Suchergebnisse

[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba]
Nė viename iš savo darbų E. Voegelinas nėra detaliau susiejęs savo Husserlio fenomenologijos kritikos su vėliau išplėtota politine filosofija. Siekiant užpildyti šią spragą, straipsnyje aptariama Husserlio egologinės sąmonės koncepcijos kritika Voegelino esė rinkinyje "Anamnesis" ir šios kritikos reikšmė jo brandžiajai politinei filosofijai, kurią geriausiai reprezentuoja "Naujojo politikos mokslo" projektas. Remiantis šia analize teigiama, kad egologinės sąmonės kontekstų ribotumo įsisąmoninimas ir šio ribotumo peržengimas Voegelino filosofijoje reiškė pamatinę racionalaus klasikinio politikos mokslo sugrąžinimo sąlygą. Ne-objektinę, ne intencionalią (huserliškąja prasme) struktūrą turinčios patirtys ir jų eksplikacija Voegelino politinėje filosofijoje buvo tvarią visuomeninę ir politinę tvarką laiduojančių principų šaltinis, tuo pat metu suteikiantis galimybę įveikti vadinamąjį "vertybinį demonizmą" socialiniuose moksluose.

U ovom radu je predstavljena kritika Strogog programa u sociologiji znanja s pozicije feminističke teorije stajališta. Predstavljene su ključne metodološke postavke Strogog programa u sociologiji znanja: kauzalnost, nepristranost, simetričnost i refleksivnost. Ono što veže ovaj metodološki program i feminističku teoriju jest epistemiološka legitimacija što je Strogi program daje teoriji stajališta kroz princip ekvivalentnosti ili simetrije. Također, nastoji se ukazati na vrijednosne implikacije epistemiološko-metodoloških okvira Strogog programa koje ističe teorija stajališta. Za razliku od Strogog programa, teorija stajališta ne pruža sažet prikaz vlastitih metodoloških principa. Naprotiv, ona je spoj različitih ali duboko povezanih i isprepletenih diskursa – moralnog, političkog i epistemološkog. Objektivnost, neutralnost i relativizam su pojmovi preko kojih nastojim predstaviti kritiku feminističke teorije Strogog programa. Iako su, nedvojbeno, sva tri pojma duboko isprepletena, radi preglednosti su zasebno predstavljena. (IN ENGLISH: In this paper the author presents critique of the Strong program in sociology of knowledge from the position of the feminist standpoint theory. She outlines the key points of the strong program in sociology of knowledge: causality, impartiality, symmetry and reflexivity. What binds this methodological program and feminist theory is the epistemological credibility that the Strong program gave to the standpoint theory through the principle of equivalence or symmetry. Moreover, the author tries to point out the valueladen implications of epistemological-methodological frames of the Strong program emphasized by standpoint theory. Unlike the Strong program, standpoint theory doesn't give concise account of its methodological principles. On the contrary, it is a combination of different yet deeply connected and interwoven discourses – moral, political and epistemological. Objectivity, neutrality and relativism are the terms by which I tried to present feminist theory critique of the Strong program. Although these terms are deeply interwoven, for the reason of easy reference they were presented separately.)

U naslovljenom radu autor će sagledati odnos između popularne znanosti, suvremene kulture i novih oblika svakodnevnog života na razmeđi povijesnog razvoja i odgovora na globalnu zdravstvenu krizu koja je cjelokupni društveni život pogurnula u ono što ćemo u ovom radu postaviti kao tezu – kulturu vizualizacija. No i ona je sama djelom tehno-znanstvenog razvoja dvadesetog stoljeća iz tehnika promatranja ka znanosti slike i tzv. cyber-kulture. Da bi se kritički pristupilo razumijevanju suvremenog stanja stvari, medijska teorija razvijena na osnovama kritičke teorije društva i tehnologije postaje radikalno neadekvatna upravo zato što i veza između stvarnog života i njegove vizualizacije, između slike i svijeta efektivno ne postoji u općoj sve-jednosti integralnog prikaza zbilje kao čistog u-življavanja.

The author aims to evaluate Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) with regard to another theoretical approach to security -- Network Actors Perspective (NAP). The evaluation will focus on how RSCT takes into account the influence of non-state actors on regional security dynamics & their growing deterritorialization. Firstly the regional level of analysis approach will be sketched, & the emphasis will lie on RSCT as defined by Barry Buzan & Ole Wcver. It's important characteristics & features will be critically compared with those of NAP. The result will be further illustrated through a case of a regional security complex -- the Horn of Africa. Adapted from the source document.

The article distinguishes two ways in which Heidegger can be a subject of research. In one type of research, he is a historical figure of political events, & as such a subject of history as a science. Such research has to satisfy the scientific criteria of historiographical method regardless of how critically it treats its subject. In the second type, the subject are Heidegger's work & the philosophical motives of his political involvement at the start of the Nazi regime in 1933/34. An analysis has in both cases come up with some sloppy scientific procedures & shown that frequently the a priori assumptions get the upper hand, & tend to lean in favour of proving his guilt. A brief introductory overview of the debate is followed by a concise historical outline of the stages in this controversy, & then by an excursus about the essence of the scientific method, & finally by a critical review of the works of some historians which serves the author to demonstrate how it is possible for research to get off the right track when not respecting the criteria & the standards of the scientific method. The second part focuses on the question of the interpretation of the relationship between philosophy & political activism. The thesis (with critical references to some recent ideas by Fried, Kisiel, Thoma) is that the philosophical motives of Heidegger's "leap" into politics should primarily be sought in the methodological dimensions of his work, primarily in those linked to the problems of grounding, & not so much in certain notional concordances of his categories with the Nazi terminology & concepts. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.