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A unique focus on the relationship between religion and political culture in the Third World using a comparative and thematic approach. Specific issues of religion-politics interaction in the Third World in recent times include: the rise of Islamic fundamentalist groups throughout the Middle East and other parts of the Muslim world; the political effects of the decline of Catholicism and the rapid growth of Protestant evangelical sects in Latin America; communal conflict between Hindu nationalist groups, and the politicisation of Buddhism in South East Asia. The common effect of such developments is to challenge existing forms of relationship between states and societies with religion used as a political resource

Abstract
This article examines resistance discourses created and disseminated by a religious minority in Indonesia called Gerakan Ahmadiyah Indonesia (GAI) to counter any negative portrayals and religious-based discriminations. Ahmadiyah is a self-defined sect of Islam that has been the target of physical attacks and discursive discrimination in Indonesia. This analysis focuses on identifying discourse topics raised and strategies employed by one of the Ahmadiyya groups in the country called GAI to reveal their resistance and defend their 'Islamic' faith. Various texts produced in different genres namely statements and comments published in media, books, speeches and various articles published online in GAI's official websites are used as the data which were collected during field research in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The analysis found that, in order to counter discriminatory discourses, the GAI Ahmadis present various resistance discourse themes such as distinguishing themselves from Jemaat Ahmadiyah Indonesia, justifying their Islamic understanding by highlighting religious freedom discourse, including themselves as Muslims and presenting themselves as peaceful movement.

The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God's warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism. ; The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God's warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.

One of the core debates present at the founding of the United States has involved citizens' freedom to worship as they please. It is an issue that remains relevant today. This fascinating collection reveals religious liberty during the nation's earliest days, how religion influenced Sunday laws and liquor laws, and persecution faced by sects such as Mormons and Jehovah's Witnesses. Areas of church and state conflict include school prayer, gay rights, and abortion. Modern day issues of transgender rights and travel bans to majority Islamic countries round out religious liberty debates that continue to evolve through the twenty-first century. Media literacy terms and questions will engage readers to consider the topic beyond the text.

Until a decade ago, it was unusual for officials in the Islamic Republic to use the word aqaliat (minority) to refer to ethno-linguistic minorities or Muslim sect minorities. Efforts to cast Sunni Muslims as a minority, or Azeri speakers, were treated with hostility, as the state, following a specific proclamation on ethnicity and sectarianism by Ayatollah Khomeini, viewed these concepts as divisive to the ummah and ultimately a threat to national security. Aqaliat was instead reserved for non-Muslims, specifically those recognized as minorities in the constitution: Assyrian, Chaldean and Armenian Christians, and Zoroastrian and Jewish Iranians. It is therefore worthwhile to examine how one such minority community, Iranian Armenians, has reacted to these changes.

The September 11 attacks gave an immense impact on Muslims worldwide. Governments, both Islamic and Western took matters regarding terrorism even more seriously. The incident too, however, became a stepping stone for Muslim terrorists to be louder. Nevertheless, terrorism among Muslims have always existed in the doctrine of certain sects, Salafi Jihadi in particular. Such extreme and radical misconceptions of Islam is inherited by their predecessor, the Khawarij. The study discusses the rehabilitation programs for those affected by extremism in Malaysia, and the regional guidelines for counter terrorism. The root cause for Islamist extremism is also analysed, along with the influence of Khawarij ideology on Salafi Jihadi, the similarities shared by both, particularly with regards of jihad.

В статье анализируются политические и социокультурные процессы на Северном Кавказе, связанные с исламским ренесансом, наблюдаемым в последние два десятилетия в Северокавказском регионе. Исходя из сложившегося противоборства различных толков ислама, автор анализирует как интеграционный потенциал каждого из этих направлений, так и их дестабилизирующее влияние на политические и социокультурные процессы в регионе.The research is dedicated to the analysis of political, social and cultural processes on the Northern Caucasus, connected with Islamic renascence, observed for last two decades in the Northern Caucasian region. Proceeding from the turned out struggle between various doctrines of Islam, the author investigates both the way of integrational potential of each these sects and their destabilizating influence on political, social and cultural processes in the region.

The aim of this essay is to explore the possibility, remote as it is or might be, of dramatists employing their trade and using their skill to transmit political messages. In Arabic culture, there is enough ground to suspect that such an endeavor is possible, forthe culture is known to have used the medium of drama to support religiopolitical ideas. I am referring to the well-known fact that the Shī'a sect of Islam, perhaps as early as the time of Yazīd (late A.D. seventh century) has been mourning the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbalā in dramalike fashion. We may well pause to contemplate the ultimate sociopolitical reason for the performance of this ancient Arabo-Islamic passion play.

In the second half of the nineteenth century in British India, a rapidly-evolving political and cultural landscape drove Muslims to re-evaluate their relationships with other groups in the Subcontinent. Questions regarding proper clothing, inter-sect marriages, the status of the legal system, and even requirements of eating beef were posed to scholars in an attempt to define the contours of Sunnī identity. This article investigates the questions and answers provided to these and other questions in the fatwā collection of Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ḥayy (1848-1886), the preeminent scholar of the Farangī Maḥall seminary in Lucknow, British India. It focuses on the fatwās issued regarding the interaction with the three largest non-Sunnī Muslim groups in the Subcontinent during this period: Shīʿa Muslims, the Hindus, and the British government. By analyzing the questions posed to ʿAbd al-Ḥayy and his answers, the article argues that he applied a methodology of negotiated adherence to the Ḥanafī School in order to emphasize the differences between the Subcontinent's diverse communities, while simultaneously encouraging communal cohesion. Through his fatwās ʿAbd al-Ḥayy both moderated and catalyzed the shaping of Sunnī identity, giving religious legitimacy to those who emphasized Muslim difference while at the same time left room for cooperation with other communities. These fatwās would form the backdrop for Muslim political involvement in the Indian independence movement and eventually form the foundations of both India's unique religious-secular national fabric and calls for Muslim independence as British colonialism came to an end in the twentieth century. Keywords: Abd al-Hayy, Islamic law, British India, Sunnī identity, Communalism

There are many controversial views in assessing Al-Ghazali thought. For example, there is an opinion that the reason of Islam deterioration is caused by his categorisation of fard 'ain for Religious Studies, and fard kifayah for others. Abdulloh Mas'ud said that the dichotomy in education today can be traced to his categorisation. On the other hand, there are many defenders declared that al Ghazali is not responsible for this dichotomy, but he is the true defender of Islam. Even al-Zubaidi, he said that If there is a prophet after Muhammad, he would be al - Ghazali.Based on these controversies, this article will describe al-Ghazali's ideas about education in his two books, Ihya Ulumuddin and Ayyuhal Walad. This article concluded that al-Ghazali's ideas can not be separated from its socio-cultural context. With this perspective we can get a whole picture of al-Ghazali. He lived in a period of the emersion of various sects and schools (mazhab) in Islam, the deterioration of the Abbasid dynasty, and the golden age of the dynasty Saljuk until its collapse.Al-Ghazali's educational thought is an integral part of this dynamics Islamic civilization in general. Thus, Islamic education also should not be alienated from the economic, political and social conditions that affect and determine the direction and the shape of Islamic civilization.

There are many controversial views in assessing Al-Ghazali thought. For example, there is an opinion that the reason of Islam deterioration is caused by his categorisation of fard 'ain for Religious Studies, and fard kifayah for others. Abdulloh Mas'ud said that the dichotomy in education today can be traced to his categorisation. On the other hand, there are many defenders declared that al Ghazali is not responsible for this dichotomy, but he is the true defender of Islam. Even al-Zubaidi, he said that If there is a prophet after Muhammad, he would be al - Ghazali. Based on these controversies, this article will describe al-Ghazali's ideas about education in his two books, Ihya Ulumuddin and Ayyuhal Walad. This article concluded that al-Ghazali's ideas can not be separated from its socio-cultural context. With this perspective we can get a whole picture of al-Ghazali. He lived in a period of the emersion of various sects and schools (mazhab) in Islam, the deterioration of the Abbasid dynasty, and the golden age of the dynasty Saljuk until its collapse. Al-Ghazali's educational thought is an integral part of this dynamics Islamic civilization in general. Thus, Islamic education also should not be alienated from the economic, political and social conditions that affect and determine the direction and the shape of Islamic civilization.

Nigeria as a nation is plaque with several socio-political and economic problems and challenges. However, the major challenges facing the country since 2007 that tend to defy all logic and solution is that of insecurity posed by the Boko Haram insurgency. Boko Haram, which literarily means "Western Education is sin", according to the local parlance, is deeply rooted in religious intolerance. Historically, religious intolerance dates back to the 1980s when the Maitasine sect emerged. This sect posed a serious threat to the unity of the country. Due to the massive killing by the Maitasine sect, the country became polarized along religious line. The government managed to contend the sect somehow, but the "mustard seed" of that religious crisis was deeply planted and watered, so, the seed has been germinating with diverse botanical names. A deep reflection on religious intolerance in Nigeria will reveal that the problem is deeply rooted in the north. And this is the part of the country where the illiteracy rate is the highest. Again,the north, which is predominantly Moslem see everything with the spectacle of religion. The north as a people does not have a culture that is different from religion. Indeed, everything to an average northerner who is a Moslem is viewed from Islamic religion. So, to them, there are no differences between culture, politics and religion. This knitted relationship between these basic social elements in the north makes it difficult to establish a distinction between the three. So, a disagreement in any aspect of these social elements is viewed as a disagreement of religious view or belief. This usually and perennially creates tension in the country especially in the north. To solve this problem therefore, there is the need for education to illuminate and liberate the minds of the masses in the north. This will like the Platonic "allegory of the cave" salvage and unchain the people from darkness and pole of illiteracy. Through education nourished with philosophy of Essencism, the paper contends that. Nigerians will be able to overcome the challenge of religious intolerance and sustain the basic principles of secularity, freedom of worship, and other fundamental rights as enshrined in the constitution. It posits that it is only through philosophy of Essencism that Nigeria can achieve holistic development. DOI:10.5901/jesr.2013.v3n2p303

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan had historically consisted of multifaceted junctures under the rubric of populism which had found existence in religion and civil-military relations, influencing the political discourse in the country. The architect of an independent Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, popularly revered to as 'Quaid-i-Azam' played a critical role in inaugurating the social contract recognised in the 'Two Nation theory' as a differential principle between the Hindu and Muslim civilizations, hostile to each other, with a lack of common co-existence values to be shared under the aegis of a unified nation. The two-nation theory made the Islamic ideology central to the existence of Pakistan, making the Quranic teachings and Sunnah important for the ruling dispensation to be legitimized (Majid, 2014). Though himself a non-sectarian practicing Muslim with a staunch belief in justice for all sects of Islam and religions (Awan, 2020), Md. Ali Jinnah's promotion of the two-nation theory led to the division of India into two separate countries, ultimately leading to the first interval in populism as an antagonistic principle in an independent Pakistan.

This paper attempts to explain the phenomenon of hadith studies during the Ṣiffīn war. In the history of Islamic civilization, conflict is always there, one factor that raises conflict is political associated with leadership issue. Even the first conflict occurred in Islam had it after the Prophet Muhammad died. This factor influenced relatively to the study of hadith. Islamic history has experienced "bitter notes" since many wars deployed many companions of the Prophet (ṣaḥābah). They, who are considered fair in the Hadith narration, seemed to have desire to rule, and for the sake of power, they were willing to fight each other. Despite various reasons of religious importance and doctrines, this historical accident has affected to even our recent study of the source. This was renewed after the occurrence of the al-fitnah kubrā, which culminated in the battle of Ṣiffīn between 'Alī bin Abū Ṭālib and Mu'āwiyah ibn Abū Sufyān in 37 AH. Atleast after this war, the study of hadith experienced quite rapid development with the emergence of various kinds of the sect, group or current flow in Islam.

The claim by a recent public opinion poll that only 1% of adult Lebanese Sunnis are supportive of the self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) must be taken with a large pinch of salt since there is a vast gulf between how people say they behave and how they actually behave. In fact, since Lebanese Sunnis are willing to support whoever can defeat their enemies and restore their pride, many of them find ISIS appealing for quite a few reasons: They have an aversion to Shiites and feel estranged from the Lebanese state while harboring nostalgia for the caliphate. The rise to preeminence of Lebanese Shiites began after the Amal movement evicted the Lebanese army from the southern suburbs of Beirut in February 1984. When Hezbollah shattered the main Sunni leadership, the Lebanese army watched but decided not to interfere. Weak Sunni leadership, both clerical and political, created a vacuum and caused the sect to drift apart and turn to radical Islamic leaders. Adapted from the source document.