Suchergebnisse

ÖZETİnsanları diğer canlılardan ayıran en önemli özellikler hayal gücü ve yaratım yeteneğidir. Bu her iki vasıf da insanların hem özel, hem de kamusal hayatları için vazgeçilmezdir. İnsanlar yüzyıllar boyunca yaşam şekillerini, toplulukları, halkları, devletleri ve hükümet sistemlerini tasavvur etmişler ve sonuç olarak kendi tasavvurlarını vücuda getirmişlerdir. İster gerçeğe dönüşsün, ister asla gerçekleştirilemeyecek ütopyalar (hatta distopyalar) olarak kalsın, hayal gücünün dünyanın işleyiş biçimine doğrudan katkısı vardır. Politika, uluslar arası ilişkiler, bilim, sanat ve edebiyatta bu hayal gücünün sonuçlarını ve yansımalarını rahatlıkla görebiliriz. Bununla birlikte, bu yansımanın karşılıklı olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz. Hayal gücü politikayı ve politik sistemleri etkilediği kadar, bu sistemler ve politikadaki değişimler de insanların fikirlerini etkiler, özellikle de sınırsız bir hayal gücüne sahip olanları. Bu bağlamda, bilim kurgu edebiyatının usta kalemleri kendi ütopyan ve distopyan dünyalarını yaratmış ve dünya çapında yankı bularak diğer insanların fikirlerini de etkilemişlerdir. Hayallerle gerçekler arasındaki bu etkileşim en iyi bilim kurgunun başyapıtlarında görülmektedir. Politik ideolojiler (ki bunlar da sonuçta kağıt üzerindeki tasavvurlardır) ve ütopyan / distopyan romanlar arasındaki bağlantılar ve karşılaştırmalar William Morris'in News From Nowhere (Hiçbir Yerden Haberler), Aldous Huxley'nin Brave New World (Cesur Yeni Dünya), Ursula K. Le Guin'in The Dispossessed (Mülksüzler) and William Gibson'ın Neuromancer (Matrix Avcısı) adlı kitaplarında incelenmiştir. Bu romanlar ütopyan ya da distopyan dünyaları resmederek bize alternatif gerçeklikleri gösterirken, bir yandan da geçmişi ve şimdiyi yansıtarak bize geleceğe ilişkin rehberler sunmaktadır.ABSTRACTThe most important elements that separate humans from other living organisms are the power of imagination and the gift of creation. Both abilities are crucial in people's lives, private and public. For centuries humankind imagined their life styles, communities, societies, states, government systems and as a result, they created their own imaginations. Whether they become realities or utopias (maybe dystopias), imagination has a lot to do with how the world works. In politics, international relations, science, art and literature, we can see the outcomes and reflections of human imagination. Besides, we can also say that this reflection works both ways. Just as much as imagination affects politics, political systems and political changes also affect the minds of people, especially those with a boundless imagination. In this context, the masters of science fiction literature have built utopian and dystopian worlds of their own and have affected the minds of other people throughout the world. The interaction between imagination and reality is best seen in these sci-fi masterpieces. The connections and comparisons between political ideologies (which are also imaginations put on paper) and utopian / dystopian novels are examined in William Morris's News From Nowhere, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, Ursula K. Le Guin's The Dispossessed and William Gibson's Neuromancer. These novels present us alternative realities by picturing utopian or dystopian worlds and by reflecting our history and present, they offer us guides towards the future.

This study aimed to assess the correlation between political ideologies, government trust, and COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in South Korea during the COVID-19 pandemic. A cross-sectional survey was conducted among South Korea's general population and 1000 respondents (aged 18 years and older) were included. We used multivariate logistic regression models to identify the factors associated with vaccine hesitancy. Respondents who self-identified as liberal or held "no political opinion" had higher rates of vaccine hesitancy than conservative respondents. People's trust in the government's countermeasures was associated with vaccination. Respondents who had risk perceptions (affective and cognitive) of COVID-19 had lower rates of vaccine hesitancy. Perceptions that the vaccine was not safe and being aged 18–29, 30–39, or 40–49 were associated with a higher probability of vaccine hesitancy. This study found that even if vaccine safety and risk perceptions toward COVID-19 were adjusted, self-rated political ideologies and government trust was associated with COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. More effort to communicate with those who are liberal or no political opinion, younger, and have lower level of trust in the government are required to dissolve vaccine hesitancy. Further studies should analyze the mechanism of COVID-19 vaccine uptake for effective herd immunity.

PurposeWhile the link between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate reputation (CR) has been well-established in the prior literature, studies that identify boundary conditions to better understand how CSR matters for CR in the eyes of stakeholders are still limited. Incorporating stakeholder theory with upper echelons theory and institutional theory, this study aims to explore whether and how the CSR-CR relationship is influenced by political ideologies (conservatism vs liberalism) of chief executive officers (CEOs), as well as the states in which firms' headquarters are located.Design/methodology/approachA longitudinal sample of 172 US firms between 2009 and 2014 was collected. Random effects models were used in analyzing the panel data in the study.FindingsThe relationship between CSR and CR is stronger when firms are led by more liberal CEOs or headquartered in more liberal states.Originality/valueThe study highlights the role political ideology plays in improving the effectiveness of the influence of CSR on corporate reputation.

While prior research foregrounds the economic and political conditions that shape cultural globalization, we focus on the effects of culture. We argue that diffusion itself is a cultural practice, and that two types of cultural schemas – ways of conceptualizing national belonging, on the one hand, and geopolitical ideologies, on the other – shape the people, policies, and infrastructures actors deploy to insert their cultural products into the global art and literary worlds. Based on fieldwork in Argentina, South Korea, and Lebanon, we show how two forms of trans-border nationalism – those that incorporate the diaspora based on ethnic or ancestral similarity, and those that incorporate regional neighbors based on common civic norms – are mobilized to circulate art and literature internationally. Who participates in these diasporic and regional networks, however, depends on diffusers' ideological commitments. We identify two types of aspirational visions for a global (art) world order, which influence which people and institutions cultural makers and managers draw on to diffuse art and literature: a reformative vision, in which the core institutions in traditional centers of power maintain their centrality but become more inclusive of creators from historically underrepresented countries, and a transformative vision, in which the global art and literary world are restructured and power redistributed via new nodes and circuits that circumvent these traditional centers.

THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THE LOCAL IDEOLOGIES THAT PERMEATE POLITICAL LIFE AS WELL AS THE FALSE AND FRAGILE BELIEFS THAT PERMEATE ORDINARY LIFE SHOULD BE ANALYZED ALONG THE SAME LINES. THIS THEORY EXPLAINS THE "BIASES" DISCOVERED BY COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGISTS. IT ALSO SOLVES THE DIFFICULT PROBLEM OF EXPLAINING MAGICIAL BELIEFS. FINALLY, IT EXPLAINS THE MANY STRANGE COLLECTIVE BELIEFS THAT PEOPLE CURRENTLY OBSERVE IN THEIR SOCIETIES. IT EXPLAINS IDEOLOGICAL BELIEFS.

Drawing on information processing theory, I revisit prior assumptions that not being understood raises challenges for employees, examining how political ideologies powerfully affect how employees who serve the public react to a perceived lack of understanding of the difficulties of their jobs. Using independent expert ratings of 794 body camera videos of 164 police officers across two agencies, I show that a lack of perceived public understanding decreases task performance for liberal-leaning officers but not for conservative-leaning officers. Because liberal-leaning officers seek to form more communal relationships with the public, a perceived lack of public understanding violates their sense of social order, but it merely reaffirms conservative-leaning officers' beliefs in maintaining an authoritarian distance given the responsibilities and duties they shoulder. I replicate these results using supervisors' ratings of 82 officers across four agencies and then demonstrate in a time-lagged survey of 184 officers in a single agency that those with stronger conservative beliefs are more likely to believe the public fails to appreciate the difficulties of their jobs. These studies highlight the importance of accounting for people's beliefs in whether image conflicts should and do arise—and provide insights into the self-reinforcing forces that sustain divides between employees and those they serve.