional requirements make trust relations more open rather than association with younger generations. And the relations themselves significantly affect personal welfare because they provide access to a more wide and rich range of resources. Another important factor for confident relations is the size of a human settlement. The forming atmosphere of trust between people can also define the general level of the region's social and economic development. Correlation between formal indicators of socioeconomic development in Russian regions and the level of inter-individual impersonal trust was analyzed. It is important that indicators with significant correlation were collected by various methods: everyday trust index has been calculated on the basis of survey data, human potential development index based on government statistics data. As the analysis has shown, inter-individual impersonal trust index, we have found, significantly correlates with formal indicators for these regions; and it can also be one of the socioeconomic development indicators for these regions. Therefore, everyday trust, though it has been formed by long social development history during the last 1970-1980 years, is also greatly determined by the specifics of economic activity, in which an individual is involved. Engaging in a labor collective at a state enterprise or state service maintains and preserves the culture of Soviet-type trust. This culture prevents the development of initiatives, which are especially intolerable in a private economy, where it is usually washed away with the decreasing average qualification level of employees involved. Moreover, the research has demonstrated the need to generate indicators for the level of traditional-type trust, related to nuclear family consolidation, as well as the need to study the effect of these cultures on business activities.

A 16,000 acre-foot reservoir is proposed to be located about 25 miles east of Grand Junction, Colorado, on a tributary of the Colorado River that drains the Sulphur Gulch watershed between De Beque and Cameo, Colorado. The Sulphur Gulch Reservoir, which would be filled by pumping water from the Colorado River, is intended to provide the Colorado River with at least 5,412.5 acre-feet of water during low-flow conditions to meet the East Slope's portion of the 10,825 acre-feet of water required under the December 20, 1999, Final Programmatic Biological Opinion for the Upper Colorado River. The reservoir also may provide additional water in the low-flow period and as much as 10,000 acre-feet of water to supplement peak flows when flows in the Colorado River are between 12,900 and 26,600 cubic feet per second. For this study, an annual stochastic mixing model with a daily time step and 1,500 Monte Carlo trials were used to evaluate the probable effect that reservoir operations may have on water quality in the Colorado River at the Government Highline Canal and the Grand Valley Irrigation Canal. Simulations of the divertible flow (ambient background streamflow), after taking into account demands of downstream water rights, indicate that divertible flow will range from 621,860 acre-feet of water in the driest year to 4,822,732 acrefeet of water in the wettest year. Because of pumping limitations, pumpable flow (amount of streamflow available after considering divertible flow and subsequent pumping constraints) will be less than divertible flow. Assuming a pumping capacity of 150 cubic feet per second and year round pumping, except during reservoir release periods, the simulations indicate that there is sufficient streamflow to fill a 16,000 acre-feet reservoir 100 percent of the time. Simulated pumpable flows in the driest year are 91,669 acre-feet and 109,500 acre-feet in the wettest year. Simulations of carryover storage together with year-round pumping indicate that there is generally sufficient pumpable flow available to refill the reservoir to capacity each year following peak-flow releases of as much as 10,000 acrefeet and low-flow releases of 5,412.5 acre-feet of water. It is assumed that at least 5,412.5 acre-feet of stored water will be released during low-flow conditions irrespective of the hydrologic condition. Simulations indicate that peak-flow release conditions (flows between 12,900 and 26,600 cubic feet per second) to allow release of 10,000 acre-feet of stored water in the spring will occur only about 50 percent of the time. Under typical (5 of 10 years) to moderately dry (3 of 10 years) hydrologic conditions, the duration of the peak-flow conditions will not allow the full 10,000 acre-feet to be released from storage to supplement peak flows. During moderate to extremely dry (2 of 10 years) hydrologic conditions, the peak-flow release conditions will not occur, and there will be no opportunity to release water from storage to supplement peak flows. In general, the simulated daily background dissolved-solids concentrations (salinity) increase due to the reservoir releases as hydrologic conditions go from wet to dry at the Government Highline Canal. For example, the simulated median concentrations during the low-flow period range from 417 milligrams per liter (wet year) to 723 milligrams per liter (dry year), whereas the simulated median concentrations observed during the peak-flow period range from 114 milligrams per liter (wet year) to 698 milligrams per liter (dry year). Background concentration values at the Grand Valley Irrigation Canal are generally only a few percent less than those at the Government Highline Canal except during dry years. Low-flow reservoir releases of 5,412.5 acre-feet and 10,825 acre-feet were simulated for a 30-day period in September, and low-flow releases of 5,412.5 acre-feet were simulated for a 78-day period in the months of August through October. In general, these low-flow releases resulted in changes to salinity concentrations ranging from slight decreases to slight increases in dissolved-solids concentrations over the range of hydrologic conditions simulated. Low-flow releases of 5,412.5 acre-feet of water over the 78-day period resulted in percentage increases in salinity greater than the measurement error for salinity in fewer than 10 percent of the driest years simulated. Low-flow releases of 5,412.5 acre-feet of water over the 30-day period coupled with peak-flow releases of as much as 10,000 acre-feet of water also resulted in percentage increases in salinity greater than the measurement error for dissolved-solids in fewer than 10 percent of the driest years simulated. Observed trends in stream dissolved-solids concentrations at the Grand Valley Irrigation Canal are similar to observations of simulated dissolved-solids concentrations change at the Government Highline Canal, however, the magnitude of percent and absolute change is less except under very dry hydrologic conditions. In addition to dissolved-solids concentration, understanding instream changes in selenium concentration following reservoir releases are of concern because selenium can be toxic to fish and other biota. In general, instream selenium concentrations are an order of magnitude greater in tributary creeks like Sulphur Gulch (1 to 25 micrograms per liter) than in the Colorado River (0.3 to 0.7 microgram per liter). Stochastic modeling indicates that random sampling may result in a 1-percent and 35-percent chance, respectively, of exceeding Colorado instream acute (18.4 micrograms per liter) and chronic (4.6 micrograms per liter) water-quality standards in Sulphur Gulch runoff. The lack of selenium in water pumped from the Colorado River to storage likely will result in diluting reservoir concentrations to respective levels ranged from 0.37 to 1.48 micrograms per liter under wet and dry hydrologic conditions. Therefore, based on the simulations and inherent assumptions, selenium concentrations in the proposed reservoir are expected to be less than the acute and chronic standards.

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea was established in September 1948, under the Soviet military occupation. Until Stalin's death in 1953, Soviet influence was predominant in North Korea because of Stalin as well as Soviet power. Stalin, who viewed North Korea as important to the security interests of Russia to defend the Asian front, handpicked Kim Il-sung and supported him to rise to power for the purpose of the Soviet control over the North. Kim Il-sung adopted the Stalinist model of communism which still persists. The Stalin-Kim relationship and North Korean military and economic dependence on Russia led to Pyongyang as a Soviet satellite in the prewar period, while China was preoccupied with its internal situation. However, Kim, through history, obtained nationalistic consciousness not to rely too closely upon any one foreign power - in particular, he was aware of the Soviet economic exploitation during the 1945-50 years, which produced Kim's postwar goal of national independence through internal political and economic consolidation. The Korean War had stimulated North Korean nationalism, but had left the country economically more dependent on Russia and China than it was before the war. The death of Stalin ended the special Stalin-Kim relationship and thus supported the North Korean efforts to be independent. Khrushchev placed less value on the DPRK and troubled Kim Il-sung, who believed in Stalinism and, like Mao, the policy of the "united front" against "imperialism", with his doctrinal innovation in 1956: peaceful co-existence, de-Stalinization and anti-personality cults - the year of 1956 marked the beginning of the Sino-Soviet dispute. The intervention of the Chinese People's Volunteers in the Korean War and its postwar presence in the North along with Chinese extensive economic assistance served for Kim to neutralize the Soviet control over the DPRK . All this led Pyongyang to align itself in 1962-64 with the Chinese in the intensifying Sino-Soviet conflict, despite the North's attempts to remain neutral. By the fall of Khrushchev in 1964, the DPRK found itself in serious economic difficulties and political isolation, because of Khrushchev's pressure to isolate North Korea, cut-down of economic aid and termination of military assistance to retaliate Pyongyang standing behind the Chinese, while the People's Republic of China could not afford to meet the North Korean needs. The Brezhnev-Kosygin leadership's stress on the improved Soviet position in Asia brought about a radical change in North Korean relations with the two communist powers. Seeking its national interests in need of competing with South Korea to reunify the Korean peninsula under the North's leadership, North Korea, ideologically closer to the more revolutionary Chinese, was tilting toward Moscow and the Soviet political, economic and military assistance was resumed. However, Pyongyang made clear North Korea's independence in the Communist bloc by rejecting both the Soviet "revisionism" and the Chinese "dogmatism", and underlining Juche idea( self-reliance ). Mao's negative reaction to Pyongyang's turnabout and his Cultural Revolution drastically worsened the Sino-North Korean relations. At the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1969, the Pyongyang-Beijing close contacts began to revive with Mao's new pragmatic policy to counteract the growing Soviet influence in Asia, and further improved with Chinese efforts, such as diplomatic and economic assistance and the first arms deliveries since 1953, to counterbalance the unsettling effect on the North of the Sino-American détente. In the interest of drawing Pyongyang closer to Moscow, the USSR increased its economic, military and political support to the DPRK, and the Soviet-North Korean relations remained close. The North, thus, had reverted to its policy of middle road between Moscow and Beijing. Since then, facing the steadily intensifying Sino-Soviet rift, North Korea in the 1970s had continued to pursue equidistance stand toward the two neighbors to gain best benifits, but with slightly closer ties with China. In the mid 1970s, certain strains in Soviet-North Korean ties emerged and Soviet military aid was decreasing. The DPRK could not gain support from both powers for its militant policy to unify the peninsula. In spite of its struggles for self-reliant economy, North Korea was still in need of Sino-Soviet support especially to solve its unexpected serious problems of foreign debts. Therefore, in the post-Mao era, Pyongyang has maintained its pragmatic balancing act between the two countries. Since the late 1970s when with Deng's united front foreign policies against Russia and Brezhnev's efforts to encircle China in the face of a possible Sino-American-Japanese alliance, North Korea took on renewed importance to both Beijing and Moscow, the DPRK has been wooed by its respective neighbor powers seeking Pyongyang being behind each side. In the 1978-79 period, despite Pyongyang's unhappiness with Beijing's post-Mao foreign and domestic policies, the North moved closer to the Chinese and distanced itself further from the Soviets mainly because of Chinese new economic aid. However, the Chinese aid not enough to meet North Korean expectations and Kim's deepening concern over Deng's policies, such as de-Maoization and the growing links with the U.S. and Japan, moved the DPRK during the 1980-81 years to lean to the friendly Soviets. In 1982, the Sino-North Korean ties refirmed as China strongly courted Pyongyang through its increased economic aid, unusual military assistance and support for Kim's succession plan. In November, the Kim Il-sung regime expressed to the new Yuri Andropov leadership in Moscow, that indicated to continue Soviet military buildup, the North's interest in closer relations with the Russians. Pyongyang reaffirmed its equidistant posture toward the PRC and the USSR. In conclusion, although the Moscow-Beijing normalization talks has been proceeding since last October, the old Sino-Soviet alliance is unlikely to revive. The two neighbor powers will continue to put strategic value on the North. Pyongyang's needs for economic and military as well as political support from both China and the Soviet Union will remain to achieve its supreme goal of the reunification of Korea. It is most likely that North Korea will maintain to walk on a tightrope between the two communist countries to seek its own national interests.

by Nikola Stjepanovic This article is a quasi-statistical analysis of local government structure in Yugoslavia as it appears after the September 1955 reform. The inter-relations between the municipalities, the districts and the governments of the Federated and the Federative Republics are described by comparison with the former system, which comprised towns, non-autonomous urban districts, autonomous boroughs within towns, non-urban municipalities and, finally, districts or counties, which were all much more numerous than the present administrative units. Under the new system, only two types of unit have been retained: the Federated Republics are divided into districts, each of which includes a number of municipalities. Municipalities. The basic organ of local self-government is the People's Municipal Council, and enactments by either the Federated or the Federative Republics determine the competence of each of the four rungs of the administrative ladder. All matters not expressly reserved by the Constitution are within the scope of the municipal authorities; they include economy and finance, town planning, public health, social welfare, labour relations and, broadly speaking, home affairs. The People's Municipal Council is unicameral and elected for a three-year term by all the permanent residents. The number of councillors varies between 15 and 50, according to local conditions. A President, i.e. mayor, and sometimes also a Vice-President, are elected by the Council from among its members and are remunerated. The Council may set up committees, for one year terms, composed of at least two councillors assisted by a variable number of citizens chosen for their competence. The chairman of such a health, education, social affairs or other committee is entitled to speak in all council debates on the business of his committee, even if he is not a councillor. A municipal chief clerk, with the title of Secretary, who is a professional civil servant, is in charge of the clerical and executive administrative services, and is empowered to suspend any decision of a committee, provided that he can show that it transgresses the law. The size of the administrative services is proportional to the population of the municipality, and the minimum of five sections (general administration and budget; economic affairs; culture, welfare and health; national defence; taxation), under the direct authority of the Secretary, will be found in municipalities, of 5,000 inhabitants or less. Where the population exceeds 5,000, there is a Tax Collector in addition to the Secretary. Municipal employees are State civil servants. The fundamental principle of political philosophy in Yugoslavia is that all powers stem from the people. It follows that separation of powers is less marked than separation of duties. Other forms of expression of direct democracy are also part of the organisation of local government. Ward committees, of which the municipal councillors are ex officio members, may be elected. Meetings of electors may be convened, especially in rural areas, and must be held if one-tenth of the electorate so requests, but municipal councillors are not allowed to preside over them, although expected to attend. Moreover, local referendums may be organised and are, indeed, compulsory at the request of one-fifth of the electorate. Mr. Stjepanovic proceeds to a detailed examination of the economy of the municipalities and their competence in that field, and of the legal position of the municipalities in the general structure of the State. The municipalities are legal entities both in private and public law. Districts. The administrative status of districts has not been modified by the Act of 1955. The district serves as a reviewing and controlling authority: all local decisions must be referred to it, and are subject to possible suspension or annulment within a period of two months. Appeal may then be lodged with the Federated Republic within 15 days of notification by the District Council of its adverse decision. The District Council is also empowered to enforce mandatory measures if the municipality refuses or neglects to fulfil its obligations. Although the municipalities may appeal against action by the higher authorities, both to the Federated or the Federative Republic, on matters reserved by law to either, or even to their respective People's Assembly if the appeal is against a Government, such action is not in itself suspensive. The competence of the Districts extends to affairs of common interest to all the municipalities in their geographical area. The District implements, or controls the implementation of, the laws of the Federative Republic and the Federated Republics. In particular it is competent in matters pertaining to printing and publishing, the rights and privileges of inventors, the establishment and termination of public undertakings and their workers' councils, local budget control, marine fisheries, nature conservation and afforestation, public markets, tax assessment, town planning and building, public health control, narcotics, pharmacy, health resorts, social security and welfare, supervision of labour relations, secondary schools, school inspection, para-military defence training, archives and museums, home affairs such as elections, prisons, the lower courts, the public registry of births, marriages and deaths, citizen identification, capital executions, religious processions and collections outside the church premises, and so forth. District Assemblies are bi-cameral; they have a District Chamber and a Chamber of Producers. The first is elected by universal, direct, uninominal and secret ballot. The Chamber of Producers is composed of delegates of workers in (1) industry, transport, trade and crafts, and (2) agriculture, proportionally to each group's contribution to the product of the district. Both chambers have equal precedence. The District, as a corporate body, is, like the municipalities, an entity at law, both public and private. It similarly has a president, a secretary, Assembly chairmen, committees, and so on. In conclusion, attention is drawn to what was published in our issue No. 1 of 1954: the basic characteristic of Yugoslav administration is decentralisation and self-government. The Chambers of Producers and the Workers' Councils provide the Socialist means to this end. And the State itself is no longer conceived as a coexisting, coercitive factor in public administration.

Various newspaper clippings related to the National Unity Ceremony, the military parade on September 16, 1942, images of the President of the Republic and General Abelardo L. Rodríguez, Mexicans living in the United States, meetings among and speeches by former Mexican presidents, and the 1942 Anniversary of Independence. / Recortes de diversos periódicos en los que aparecen notas y crónicas relativas a la ceremonia de unidad nacional, en la que junto con el Presidente de la República, general Manuel Ávila Camacho, aparecieron los ex presidentes Adolfo de la Huerta, general Plutarco Elías Calles, licenciado Emilio Portes Gil, ingeniero Pascual Ortiz Rubio, general Abelardo L. Rodríguez y general Lázaro Cárdenas en el Balcón de Palacio Nacional durante el desfile militar del 16 de septiembre de 1942: Recorte de periódico titulado "Los generales Calles y Cárdenas no se reconcilian. Al encontrarse ayer se dieron las espaldas". Imágenes en las que aparecen el Presidente de la República, izando la monumental bandera nacional, y el general Abelardo L. Rodríguez. Recortes de periódico con el encabezado "Un saludo a los mexicanos que viven en EE.UU. Lo llevó el secretario M. Alemán". Recorte de la columna "El reportero preguntón", con la interrogación "¿Qué opina usted del discurso del Presidente en el banquete al Ejército?". Recorte de periódico e imágenes con el encabezado "La histórica ceremonia de acercamiento nacional: el Presidente, general Manuel Ávila Camacho y los seis ex presidentes de México." Recorte de periódico con las notas "Gran animación en la Metrópoli. La ceremonia de "El Grito". El Palacio Nacional, la Catedral y el Palacio del Departamento Central lucieron una brillante iluminación" y "Fueron transmitidos a todo el continente los discursos". Encabezado del periódico El Universal, de fecha miércoles 16 de septiembre de 1942, que dice "Una solemne profesión de fe en la Patria y en la libertad". Recorte de periódico titulado "México conmemora su independencia bajo el signo dramático de la guerra. El pueblo no se dejará vencer por la desmoralización de los derrotistas. Unión sagrada que ningún ataque enemigo destruirá. Mensaje del Presidente Ávila Camacho en la patriótica ceremonia de acercamiento nacional. Contestación del general Abelardo L. Rodríguez. El señor Presidente de la República, general don Manuel Ávila Camacho dirigió al pueblo mexicano, con motivo del interesante acto de acercamiento nacional efectuado ayer, el siguiente mensaje: ." Recortes del periódico El Universal, de fecha 16 de septiembre de 1942, titulados "Fue celebrado en Los Ángeles, Cal. el Aniversario de la Independencia. El secretario de Gobernación, Lic. Miguel Alemán, pronunció un significativo discurso. Motivos por los que México entró a la guerra". Recorte de periódico con las "Seis frases para la historia", pronunciadas por los seis ex presidentes que acompañaron al general Manuel Ávila Camacho", y con el artículo de José Pérez Moreno, titulado "Afirmación. Una grandiosa celebración. Seis ex presidentes de la República en torno del Presidente Ávila Camacho. Desbordamiento del entusiasmo popular bajo la bandera de la Patria". Columna escrita por el señor Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, titulada "El acercamiento nacional". Sección editorial de El Universal, titulada "La unidad nacional". Recortes de periódico con la nota "Las rencillas políticas desaparecerán. Tolerar la explotación inicua de los trabajadores sería una actitud criminal. Interesante discurso del general Maximino Ávila Camacho en Monterrey". Imagen del periódico El Universal, en la que aparece "El Ejército Infantil de la ciudad, organizado por "El Universal", con sus pabellones entre los que destaca la bandera nacional, avanzando hacia la puerta mayor del Palacio Nacional". Recorte de periódico en la que aparece la columna P. M., por Nemesio García Naranjo, en la que se refiere a la importancia de la conmemoración del Día de la Independencia. Recorte en el que aparece una caricatura del periódico Novedades, de fecha 16 de septiembre de 1942, titulada "Aritmética", por Arias Bernal. Recortes de periódico titulados "Desbordante entusiasmo en la tradicional noche del "Grito". Recorte de un encabezado del periódico Novedades fechado el 16 de septiembre de 1942, que dice "México, en guerra, conmemora su independencia. Ante las agresiones del Eje, todo el país se puso en pie. Frente al odio y el rencor, el amor luminoso de la justicia y la libertad, dijo A. Camacho". Recortes de periódico con el título "Bienvenida la guerra, si nos une. Una patriótica alocución del general Rodríguez". Recorte de periódico titulado "No torcerá su línea de conducta el Presidente. Discurso del secretario de Comunicaciones, en Monterrey". Recortes de periódico titulados "Imponente ceremonia. Seis ex presidentes de la República se reunieron en ella" y "Opiniones de los seis ex presidentes"; los acompañan dos imágenes del Presidente de la República, general Manuel Ávila Camacho mientras se dirige a la tribuna desde la cual presidió la ceremonia de acercamiento nacional. Encabezados del diario Excélsior, fechado el 16 de septiembre de 1942, que dicen "México no permanecerá en una espera inerte e irresponsable. Jefes de siete regímenes en un solo símbolo: unidad nacional". "Serena actuación de ex presidentes ante el pueblo". "Está decidido a colaborar para la victoria final. No se dejará vencer por la desmoralización de los derrotistas; el pueblo selló los compromisos (Discurso del Presidente Ávila Camacho)"; adjunta está la imagen de la tribuna desde la que el general Manuel Ávila Camacho y los seis ex mandatarios presidieron la ceremonia de acercamiento nacional. Recortes del periódico Excélsior, fechado el 16 de septiembre de 1942, con la nota de los señores Leopoldo Toquero Dimarias y Salvador Pineda, que se titula "La ceremonia de acercamiento fue magnífica. Magno acontecimiento político e histórico en nuestra Patria". Recortes de periódico con las notas tituladas "Un olvido rompió el hielo entre los ex presidentes. Una serie de puertas cerradas los obligó a cambiar sonrisas", por Jorge Piño Sandoval, y "Felicitaciones del cuerpo diplomático".//

ILLUSTRIERTE KRIEGSCHRONIK DES "KIKERIKI" Illustrierte Kriegschronik des "Kikeriki" ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Wo ist mein Feind? Ha, ich bin es selber! ( - ) Titelseite ([29]) [Gedicht]: Einleitung. ([30]) [Gedicht]: Vorwort. ([31]) [Abb.]: Peters 70. Geburtstag. (32) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der "Schritt" in Serbien. Ein Eiertanz ist nix dagegen! (2)Der russische Zar in seiner Doppelrolle. (33) [Abb.]: Nibelungentreue. Bismarck: Wir Deutsche und Österreicher fürchten Gott, aber sonst nichts auf der Welt! (34) [Gedicht]: Der Weltkrieg. (34) [Abb.]: Die Schleppträger des serbischen Peters, die seine Souveränität hochhalten. (35) [Gedicht]: Englands Entree. Frankreichs' Monolog. (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die vielen Fehdehandschuhe, die wir aufheben müssen. Österreicher zum Reichsdeutschen: Man sollt's gar net glauben, daß solche unkultivierte Lackeln überhaupt Handschuh haben. (2)Einberufene, von denen der Abschied besonders schwer fällt. (36) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Abschied der Kaisersemmeln. Kikeriki: Müssen denn so klane a schon mit? (2)In großer Zeit können sich die Selcher mit Kleinigkeiten nimmer abgeben. Die Safaladi nimmt Abschied, in Zukunft gibts nur mehr a Knackwurst, (37) [2 Abb.]: (1)Guten Appetit. Im Oktober, November, Dezember ja, aber im August schmecken die Fisch' nicht gut. (2)Der deutsche Rupprecht, der die bösen Buben in den Sack steckt. (38) [Abb.]: Eine wichtige österreichische Stimme, die sich auch in Belgien und Frankreich Gehör verschafft hat. (39) Bombardement Wiens durch die französische Flotte! (39) [Abb.]: Die Heldentat auf Pelagosa oder die Verpflanzung französischer Kultur auf österreichischen Boden. (40) Der englische Generalissimus in Frankreich, French, an Kriegsminister Kitchener. (41) Bericht des russischen Generalissimus Nikolajewitsch an den Zaren. (42) [Gedicht]: "An meine lieben Juden." (Zur Proklamation des Zaren.) (43) [Abb.]: In Rußland muß 's gut ausschauen, wenn der Zar schon um Frieden bittet. (43) Hat Hindenburg je gelebt? Populär-wissenschaftlicher Vortrag des russischen Wachtmeisters Kautschukoff an seine Soldaten nach der Schlacht bei Tannenberg. (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Feuertaufe wie sie Erzherzog Karl Franz Josef bei Lemberg (2)und wie sie der Zar in seinem Lager empfangen hat. (44) [Gedicht]: Oktober-Anfang. (45) [Abb.]: Zur Vertreibung der Russen aus Ungarn. Hungaria: Wenn man einen solchen Patentkamm hat, können sich keine Nikoläuse im Haare halten! (46) [Abb.]: 5000 Serben gefangen! Auf den Leim gegangen. (47) Lohengrin mit Hindernissen. (47) [Abb.]: Nach dem Fall Antwerpens. Das erste Opfer. (49) [Gedicht]: Das Lied vom Loch. (Zum Kampfe gegen die Zensur.) (50) [Abb.]: Leopoldi in der Türkei. (Zur Abkehr der Türkei vom Dreiverband.) Der Sultan: Fassel hab i keins, weil i Antialkoholiker bin, dafür könnts mir am Buckel 'runter rutschen. ([51]) [Gedicht]: Belgrad. ([51]) [Gedicht]: Träume der Triple-Entente. (52) Der Weihnachtsabend. (Frei nach Dickens.) (53) Iwan unterm Weihnachtsbaum. (54) [Abb.]: Der Weihnachtsmann des Zaren. (55) [Abb.]: Der Erfolg unserer Seehelden Egon Lerch und Ernst Zaccaria. Die französische Flotte hat sich aus der Adria auf französisch empfohlen. (56) [Gedicht]: Das Lercherl von der Adria. (56) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die mißverstandene Gasmaske. Unserer Marine muß's schlecht geh'n! So hat mein Franzl früher ausgeschaut, und so schaut er heut' aus! (2)Beim Wehrmann im Eisen. Stock im Eisen: Meine Hochachtung, Herr Kollega! I Hab nur Schlosserg'sellennägel im Leib, du aber sogar von drei Kaisern. (57) [Abb.]: John Bull in tausend Ängsten. Oben Zeppelin', Brummer in der Mitt', Unten U's! Wohin flücht' ich armer Brit? (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Kleingebäck wird aus hygienischen Gründen aufgelassen, weil sich die Erzeuger dabei die Augen verderben. (2)Der Krieg währ' bald aus, wenn die Rädelsführer bloß einen einzigen Tag im Schützengraben stehen müßten. Da höben sich die Händ' in d'Höh' und täten Friedenspalmen schwingen! (59) [Gedicht]: An Przemysl. (59) Äxtraausgabääh! (60) Nerven am Naschmarkt oder die ängstliche Gnädige. (61) Kriegskochbuch. (62) Roßbeaf. Griesschmarrn 1915. (62) Bruckfleisch. (62) Hecht, blau gesotten. Kriegsapfelstrudel. (63) [Abb.]: Die schöne Müllerin, die das Mehl verteilen soll! (64) [Gedicht]: Trauer und Trost. (65) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ostern 1915. (2)Der Zar in Lemberg. Es lebe das mächtige Rußland! Zu Hilfe deutsche Taube! (66) [Abb.]: Die Godel von Gorlice. (67) [Gedicht]: Hötzendorf und Hindenburg. Hindenburg und Höätzendorf. (67) [Gedicht]: Der unverschämte Firmling. (68) [Abb.]: Der Viktor ist der Stöpsel zum Tintenfaß, in dem die Entente sitzt. (68) [Abb.]: Greys Quadriga. Sempre avanti, Savoia! (69) [Gedicht]: Fronleichnam 1915. (70) [Abb.]: Kikeriki als Augenarzt. (70) [Gedicht]: Lemberg erobert! (71) Großbritannische Litanei. (71) La passeggiata. Der Spaziergang nach Wien. (72) [Gedicht]: Unsere Alpen. (73) [Abb.]: Der Dreikäsehoch. König Viktor Emanuel beobachtet den Kampf aus gedeckter Stellung im Schützengraben. (73) [Abb.]: Der Bär beim Zahnreißen. Der Patient: Zwei Stockzähn' an einem Tag, das tut weh! (74) [Abb.]: Der fliegende Hallukziacho! Der Start in Venedig. Der Flug über Triest. (75) Festungs-A-B-C. (75) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Überschreitung der Weichsel. Der kleine Viktor: Das is ka Kunststück, das kann i a! (2)Wie die Zarenkrone ausschaut, nachdem ihr die schönsten Kleinodien ausgebrochen worden sind. (76) [Abb.]: Ein Märchen für unsere Kindeskinder. Es war einmal ein Zar in Galizien. (77) [Abb.]: Der bulgarische Ferdl ist hoffentlich so gescheit und raucht lieber die Friedenspfeife mit dem Türken als die von der Entente angebotenen leeren Zigarettenhülsen, wenn ihr Mundstück noch so groß ist. (78) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beselers Jüngstes. Pate Wilhelm: Ich gratuliere dem Papa, der Mama und der tüchtigen Madam'! (2)Im September begann die Offensive gegen Serbien. Bahnfrei! Ausweichen oder.! (79) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Zar hat das Oberkommando zu Wasser, zu Land und in der Luft ergriffen. (2)Auch in Wien wurde das weibliche Element als Amtsperson herangezogen. Von der Elektrischen. Wie sich der Kondukteur-Schnauzer nächstens anzieht, damit er auch soviel Trinkgeld-Kreuzer kriegt wie seine Kolleginnen. (80) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Krampus kommt. Auf serbisch heißt Krampus Köveß! (2)Dar Ferdl hat als gelernter Lokomotivführer bei der feierlichen Eröffnung der neuen Linie fungiert. (81) [Abb.]: Der Weg nach Konstantinopel per Süßwasser und per - Bitterwasser. (82) [Abb.]: Schrecklicher Traum des Herrn Biernigel von der Wirkung des in Aussicht stehenden Mais-Bieres. (83) Christkind auf Reisen. (84) [Abb.]: Weihnachtsbescherung am italienischen Hofe. König Viktor im Kreise seiner Verwandten. (85) [Lied]: Das Lied vom Lovcen. (86) [Abb.]: Nikitas Bekehrung. Ihr Krüppel schauts den Riesen an! Der hat a Kraft! Der is mei' Mann! (87) [Abb.]: Im Exil. (88) Der neue Ollendorf. (89) Türkische Makamen. (90) [Gedicht]: Terzinen von Tolmein. (90) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unser Maibaum am Mniberg (Monte Maggio). (2)Der Radetzkymarsch ist wieder lebendig geworden. (91) La ritirata. (Der Rückzug). (92) Genesis des englischen "Seesieges" oder Churchills Sechstagewerk. (93) [Abb.]: Der König von England nimmt Parade über seine "Siegreichen" Schiffe ab. (93) [Gedicht]: Der höchste Sieg. (94) [Abb.]: Spart mit dem Zucker! Zur neuen Zuckerverordnung für die Kaffeehäuser. Jeder Gast darf nur einmal schlecken! (94) [Abb.]: Vickerl als Firmling. Der österreichische Feldbischof ist ein strenger Herr, daß er an' so klan Buam wie mi glei auf beide Backen firmt! (95) [Gedicht]: Russen! (95) Die Geschichte vom Walfisch, der marschieren gewollt. (96) [Abb.]: Die Offensiv-Maschine. Made in England, zum Patent angemeldet in allen Entente-"Kultur"staaten. (96) [Abb.]: Zu allem Überschuß erklärte uns auch noch Rumänien den Krieg. Die rumänische Kriegserklärung. (97) Wie der Kikeriki über Rumänien denkt. (97) [Abb.]: Rumäniens Stunde hat geschlagen. (98) [Gedicht]: Die Niederlage der Rumänen. (99) [Abb.]: D'Obrutscha. Große rumänische Rutschpartie von der Grenze bis Bukarest! (100) Die Ahnfrau. (101) [Abb.]: Der rumänische Donauwellenwalzer hat durch die k. k. Monitorenmusik eine jähe Unterbrechung erfahren. (102) [Gedicht]: Unseres Kaisers letzte Fahrt. (103) [Abb.]: Zum Fall Bukarests. Sieh nieder, sel'ge Majestät, wie Untreu büßt und Treu besteht. (104) [Gedicht]: Polonias Wiedergeburt. (105) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Christkind will die Entente bekehren. Kindlein du gehst einen Dornenweg! (2)Zur Preiserhöhung des Zigarettentabaks. Tabakhofrat Scheuchenstuel: Sie erlauben schon (106) [Abb.]: Der Stern von Abendland. Hoffentlich ist es kein Irrstern! (107) [Gedicht]: Der Kikeriki und die russische Revolution. (107) [Abb.]: Der Sündenbock wird von John Bull in die Wüste gejagt. (108) [Abb.]: Osterbesuch beim "Protektor". Ah, da schau her! Aus Väterchen ist ein Vögelchen geworden? (109) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Deutsche: Hau her, monsieur! Der Franzose: Au weh, mondieu! (2)Hindenburg und die englisch-französische Offensive. Das Kinn ein bischen ausrasieren könnt ihr mir, aber an den Hals kommt mir keener! (110) [Abb.]: Kikeriki an Kulumbus. Entdecker Amerikas, der Kas stinkt, deck'n wieder zu! (111) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zur Einberufung des Reichsrats. Plastischer Schmuck für den Giebel des Parlamentsgebäudes in der Reichsratsstraße. (2)Am Ölberg. Der Engel und die Engländer. (112) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im Hochsommer klopft man so einen Teppich tüchtig aus und rollt ihn auf; dann kann sich kein Ungeziefer drin halten. (2)Dornröschen Befreiung. Dreifach war deine Dornenkron', dreifach dich uns're Liebe Lohn'! ([113]) [Abb.]: Vickerl beim Fasselrutschen. Wenn das Fassel zu rauh ist, kann man sich leicht die Hosen dabei zerreißen. (114) Treue um Treue. (114) [Abb.]: Friedensmahnungen in Italien. Wenn der Vickerl dem Wink mit dem Finger nicht folgt, wird er beim Wink mit dem Zaunpfahl folgen müssen. (115) [Abb.]: Die russische Entwicklung. Zur Friedenstaube wird der Bär. Natürlich geht das etwas schwer. (116) Einband (118)

SALZKAMMERGUT-FAMILIEN-KALENDER 1915 Salzkammergut-Familien-Kalender (-) Salzkammergut-Familien-Kalender 1915 (1915) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: [Ebensee] ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Titelseite ([1]) Das Jahr 1915 ist Gemeinjahr von 365 Tagen. (2) Finsternisse. (2) Beginn der vier astronomischen Jahreszeiten. Jahrescharakter und mutmaßliche Witterung. Abkürzungen im Kalendarium. (3) Bewegliche Feste. Quatember-Fasttage. Fasttage in der Diözese Linz. Gerichtsferien in Österreich. (4) [Kalender 1915]: ([5]) Notizblatt. (17) Namen-Verzeichnis. (19) A (19) B - D (20) E (20) F (21) G (22) H (22) I - K (23) L (23) M - O (24) P (24) Q, R (25) S (25) T - Z (26) Genealogie des regierenden österreichischen Kaiserhauses. (27) Die europäischen Herrscher. (29) Landesfarben der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie. Oesterreichs Einwohner und Flächeninhalt. (30) Erzherzog-Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand und Gemahlin Sophie von Hohenberg †. (31) [Abb.]: Erzherzog-Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand †. (32) Wie schon Napoleon die "Großmut" Engalnds kennen lernen mußte. (32) [Abb.]: Schloß Artstetten, die letzte Ruhestätte des Erzherzog-Thronfolgers Franz Ferdinand und seiner Gemahlin. (33) [Abb.]: Einweihung der Dachsteinkapelle am 31. August 1914. Die Teilnehmer an der Feier vor der Kapelle. Im Torbogen der hochwürdige Bischof von Linz Dr. Rudolf Hittmair, Pfarrer Konsistorialrat Franz Stadler sowie der Erbauer der Dachsteinkapelle Dombaumeister Schlager. (37) [Abb.]: Japanerinnen bei der Mahlzeit. (39) [Abb.]: Bilder aus Japan: Auslesen der Reisähren. (41) [Abb.]: Bilder aus Japan: Verpackung der Reisballen. (43) Die Eisenbahn im Kriege. (44) [Abb.]: Eine bizarre Idee: Ein Briefmarkenanzug aus 15.000 Marken, hergestellt anläßlich eines Kostümfestes. (45) Aus der Küche des Kaisers. (46) [Abb.]: Türke aus Bosnien. (47) [Abb.]: Ein reicher, russischer Bauerssohn. (48) Die Schatzsucher von Jerusalem. (49) [Abb.]: Der japanische Vulkan-Ausbruch auf der Sakura-Insel wobei Tausende ihr Leben einbüßten. (50) [Abb.]: 300 Meter tief im Krater des Vesuv. Der Engländer Burlingham photographiert einen Ausbruch des Vulkans. (51) Der 60. Hochzeitstag des Kaisers. (52) [Abb.]: Eine Riesenschlange im Begriffe, sich auf ihr Opfer zu stürzen. (53) Die Werbung und Vermählung. (54) Die Unschuld siegt. (56) I. (56) [Abb.]: Der kleinste Mensch der Welt dürfte der Spanier Ferdinand Perez sein. Seine Größe beträgt 70 Zentimeter und sein Gewicht 18 Pfund. Er ist 21 Jahre alt und stammt aus der spanischen Provinz Zamora. Unser Bild zeigt Ferdinand Perez mit seinen Eltern. (57) [Abb.]: Der größte Bulle. Auf der vorjährigen Berliner Mastvieh-Ausstellung war ein Ochse von ungeheuren Dimensionen zu sehen. Er war 2.10 m hoch und 3.60 m lang und hatte ein Gewicht von 38 Zentner. (59) [Abb.]: Zur Erlegung des Bauernschrecks in Steiermark und Kärnten. Den vereinten Bemühungen der Förster und Jäger gelang es den berüchtigten "Bauernschreck", der so viele Monate lang die Bevölkerung von Steiermark und Kärnten in Aufregung versetzt und eine ganze Menge Viehzeug geraubt hat, in einem ausgewachsenen Wolf zu erlegen. Unser Bild zeigt den glücklichen Schützen und den "Bauernschreck" selbst. (61) II. (61) [Abb.]: Eine Kapelle aus Menschenknochen: Gesamtansicht. (64) III. (65) [Abb.]: Eine Kapelle aus Menschenknochen: Der Altar. (65) [Abb.]: Das erste Hunderennen in Leipzig. (67) [Abb.]: Ein originelles Bauwerk: Eine Flaschenburg. In Boberg, in der nähe von Hamburg,. (69) IV. (70) [Abb.]: Ein Wasserträger (Sakka) in Kairo. (71) [Abb.]: Die ehemalige Panzerfregatte "Erzherzog Ferdinand Max", Tegetthoffs Admiralschiff in der Schlacht bei Lissa mit dem er das italienische Admiralschiff "d' Italia" in den Grund bohrte. Das Schiff erfuhr seither verschiedene Umänderungen Behufs Verwendung zu Lokaldiensten. (73) V. (74) [Abb.]: Ministerpräsident Karl Graf Stürgkh. (75) [Abb.]: Steinbach am Ziehberg. (77) [Abb.]: Freitagsmarkt am Meer in Tripolis, im Hintergrund das Verwaltungsgebäude. (79) VI. (80) [Abb.]: Ein Helgoländer. (83) [Abb.]: Das Geburtshaus der Mutter Mozarts in St. Gilgen. (85) [Abb.]: Messe im Erdbebengebiet auf Sizilien. (88) [Abb.]: Erlegte Steinböcke. (89) [Abb.]: Eine Hunde-Idylle. (90) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Rennfahrer Bettinger, der die Umwandlung eines gewöhnlichen Zweirades in ein Wasserrad erfunden und damit eine Tour auf dem Rhein ausgeführt hat. (2)Der Rennfahrer Bettinger auf dem Wasserrad während seiner Fahrt auf dem Rhein von Bacharach nach Koblenz. (91) Das Vaterunser des Alten. (Aus "Hormiga de oro", 1912.) (92) Pater Benignus. (93) [Abb.]: Ein neues Denkmal für den österreichischen Kaiser. (94) Heiteres. (95) Ein Versehgang. Eine historische Erinnerung aus dem Kaiserhause. (96) [Abb.]: Von der Fronleichnamsprozession in Viechtwang. (Zwei kranzeltragende Hirtenkinder.) (96) Heiteres. (97) Ein arger Verstoß gegen die Weidmannssprache. (98) [Abb.]: Ein warmes Nest. (98) Eine voreilige Wette. (100) [Abb.]: Ein gefährliches Handwerk. Unser Bild zeigt einen wagemutigen Anstreicher von Fahnenstangen, der auf der Spitze einer auf einem Wolkenkratzer in San Franzisko angebrachten Fahnenstange steht. (101) Heiteres. (103) Der Eier-Dieb. (104) [Abb.]: Eine russische Bauernfamilie. (104) [Abb.]: Serbischer Landsturm. Verteilung von Essen an die einberufenen serbischen Landsturmmannschaften an der Grenze. (106) Die Nockerlsuppe. (109) [Abb.]: Straßenbild aus Cetinje, der Hauptstadt von Montenegro. (109) [Abb.]: Ein montenegrinisches Wohnhaus. (111) Heiteres. (112) Wenn uns're Augen brechen, das letzte Wort wir sprechen: Hilf, o Maria hilf! (113) I. (113) [Abb.]: Vorbeidefilieren österreichischer Landwehr vor dem Erzherzog Friedrich, welcher vor dem Wiener Kriegsministerium eine Parade über die ins Feld ziehende Landwehr abnahm. Links: Das Radetzkydenkmal. (114) II. (115) III. (116) [Abb.]: Der österr.-ungar. Kriegsminister Feldzeugmeister Krobatin. (117) [Abb.]: Nach der Schlacht. (119) [Abb.]: Explosion auf einem russischen Panzerschiff. (120) IV. (121) [Abb.]: Belastungsprobe eines von österreichischer Infanterie in dreieinhalb Stunden hergestellten Reitsteges. (122) V. (123) [Abb.]: Die Russen verteidigen die Außenwerke eines Forts. (125) Heiteres. (126) Der letzte Salzfuhrmann oder Einst und jetzt. (127) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Friedrich. (127) Heiteres. (128) Pariser Trick. (129) Etwas vom Niesen. (130) [Abb.]: Russische Gruppen im Hofe eines chinesischen Bauernhauses (Phansa) in der Mandschurei. (130) [Gedicht]: Burg Scharnstein. (131) Ein Erlebnis zur See. (132) [Abb.]: Russische Feldarbeiter beim Mittagmahl. (132) [Abb.]: Balthasar Kaltner, der neue Fürsterzbischof von Salzburg, früher Fürstbischof von Gurk-Klagenfurt. (134) Heiteres. (135) Du sollst den Feiertag heiligen. (136) I. (136) [Abb.]: Herr Adolf Rotter † ehemaliger technischer Leiter der Salzkammergut-Druckerei Gmunden. (137) II. (138) [Abb.]: Papst Pius X. † (140) [Abb.]: Der neue Papst Benedikt XV. (141) III. (141) [Abb.]: Der von den Serben heißersehnte Adriahafen Antivari. (143) Patriotismus-Einbläuen. (145) Die Chronik der Kriegsereignisse 1914. (146) Juni. (146) [Abb.]: Wilhelm II., Deutscher Kaiser und König von Preußen. (146) Juli. (146) August. (147) [Abb.]: Kaiser Nikolaus von Rußland. (147) [Abb.]: Denkmal Tegethoffs auf dem Monte Zaro in Pola. (148) [Abb.]: Der König von Belgien im Kreise seiner Familie. (149) [Abb.]: König Peter von Serbien. (150) [Abb.]: Einwaggonierung von feldmarschmäßig ausgerüsteter Infanterie in Wien zur Fahrt nach dem serbischen Kriegsschauplatz. (153) [Abb.]: Oesterreichisches Truppenlager an der bosnisch-serbischen Grenze. (155) September. (156) [Abb.]: Englisches Militär. (157) [Abb.]: Englische Infanterie in Schützenlinie. (158) Oktober. (158) [Abb.]: Transport gefangener französischer und belgischer Soldaten auf dem Wege in eine deutsche Garnisonstadt. (159) [Abb.]: Ein russisches Kosakenregiment beim Abzug durch eine preußische Grenzstadt. (160) [Abb.]: Eine serbische Schnellfeuerbatterie. (161) Wie die Völker in den Krieg gezogen sind. (163) [Abb.]: Russische Geschütze, von den Österreichern in Galizien erobert. (164) Eine Kriegsstatistik. (165) Die Belagerungsartillerie der Feinde Frankreichs. (166) [Abb.]: Japanische Infanterie beim Vorrücken im Gefechte. (167) Der neue Papst. (168) Eine "nüchterne" Mobilisation. (170) [Abb.]: Die Wirkung eines Torpedoschusses. (170) Werbung (172) Geschäfts-Nachrichten. (173) Werbung (177) Mexikanische "Reliquien". (177) Werbung (178) [Tabelle]: Ziehungen sämtlicher österr.-ungar. und in Österreich erlaubten ausländischen Lotterie-Effekten i. J. 1915. (180) Werbung (181) Landwirtschaftlicher Hauskalender. (182) Jahr- und Viehmärkte in Oberösterreich, Salzburg und Steiermark. (184) Oberösterreich. (184) Salzburg. (186) Steiermark. (186) Münzwesen. (187) Postbestimmungen und Tarife. (187) Stempel-Skala. (189) Auszug aus dem Stempel- und Gebührentarif. (191) Maße und Gewichte. (195) a) Metrische Maße. (195) b) Metrische Gewichte. c) Verschiedene alte Maße und Gewichte. d) Alte Wiener Maße. e) alte Wiener Gewichte. (196) f) Maße anderer Länder. (197) [Tabelle]: Schonzeiten des Wildes und der Fische für Oberösterreich. (198) Inhalts-Verzeichnis. ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - )

It sounds simple: use airpower to intervene militarily in conflicts, thus minimizing the deaths of soldiers and civilians while achieving both tactical and strategic objectives. In reality, airpower alone sometimes does win battles, but the costs can be high and the long-term consequences may fall short of what decision-makers had in mind. In Bombs without Boots, long-time U.S. intelligence analyst Anthony Schinella assesses the military operations and postconflict outcomes in five post-Cold War cases in which the United States and/or its allies used airpower to "solve" military problems: Bosnia in 1995, Kosovo in 1999, Afghanistan in 2001, Lebanon in 2006, and Libya in 2011. In each of these cases, airpower helped achieve the immediate objective, but the long-term outcomes often diverged significantly from the original intent of policymakers. Schinella concludes that the combination of airpower and local ground forces can sometimes be effective, but decision-makers should carefully consider the adversary, the proxy being supported, and the potential postconflict commitments before sending planes, drones, or missiles aloft--back cover

Emic analysis of Aboriginal women and aggression in the Mangrove community eastern Arnhem Land; aggression in feminist theory; stories of aggression in Aboriginal society; ethics and fieldwork; description of Mangrove - mission influence; role of violence in Aboriginal society; acts of aggression in daily life - womens experience of violence; theory of culture and emotion; causes of anger, jealousy, shame and aggression - motivation; substance abuse; social control and consequences of aggression; competition among women - polygamy and sexual relations; gender relations; authority and status; domestic violence; ritual and supernatural aggression - sorcery, cursing; includes case studies

The COVID-19 pandemic has put unprecedented pressure on public health resources around the world. From adversity opportunities have arisen to measure the state and dynamics of human disease at a scale not seen before. Early in the COVID-19 epidemic scientists and engineers demonstrated the use of wastewater as a medium by which the virus could be monitored both temporally and spatially. In the United Kingdom this evidence prompted the development of National wastewater surveillance programmes involving UK Government agencies academics and private companies. In terms of speed and scale the programmes have proven to be unique in its efforts to deliver measures of virus dynamics across a large proportion of the populations in all four regions of the country. This success has demonstrated that wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE) can be a critical component in public health protection at regional and national levels and looking beyond COVID-19 is likely to be a core tool in monitoring and informing on a range of biological and chemical markers of human health; some established (e.g. pharmaceutical usage) and some emerging (e.g. metabolites of stress). We present here a discussion of uncertainty and variation associated with surveillance of wastewater focusing on lessons-learned from the UK programmes monitoring COVID-19 but addressing the areas that can broadly be applied to WBE more generally. Through discussion and the use of case studies we highlight that sources of uncertainty and variability that can impact measurement quality and importantly interpretation of data for public health decision-making are varied and complex. While some factors remain poorly understood and require dedicated research we present approaches taken by the UK programmes to manage and mitigate the more tractable components. This work provides a platform to integrate uncertainty management through data analysis quality assurance and modelling into the inevitable expansion of WBE activities as part of One Health initiatives.

Health services represent a cornerstone to ensure well-being and human rights, particularly in deprived areas. The resource cost and appropriate use for the implementation of a top-quality hospital in Sudan are here investigated. An emerging approach such as systems-based Emergy Accounting is applied to assess its sustainability and resilience, also relying on Life-Cycle Assessment data to calculate some new unit emergy values. Very few similar studies have addressed civil works so far, even less bioclimatic buildings, while the focus on health systems is an absolute novelty. Particular attention is paid to design in adverse climate and economic conditions, to the humanitarian nongovernmental organisation running the hospital, and to the cutting-edge medical staff and technologies imported from abroad, also letting local practitioners to train in excellence medicine. The system's direct and indirect socio-ecological requirements are expressed as emergy (resource investment) per patient-day, per cardiac surgical operation, per outpatient visit, and per year. From a quantitative viewpoint, these indicators represent a benchmark for improvement scenarios, comparison with new studies in a deserving field, and future investments, driven by effective healthcare policies. They also provide an overview of the efforts required by nature and society to ensure a human right in conditions of scarcity. Besides the possibility to lower a hospital's environmental impact (sustainability-oriented) and to keep it functioning over time in changing climate, resource, societal, economic, and geo-political scenarios (resilience-oriented), this study leads to original remarks upon societal priorities and upon the challenges of guaranteeing high-quality health systems in an uncertain century.

1 16 12 2 ; S ; [EN] Political, war-themed and controversial murals aim to show the history of a community, making the intangible tangible, and, because these events are still recent, they stir people's emotions. Visitors to this type of heritage have a mixture of artistic and dark interests that lead to what we call 'dark mural attractions'. These political murals need a public strategy to be preserved, become better known and attract local economic development funds to make them sustainable. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to analyse how communities could build a co-narrative around murals to generate a sustainable local development. To achieve this goal, an in depth study needs to be performed to establish what kind of narrative will enable political murals to attract dark visitors and examine how communities can build a sustainable co-narrative around a dark mural. As a case study, we analyse the Battle of Cable Street mural in London, located in the non-touristic borough of Tower Hamlets, by means of an ethnographic qualitative approach based on stakeholders' opinions, among other sources. In this case, results show that dark murals have the potential to attract visitors, but they require a public strategy for the sustainability of heritage, based on a narrative of community solidarity for educational and discovery purposes. This research was funded by the Valencian Regional Government, Spain, during the visiting research period of De Miguel at the University of Roehampton, under the enlightened supervision of Jonathan Skinner. Grant number: BEST/2019/175. De-Miguel-Molina, M. (2020). Visiting Dark Murals: An Ethnographic Approach to the Sustainability of Heritage. Sustainability. 12(2):1-16. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12020677 Hooper, G., & Lennon, J. J. (Eds.). (2016). Dark Tourism. doi:10.4324/9781315575865 Yan, L., Xu, J. (Bill), Sun, Z., & Xu, Y. (2019). Street art as alternative attractions: A case of the East Side Gallery. Tourism Management Perspectives, 29, 76-85. ...

Wie die Global Governance ist auch die Ocean Governance von einer ausgeprägten Mehrebenenpolitik gekennzeichnet. Lokale, nationale und globale Strukturen wirken zusammen, und es ist eine Vielzahl an staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren beteiligt. (APuZ)